To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Ideological transitions.
Journal articles on the topic 'Ideological transitions'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Ideological transitions.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Munck, Gerardo L. "Building Democracy . . . Which Democracy? Ideology and Models of Democracy in Post-Transition Latin America." Government and Opposition 50, no. 3 (April 30, 2015): 364–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2015.2.
Full textAbstract:
Politics in Latin America continued to be about democracy after the democratic transitions in Latin America in the 1980s and 1990s. An old concern – securing the minimal standard of democracy that had served as the goal of democratic transitions – remained relevant. But a new concern – the attainment of more than a minimal democracy – transformed politics about democracy. Actors who supported and opposed neoliberalism – the key axis of ideological conflict – advocated and resisted political changes in the name of different models of democracy. And the conflict overwhichmodel of democracy would prevail shaped Latin America’s post-transition trajectories, determininghowdemocracy developed and, in turn,whetherdemocracy endured.
2
PINICH, I. P. "THE DISCURSIVE EMOTIONAL ASPECT OF IDEOLOGICAL TRANSITIONS IN THE VICTORIAN AGE." MESSENGER OF KYIV NATIONAL LINGUISTIC UNIVERSITY. Series Philology 22, no. 1 (June 11, 2019): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32589/2311-0821.1.2019.170160.
Full text
3
Viljoen, H., and E. Hentschel. "Tales of transition." Literator 18, no. 3 (April 30, 1997): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v18i3.546.
Full textAbstract:
In this article the rationale of this special issue is provided and the different contributions are introduced. The assumption is that there are strong similarities between the recent political and social transitions in South Africa and Germany and the reactions, both emotional and literary, of the people involved. Broadly, the transitions are described as a movement from external (or violent) to internal (or ideological) social control, though this must be modified by the various constructions the contributors put on the transition. The main themes and questions of the transitions are synthesized, highlighting the marked similarities the different contributions reveal. The most important of these are the relation to the past, problems of identity, projections of the new and the internal contradictions of nationalist discourse (which informs the process of transition). In conclusion, the similarities and differences between the two transitions indicated by this special issue, are discussed. The assumption of strong similarities between the two seems to hold, it is argued, but much more research into the matter is needed.
4
Miles, William. "FROM CÉSAIRE TO "SARKO": GENERATIONAL AND IDEOLOGICAL TRANSITIONS IN MARTINIQUE AND FRANCE." Contemporary French Civilization 34, no. 1 (January 2010): 173–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/cfc.2010.8.
Full text
5
McFaul, Michael. "The Fourth Wave of DemocracyandDictatorship: Noncooperative Transitions in the Postcommunist World." World Politics 54, no. 2 (January 2002): 212–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2002.0004.
Full textAbstract:
The transition from communism in Europe and the former Soviet Union has only sometimes produced a transition to democracy. Since the crumbling of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, most of the twenty-eight new states have abandoned communism, but only nine of these have entered the ranks of liberal democracies. The remaining majority of new postcommunist states are various shades of dictatorships or unconsolidated “transitional regimes.” This article seeks to explain why some states abandoned communism for democracy while others turned to authoritarian rule. In endorsing actorcentric approaches that have dominated analyses of the third wave of democratization, this argument nonetheless offers an alternative set of causal paths from ancien regime to new regime that can account for both democracy and dictatorship as outcomes. Situations ofunequaldistributions of power produced the quickest and most stable transitions from communist rule. In countries with asymmetrical balances of power, the regime to emerge depends almost entirely on the ideological orientation of the most powerful. In countries where democrats enjoyed a decisive power advantage, democracy emerged. Conversely, in countries in which dictators maintained a decisive power advantage, dictatorship emerged. In between these two extremes were countries in which the distribution of power between the old regime and its challengers was relatively equal. Rather than producing stalemate, compromise, and parted transitions to democracy, however, such situations in the postcommunist world resulted in protracted confrontation between relatively balanced powers. The regimes that emerged from these modes of transitions are not the most successful democracies but rather are unconsolidated, unstable, partial democracies.
6
Cramer, Steve. "Ideological Anxiety, National Transition and the Uncanny in The Omega Factor." Journal of British Cinema and Television 13, no. 1 (January 2016): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2016.0296.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the BBC Scotland series The Omega Factor (1979), with a view to illustrating the ways in which the series used its supernatural genre to interrogate the ideological transitions of its era. In particular, the article will examine the ways in which Scotland's cultural landscape and history is misrecognised through the eyes of characters from the metropolitan English centre, who journey into a Kristevan uncanny in their experience of otherness in Scottish characters and landscapes. The ways in which The Omega Factor diverged from generic precedents set by contemporary English supernatural series of the time will also be illustrated, particularly with regard to ideological subtext and notions of decentred history.
7
Pastor, Robert A. "The Bush Administration and Latin America: The Pragmatic Style and the Regionalist Option." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, no. 3 (1991): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165932.
Full textAbstract:
After 8 Years of United States unilateralism in Central America and ideological confrontation on Capitol Hill, by 1989, newly-elected leaders in Latin America and Democrats in Congress yearned for a US president who would listen to their concerns, not just lecture them on the contras. George Bush's pragmatic style was therefore a welcome departure from the ideological intensity of his predecessor. With the democratic and pragmatic leaders of Latin America, Bush grappled with debt, democratic transitions, and drug trafficking, and together they sought new ways to relate the Hemisphere to a rapidly changing world.
8
Stepan, Alfred. "Multiple but Complementary, Not Conflictual, Leaderships: The Tunisian Democratic Transition in Comparative Perspective." Daedalus 145, no. 3 (July 2016): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00400.
Full textAbstract:
Many classic studies of leadership focus on strong leadership in the singular. This essay focuses on effective leaderships in the plural. Some of the greatest failures of democratic transitions (Egypt, Syria, Libya) have multiple but highly conflictual leaderships. However, a key lesson in democratization theory is that successful democratic transitions often involve the formation of a powerful coalition, within the opposition, of one-time enemies. This was accomplished in Chile, Spain, and Indonesia. In greater detail, this essay examines Tunisia, the sole reasonably successful democratic transition of the Arab Spring. In all four cases, religious tensions had once figured prominently, yet were safely transcended by the actions of multiple leaders via mutual ideological and religious accommodations, negotiated socioeconomic pacts, and unprecedented political cooperation. A multiplicity of cooperating leaders, rather than a single “strong leader,” produced effective democratic leadership in Tunisia, Indonesia, Spain, and Chile.
9
Brown, R. R., N. Keath, and T. H. F. Wong. "Urban water management in cities: historical, current and future regimes." Water Science and Technology 59, no. 5 (March 1, 2009): 847–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.2009.029.
Full textAbstract:
Drawing from three phases of a social research programme between 2002 and 2008, this paper proposes a framework for underpinning the development of urban water transitions policy and city-scale benchmarking at the macro scale. Through detailed historical, contemporary and futures research involving Australian cities, a transitions framework is proposed, presenting a typology of six city states, namely the ‘Water Supply City’, the ‘Sewered City’, the ‘Drained City’, the ‘Waterways City’, the ‘Water Cycle City’, and the ‘Water Sensitive City’. This framework recognises the temporal, ideological and technological contexts that cities transition through when moving towards sustainable urban water conditions. The aim of this research is to assist urban water managers with understanding the scope of the hydro-social contracts currently operating across cities in order to determine the capacity development and cultural reform initiatives needed to effectively expedite the transition to more sustainable water management and ultimately to Water Sensitive Cities. One of the values of this framework is that it can be used by strategists and policy makers as a heuristic device and/or the basis for a future city state benchmarking tool. From a research perspective it can be an underpinning framework for future work on transitions policy research.
10
Korobkov, Andrei. "State and Nation Building Policies and the New Trends in Migration in the Former Soviet Union." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1702 (January 1, 2003): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2003.123.
Full textAbstract:
Democratic transitions are especially complex in federal states and countries with multinational populations and compact, ethnic minority settlements; the increasing ethnic, linguistic, religious, and cultural heterogeneity of a society complicates the achievement of political compromises. In this sense, the post-Soviet newly independent states (NIS) face an especially complex transition pattern. Roman Szporluk, for example, enumerates three different transformations: the dissolution of the imperial structure and the resulting formation of independent states, the transition from a centralized to a market economic system, and the transition from authoritarianism to (at least ideally) a political democracy, with all three "combined or fused in the chaotic and extremely difficult process of formation and transformation of states and nations. " Thus the transition in the NIS is marked by simultaneous developments in the political, economic, social, religious, ideological, and cultural spheres, including the creation or re-creation of ethnic and other identities.
11
Granadino, Alan. "Possibilities and Limits of Southern European Socialism in the Iberian Peninsula: French, Portuguese and Spanish Socialists in the mid-1970s." Contemporary European History 28, no. 3 (August 2019): 390–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000067.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article discusses the relations between the French, Portuguese and Spanish socialist parties during the transitions to democracy in the Iberian Peninsula (1974–7). It focuses on the attempt of these parties to establish a distinctive ideological trend, Southern European socialism. The main argument is that the French socialists attempted to promote their ideological line – and predominantly the union between socialists and communists – in the Iberian Peninsula during the transitions to democracy. The Portuguese Socialist Party and the Spanish Socialist Workers Party initially considered following this line. However, the radicalisation of the Portuguese revolution in the sensitive context of Cold War détente, as well as the involvement of the European social democrats in both Portugal and Spain against the union of the left, prevented this model from being further considered by the Spanish and Portuguese socialist parties. Nevertheless, all these parties showed interest in promoting a common Southern European Socialist identity that differed from European social democracy as well as from Soviet communism, considering it useful in the struggle for hegemony within the left.
12
Berman, Chantal. "When Revolutionary Coalitions Break Down: Polarization, Protest, and the Tunisian Political Crisis of August 2013." Middle East Law and Governance 11, no. 2 (November 24, 2019): 136–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01102003.
Full textAbstract:
Revolutionary coalitions often break down in the aftermath of revolution, leading to the collapse of transitional governments. Fragmentation among revolutionary elites has been extensively theorized, but few works consider the origins and consequences of polarization among non-elite protesters in the revolutionary coalition. This paper examines the case of Tunisia to unpack how polarization among former revolutionaries may drive secondary waves of mobilization that imperil governing coalitions, even when elites are cooperating. Unique protest surveys of pro- and anti-government demonstrations during the Tunisian political crisis of 2013 – which catalyzed the resignation of the country’s first elected assembly – show that polarization within this coalition occurred along ideological lines concerning the role of Islam in governance but not along class lines, as some theories of transition would predict. Revolutionaries are re-mobilized in part through divergent narratives concerning which social groups participated most in the revolutionary struggle, and which groups suffered and profited most under the old regime. This paper counters the elite-centrism of predominant “transitology” approaches by highlighting how protest politics may shape institutional transitions.
13
Valentine, Scott Victor, and Benjamin K. Sovacool. "Energy transitions and mass publics: Manipulating public perception and ideological entrenchment in Japanese nuclear power policy." Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews 101 (March 2019): 295–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.rser.2018.11.008.
Full text
14
Olmo Alonso, Saioa. "TRANSART. Transactions, Transferences and Transitions in Participatory Art." Barcelona Investigación Arte Creación 6, no. 3 (October 3, 2018): 322. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/brac.2018.2814.
Full textAbstract:
This article centres on the exchange of necessities, projections, ways of behaving and of establishing relations, of people involved in participatory art projects and collective artistic practices. For that, we explore how these exchanges happen, thinking about the transactions (from the point of view of the Transactional Analysis), the transferences and counter transferences (from Freudian Psychoanalysis), the concept of “habitus” (of Pierre Bourdieu’s sociology) and the transitional phenomena (from Donald W. Winnicott’s theory). We cross these concepts with the artistic fact andspecifically with ways of doing art usually appointed under labels such as Participatory Art, Collaborative Art, Relational Art, Dialogical Art, Community Art, Social Engaged Art, Artivism, New Genre Public Art and Useful Art. We pay attention to artistic practices that specifically put the focusof interest on exploring different possibilities of sociability that let people and collectives make transitions (ideological, practical, emotional, material, relational ones…) from one situation or position to another. We call “Transart” to this kind of artistic practice that works under the idea that art isa human creation that experiment with ways of exchange, that facilitate transits and that can contribute to processes of transformation.
15
Dolunay, Özge. "Geostrategic Renewable Energy Transition in Turkey: Organizational Strategies Towards an Energy Autonomous Future." Politics and Governance 8, no. 3 (September 11, 2020): 199–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i3.2968.
Full textAbstract:
The geographical location of Turkey in the Asia Minor places the country in a delicate geostrategic position determined by its history, ideological structure, politics and energy economy. The Turkish government has defined its main energy strategies with the goal of reaching 30% renewables by 2023. Key strategies declared are the prioritization of energy supply security, the consideration of environmental concerns, and an increase in efficiency and productivity through the establishment of transparent and competitive market conditions through reform and liberalization. This article analyses the renewable energy (RE) transition of Turkey from a fully centralised energy management model towards a system of partially centralization through the unbundling of utility companies. Analysis will utilize Michael Mann’s theory on the four sources of social power as an alternative organizational means of social control and the interrelations of ideological, economic, political and military power. The recent history of Turkey’s RE transition and government plans for sector development will be investigated from a socio-spatial and organizational perspective. Furthermore, the way in which these socio-spatial relations have been shaping electricity market liberalization and the preparedness of the state to share its power with non-state actors is discussed. The potential of a centralised RE management model to inspire ‘decentralised’ RE management in other geographies is considered. In conclusion, key factors in the organisation of the (de)centralised electricity transitions are found to be dependent on history, geography, and overlapping relations of social power.
16
LISYUK, V. M., I. A. TOPALOVA, and ANICA HUNJET. "AN IDEOLOGICAL PRINCIPLE FORMING THE MARKET LOGISTICS THEORY." Economic innovations 20, no. 2(67) (June 20, 2018): 119–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31520/ei.2018.20.2(67).119-129.
Full textAbstract:
Topicality. In the conditions of a developed market economy and the deepening of the specialization of business entities, the theory of logistics is more oriented towards enterprises, and not to markets, and needs some market reorientation. Under the pressure of market processes, scientists are trying to generalize the market logistics processes of goods through the introduction of such concepts as: "logistics system", transport, marketing logistics. Further analysis of the theory of logistics requires attention to the main element of the market - the product, given that all economic actors in a market economy operate in a market environment, that is within the relevant commodity markets. That is, any business entity belongs to a certain commodity market ie it operates within a defined commodity market. Note that the product is precisely the element that determines the market - the commodity market. Consequently, the realization of the functions of the commodity movement combines the respective economic entities among themselves into the logistic chain of the commodity market. The logistic chain is a clearly defined route of a commodity wheel with logistic transitions, in which there are changes in the nature of the flow of goods, as well as changes in ownership. Aim and tasks. The purpose of this article is to develop approaches to the formation of the theory of market logistics on the reproductive principle. Research results. Development of proposals for the formation of the theory of market logistics on the reproductive principle. The definition of the category "market logistics" is given, the principles on which effective logistic chains of commodity markets should be organized and their reproductive processes must be formed. Conclusions. Construction of an effective reproduction market logistics is also provided by the minimum costs associated with the flow of material flow from the supplier to the consumer at the minimum possible date. However, the real process of movement of goods in the market is associated with the appearance on its way of some obstacles (barriers), or points of logistical gaps, which, on the one hand, leads to increased opium and increased costs for overcoming it, and on the other hand, to forced warehousing (delay) when there is a lack of bandwidth of the market chain links. Therefore, the task of the next research of market logistics is to determine ways to overcome these obstacles or gap, which impair the ideal conditions for the movement of material flows, channels of commodity movement as a deviation from a single straight line.
17
Sousa, M. Luísa, and Rafael Marques. "Political Transitions, Value Change and Motorisation in 1970s Portugal." Journal of Transport History 34, no. 1 (June 2013): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/tjth.34.1.2.
Full textAbstract:
During the revolutionary period of 1974–76, there was vigorous debate in Portugal regarding the role of automobiles in the desired new society. The dispute was reinforced by the first international oil crisis. Strong ideological rhetoric was deployed either to defend the potentially liberating role of the automobile or to condemn its ‘bourgeois' underpinnings. This debate influenced social movements, policies, perceptions and views of social actors, thus contributing to market distortions, a short-lived disappearance of luxury and sports cars and to the creation of new models deemed to be adapted to the ‘true’ needs of the Portuguese. It also contributed to changes in automobile assemblage industry, road policy and delays in the implementation of road safety measures. Environmental, safety and traffic concerns were subdued, for a while, by a more essentialist approach to car consumption, with opposing interests trying to define the social spirit of automobile ownership and usage. The political turmoil of the period and the lack of coherent and durable policies account for the period being an intermission and not the beginning of a new trend.
18
Pinkney, Robert. "The Sleeping Night‐Watchman and Some Alternatives: Citizenship, Participation and Bases of Democratic Legitimacy in Britain." Government and Opposition 32, no. 3 (July 1997): 340–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb00774.x.
Full textAbstract:
WE TAKE IT FOR GRANTED THAT THE SURVIVAL OF THE STATE DEPENDS on democratic consent. With the demise of Marxism and fascism, Diamond suggests that, apart from Islamic fundamentalism, democracy is the only model with ideological legitimacy. And Fukuyama asserts that ‘the democratic transitions of the past generation could not have occurred had not populations around the world finally become conscious of the fact that liberal democracy alone provides the possibility of fully rational recognition of human dignity’.
19
Castagno, Pablo. "Marxist Theory in Critical Transitions: The Democratization of the Media in Post-Neoliberal Argentina." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 10, no. 2 (May 25, 2012): 334–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v10i2.426.
Full textAbstract:
This article contends that for socialist emancipation to occur it is crucial to investigate how political cadres conceal, regulate or displace the demands of citizens and workers in the context of the calamitous effects of global capitalism. Analyzing the constitutive relationship between politics and the media is an essential component in researching those practices of state ideological production. Specifically looking into the transformation of media policy in the case of Argentina, this article problematizes the different political forms through which the state has cloaked its fundamental contradiction: alleged representation of the general interests of citizens, when explored in critical depth, reveals the state’s actual adjustment to a process of capitalist transnationalization that increases irrationality, social inequality and misery. Through this lens, the article emphasizes the value of Marxist dialectic method and theory in imagining a true democratic future.
20
Hurrell, Andrew. "Power Transitions, Global Justice, and the Virtues of Pluralism." Ethics & International Affairs 27, no. 2 (2013): 189–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679413000087.
Full textAbstract:
Broad comparisons of international relations across time—of the prospects for peace and of the possibilities for a new ethics for a connected world—typically focus on two dimensions: economic globalization and integration on the one hand, and the character of major interstate relations on the other. One of the most striking features of the pre-1914 world was precisely the coincidence of intensified globalization with a dramatic deterioration in major power relations, the downfall of concert-style approaches to international order, and the descent into total war and ideological confrontation—what T. S. Eliot termed “the panorama of futility and anarchy which is contemporary history.” Today's optimists stress the degree to which globalization appears much more firmly institutionalized than it was a hundred years ago, the rather striking success of global economic governance in responding to the financial crisis of 2007–2008 (compared to, say, the Great Depression), and the longer-term trend within international society to move away from major-power war. Pessimists are less sure. They worry that we have had to re-learn just how unstable global capitalism can be, both in terms of the wrenching societal changes produced by economic success and of the political strains produced by slowdown and recession. And they point to the abiding or resurgent power of nationalism in all of the core countries in the system, the return of balance-of-power thinking (above all in Asia), and the renewed salience of major power politics.
21
Grossi, Vittoria, and Laura Gurney. "‘Is it ever enough?’ Exploring academic language and learning advisory identities through small stories." Discourse Studies 22, no. 1 (November 6, 2019): 32–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461445619887540.
Full textAbstract:
Contemporarily, higher education workplaces are characterised by collaboration, transitions, fluidity and the crossing of boundaries, where individuals are involved in ongoing negotiation of multilayered identities and simultaneous membership to various groups. These conditions impact the negotiation of professional identities, work and work relationships. One group of professionals affected by the impetus to fluidly operate within institutions are academic language and learning (ALL) advisors. In this article, we explore the identity negotiation of a novice ALL advisor through a positioning lens, focusing on small stories conveyed during an interview. We highlight the ways in which she constructs identities vis-à-vis interactions with students and within the ideological and institutional structures of the contemporary university. This article contributes an important new perspective to existing depictions of ALL advisors as a marginalised group of professionals, making space for the study of advisory agency alongside structural analyses. While continuing to negotiate structural challenges, we argue that the participant’s sense of agency needs to be garnered to strengthen group identity and allow for professionals to transition to the role.
22
Pappéé, Ilan. "The Vicissitudes of the 1948 Historiography of Israel." Journal of Palestine Studies 39, no. 1 (2009): 6–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2010.xxxix.1.6.
Full textAbstract:
Arguing that history writing is a dialectical process fusing ideological agenda and political developments with historical evidence, the author analyzes the two major transitions experienced by the Israeli historiography of the 1948 war: from the classical Zionist narrative to the "New History" of the late 1980s, and from the latter to the emergence of a "neo-Zionist" trend as of 2000. While describing the characteristics of these trends, the author shows how they are linked to concurrent political developments. Most of the article is devoted to an examination of the neo-Zionist historians who have emerged in recent years, based on their previously untranslated Hebrew works.
23
Albert, Michael J. "The Climate Crisis, Renewable Energy, and the Changing Landscape of Global Energy Politics." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 46, no. 3 (August 2021): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03043754211040698.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This essay reviews three recent books on the changing landscape of global energy politics in the era of climate change. Key questions that the authors investigate include: how will the renewable energy transition reshape the global balance of power? How will political-economic interdependencies and geopolitical alignments shift? Will contemporary petro-states adapt or collapse? And what new patterns of peace and conflict may emerge in a decarbonized world order? The authors provide different perspectives on the likely speed of the energy transition and its geopolitical implications. However, they occlude deeper questions about the depth of the transformations needed to prevent climate catastrophe—particularly in the nature of capitalism and military power—and the potential for more radical perspectives on energy futures. In contrast, I will argue that we should advance a critical research agenda on the global energy transition that accounts for the possibility of more far-reaching transformations in the political-economic, military, and ideological bases of world politics and highlights diverse movements fighting for their realization. These possible transformations include (1) transitions to post-growth political economies; (2) a radical shrinkage of emissions-intensive military–industrial complexes; and (3) decolonizing ideologies of “progress.” If struggles for alternative energy futures beyond the hegemony of economic growth and Western-style modernization are at the forefront of radical politics today, then these struggles deserve greater attention from critical IR scholars.
24
Patrikiou, Alexandra. "On the historiography of the language question in post-1974 Greece." Historein 16, no. 1-2 (June 30, 2017): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.10249.
Full textAbstract:
The works of Alexis Dimaras, Rena Stavridi-Patrikiou and Anna Frangoudaki have undeniably shaped, each in a different way but positively all together, the framework within which the historiography of the language question evolved since the early years of the Metapolitefsi, as the post-dictatorship period is known in Greece. Commenting on the different interpretations and exposing main convergences and divergences between these works, one will be able to contemplate their contributions to historiography and to scholarly thought in general. The aim of this paper is to examine these works as products of their time and to demonstrate how in a period of transitions and ideological redefinitions a renewed relation to the past may have been developed.
25
Sigmund, Paul E. "Polarization and Legitimacy in Latin America." Ethics & International Affairs 3 (March 1989): 245–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1989.tb00221.x.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the trends of democratic transformation in Latin America, focusing on the notion that transitions there occurred despite the absence of the accepted cultural and economic preconditions for democracy. Radical leftist guerrilla movements historically inspired by Castro and the Dependencia politics that infiltrated the continent in the 1950s and 1960s were challenged by rightist military doctrines based on the national duty to protect the country and install order. This ideological polarization served as the ultimate impetus for moderation in policies on the continent. Sigmund is optimistic that the new consensus of conservatives, liberals, Catholics, and Marxists has made prospects for democracy in the region more positive now than at any time in history.
26
Morales Ruvalcaba, Daniel. "Ciclos políticos hegemónicos: implicaciones para la gobernanza internacional." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 7, no. 3 (November 12, 2018): 452–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2018.v7n3.03.p452.
Full textAbstract:
El hegemón es un actor fundamental en la gobernanza internacional. No obstante, mientras que el comercio, poder y guerra han sido temas ampliamente abordados desde los estudios sobre hegemonía en las Relaciones Internacionales, se ha avanzado poco en análisis de las ideas que orientan el comportamiento del hegemón. La hipótesis aquí planteada es que las hegemonías recorren a lo largo de su existencia cinco fases (emergencia, despliegue, apogeo, declive y extinción) y, durante cada una de ellas, el Estado hegemónico asume ideologías específicas que orientan su comportamiento internacional, lo cual se traduce en la promoción de ciertas políticas internacionales, así como de alianzas y organizaciones internacionales con vocaciones específicas. Sin embargo, en la medida que evoluciona su poder nacional y el hegemón transita de una fase a otra, éste tiende a cambiar ideológicamente, abandonando ideas previas y asumiendo otras nuevas. Si bien dicha transición ideológica es pragmática -en función de las necesidades de su poder nacional- este cambio resulta discordante y criticable por otros actores del sistema. Este documento se compone de dos grandes partes: en la primera se establecen las cinco fases de un ciclo hegemónico y, luego, se exponen las ideologías que orientan el comportamiento del Estado hegemónico en ellas; la segunda parte se orienta a comprobar empíricamente las transiciones ideológicas durante las hegemonías neerlandesa, británica y estadounidense.
Abstract: The hegemon is a fundamental actor in international governance. However, while trade, power and war have been topics widely discussed from studies on hegemony in International Relations, little progress has been made in analyzing the ideas that guide the behavior of the hegemon. The hypothesis proposed here is that the hegemonies pass through five phases during their existence (emergence, deployment, apogee, decline and extinction) and, during each of them, the hegemonic State assumes specific ideologies that guide its international behavior. However, as the national power evolves, and the hegemon moves from one phase to another, it tends to change ideologically, abandoning previous ideas and assuming new ones. Although this ideological transition is pragmatic - depending on the power needs of the hegemon- this change results discordant and is criticized by other actors in the system. To demonstrate this, the following document is composed of two major parts: the first presents the five phases of a hegemonic cycle and, along with it, the ideologies that guide the behavior of the hegemonic State; the second part aims to empirically verify the ideological transitions during the hegemonies that have existed: the Dutch, the British and the American.
Keywords: Hegemony, hegemonic political cycles, ideology, national power, hegemonic interregnum.
Recebido em: Agosto/2018.
Aprovado em: Dezembro/2018.
27
Bogin, Barry, Hugo Azcorra, Hannah J. Wilson, Adriana Vázquez-Vázquez, María Luisa Avila-Escalante, Maria Teresa Castillo-Burguete, Inês Varela-Silva, and Federico Dickinson. "Globalization and children’s diets: The case of Maya of Mexico and Central America." Anthropological Review 77, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 11–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/anre-2014-0002.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Globalization is, in part, an economic force to bring about a closer integration of national economies. Globalization is also a biological, social and ideological process of change. Globalization results in powerful multinational corporations imposing their products on new markets. Food globalization brings about nutritional transitions, the most common being a shift from a locally-grown diet with minimally refined foods, to the modern diet of highly processed foods, high in saturated fat, animal products and sugar, and low in fiber. This paper will examine the influences of food globalization using the Maya of Mexico as a case study. The Maya people of Mexico are a poignant case. Maya health and culture has deteriorated as a result, with highly processed foods affecting physical growth and health of Maya children and their families. The case of the Maya is not isolated and we must come to terms with food globalization if we are to translate research into better child health and well-being
28
Wells, Christopher J. "“You Can't Dance to It”: Jazz Music and Its Choreographies of Listening." Daedalus 148, no. 2 (April 2019): 36–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01741.
Full textAbstract:
Central to dominant jazz history narratives is a midcentury rupture where jazz transitions from popular dance music to art music. Fundamental to this trope is the idea that faster tempos and complex melodies made the music hostile to dancing bodies. However, this constructed moment of rupture masks a longer, messier process of negotiation among musicians, audiences, and institutions that restructured listening behavior within jazz spaces. Drawing from the field of dance studies, I offer the concept of “choreographies of listening” to interrogate jazz's range of socially enforced movement “scores” for audience listening practices and their ideological significance. I illustrate this concept through two case studies: hybridized dance/concert performances in the late 1930s and “off-time” bebop social dancing in the 1940s and 1950s. These case studies demonstrate that both seated and dancing listening were rhetorically significant modes of engagement with jazz music and each expressed agency within an emergent Afromodernist sensibility.
29
Ciobanu, Monica. "Communist regimes, legitimacy and the transition to democracy in Eastern Europe." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 1 (January 2010): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903394490.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this article is to clarify the relationship between forms of political legitimacy employed by communist regimes in East and Central Europe and subsequent models of revolutionary change in 1989. The conceptual basis of the analysis lies in Max Weber's theoretical framework of legitimacy. The four cases selected for comparison are Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland and Romania. The attempts of de-Stalinization and reformation of these party-state regimes through the introduction of paternalistic and also more goal-oriented measures could not prevent their disintegration in the 1980s and their subsequent collapse in 1989. But, I argue, it was the withdrawal of ideological support by elites that ultimately brought communism to an end. The differences in revolutionary scenarios and transitions to democracy in the four cases indicate the importance of a shift in both rulers and masses towards interest in dialogue and compromise. Hungary and Poland represent the clearest scenarios in which communist parties acted as agents of regime change in a rational-legal direction. The Bulgarian case stands as an intermediary case between these two and Romania. Finally, Romania represents an extreme case of violent revolution and the overthrow of a traditionalist and sultanistic regime and illustrates the difficulties following a complete collapse of political authority.
30
Chenganakkattil, Muhamed Riyaz. "Debating the Jinn: Making and unmaking of the invisible beings in the discursive tradition of Malabar." Performing Islam 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/pi_00006_1.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article is an addition to the culture of 'debate as performance' in the Indian subcontinent as a research on the theological arguments through texts and performances on the existence of invisible creatures. It locates the space of the debates in Malabar, which has a long history of argumentative tradition. This article suggests that (in)visibility is the central point of contestation when one analyses the debating culture on Jinns. Textual representation of arguments and performance on the stage are two spaces where we can analytically explore the cases. The Jinn debate has undergone transitions in its development towards a core ideological point in Malabar. How do proponents and opponents corroborate their arguments based on texts or the logical understanding? When has this practice begun? Who were the leading Jinn debaters in Malabar? Malabar, as a discursive space for debates, has contributed to the making and unmaking of Jinns in the region. It is obvious that these debates were performative events, as a performance of the pure religion, and as a performative moment for distinctions for each ideology from the other.
31
Martínez Fábregas, Jezabel. "Structural and ideological changes in the official press during the spanish transition (1975-1978)." RIHC. Revista Internacional de Historia de la Comunicación 1, no. 4 (2015): 153–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/rihc.2015.i04.07.
Full text
32
Hiscock, Peter, and Patrick Faulkner. "Dating the Dreaming? Creation of Myths and Rituals for Mounds along the Northern Australian Coastline." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 16, no. 2 (June 2006): 209–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774306000126.
Full textAbstract:
Shell mounds ceased to be built in many parts of coastal northern Australia about 800–600 years ago. They are the subject of stories told by Aboriginal people and some have been incorporated in ritual and political activities during the last 150 years. These understandings emerged only after termination of the economic and environmental system that created them, 800–600 years ago, in a number of widely separated coastal regions. Modern stories and treatments of these mounds by Aboriginal people concern modern or near-modern practices. Modern views of the mounds, their mythological and ritual associations, may be explained by reference to the socioeconomic transitions seen in the archaeological record; but the recent cultural, social and symbolic statements about these places cannot inform us of the process or ideology concerned with the formation of the mounds. Many Aboriginal communities over the last half a millennium actively formed understandings of new landscapes and systems of land use. Attempts to impose historic ideologies and cosmologies on earlier times fail to acknowledge the magnitude and rate of economic and ideological change on the tropical coastline of Australia.
33
Steinberg, David I., and Myung Shin. "Tensions in South Korean Political Parties in Transition: From Entourage to Ideology?" Asian Survey 46, no. 4 (July 2006): 517–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2006.46.4.517.
Full textAbstract:
South Korea's political parties, previously characterized as vehicles by leaders to recruit entourages to win presidential elections, are becoming more ideologically oriented. The ruling party's new left-wing elites and a new labor party are central to these tensions between entourage and ideology. Growing ideological orientation may affect both political development and the ROK-U.S. alliance.
34
Boas, Taylor C. "Varieties of Electioneering: Success Contagion and Presidential Campaigns in Latin America." World Politics 62, no. 4 (October 2010): 636–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887110000213.
Full textAbstract:
Existing theories of change in campaign strategies predict cross-national convergence in candidates' linkages to voters and the degree of policy focus and cleavage priming in their appeals. However, the prevailing national patterns of electioneering in Chile, Brazil, and Peru have actually diverged from one another since their transitions from authoritarian rule. Based upon content analysis of television advertising, interviews with campaign staff, and case studies of specific elections in these three countries, this article develops a theory of success contagion that can explain the evolution of presidential campaign strategy in third-wave democracies. The author argues that the first politician to combine a victorious campaign with a successful term as president establishes a model of electioneering that candidates across the ideological spectrum are likely to adopt in the future. Such contagion can occur directly, through politicians' imitation of each other's strategies, or indirectly, with communities of campaign professionals playing an intermediary role. Strategic convergence is less likely in cases of repeatedly poor governing performance. Instead, candidates tend to choose strategies through an inward-oriented process of reacting against previous errors. Initial testing suggests the theory is generalizable to other new democracies with at least moderate organizational continuity across elections.
35
Padamsee, Tasleem J. "Fighting an Epidemic in Political Context: Thirty-Five Years of HIV/AIDS Policy Making in the United States." Social History of Medicine 33, no. 3 (December 28, 2018): 1001–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/hky108.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The history of US government action on HIV/AIDS offers important lessons concerning the limits and possibilities of US public health policy. Yet only the first decade of this history has previously been well-documented. This article updates the history by constructing a macro-level account of policies that have been considered and implemented, along with the discourses and debates that have shaped them. This account is generated through systematic study of many dozens of policy making moments, drawing on >70 original interviews, >20,000 daily news reports and hundreds of contemporaneous policy documents. The paper chronicles HIV/AIDS policy from the initial years when the federal government resisted addressing the crisis; through subsequent periods shaped by alternating Republican and Democratic administrations; to contemporary policy making in an era when broader health policy transitions offer hope of normalized treatment and coverage for people with HIV, and scientific innovations offer the possibility of ending HIV/AIDS itself. It also illuminates how national HIV/AIDS policy is not only a series of responses to the concrete challenges of a health crisis, but also a malleable political product and a resource used to wage broader social and ideological battles.
36
DeGuzmán, María. "LatinX botanical epistemologies." Cultural Dynamics 31, no. 1-2 (September 24, 2018): 108–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0921374018802021.
Full textAbstract:
How is the field of Latina/o Studies concerning itself with “botanical epistemologies” in light of what scholar Claudia Milian has described as “environmental forecasts and new forms of LatinX displacements and transitions”? How have botanical epistemologies been associated with LatinX populations in the United States and its territories? How is the present-day “order of things” bringing social, economic, cultural, and ideological pressures to bear upon these epistemologies? As Chipper Wichman, Director of the National Tropical Botanical Garden, explains, “plants hold the answer to mitigating climate change, feeding the hungry, providing cures for diseases, and much more” and “80 percent or more of the planet’s biodiversity exists in the tropics and approximately one third of all tropical plants are threatened with extinction.” Plants provide living creatures with food and medicines and are responsible for producing the oxygen that makes life possible. However, “the loss of biodiversity-based cultural knowledge [of plants] is widely reported, globally as well as at the level of communities and individuals.” Specifically, LatinXs have not received credit for their botanical knowledge or its practices. This essay unearths how Latina/o Studies can help us to think through the relations among “LatinX,” botany, and the crossroads of survival and extinction—what the author proposes as “LatinX botanical epistemologies.”
37
Taşan-Kok, Tuna, and Sara Özogul. "Fragmented governance architectures underlying residential property production in Amsterdam." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 53, no. 6 (March 9, 2021): 1314–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x21996351.
Full textAbstract:
While the entrepreneurialisation of local administrations is widely acknowledged, the extent and format of institutional and organisational structures that accompany market-oriented ideological shifts and transitions in urban governance often remain unnoticed. This article provides an original theoretical argument and frame of analysis to forensically study the underlying infrastructures of entrepreneurial governance systems. We argue that complex institutional and organisational arrangements in market-oriented urban development can be comprehended through fragmented governance architectures, a conceptual perspective that we borrowed from governance studies and operationalised in relation to property development. We illustrate the application of the framework by examining entrepreneurial transformations in Amsterdam’s residential property production. Based on rich empirical evidence, including discourse analysis, policy analysis and in-depth interviews with key policy and property industry actors, we illuminate divergent public-sector regulation of market activities, intra-organisational discrepancies, and fuzzy narratives in policy interventions which are tied to specific spatial interventions mushrooming in the city. Uncoordinated and sometimes contradictory institutional ties link public and private actors in these property production processes, forming a complex and chaotic landscape of regulations, actors, and relations. This fragmentation, we posit, warrants recognition as it lies at the heart of scattered investments in the urban built environment.
38
Hanson, S. E. "Development, Dependency, and Devolution: The Anomalous Political Economy of Communist and Postcommunist Societies." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 16, no. 3 (June 1998): 225–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c160225.
Full textAbstract:
The problem of situating economic transitions from communism to postcommunism within more general theories of comparative political economy has received surprisingly little scholarly attention. In this paper the author argues that the reason for the lack of integration between these two literatures is that the dynamics of the formation and decline of the Stalinist socioeconomic system remain basically anomalous for each of the three dominant theoretical frameworks in the field of political economy: the modernization approach, the world-systems approach, and the rational choice approach. Moreover, none of these paradigms by itself appears to account satisfactorily for the diverse economic trends in postcommunist societies. Modernization theory is apparently consistent with economic ‘development’ in the most successful areas within the Leninist and post-Leninist world; world-systems theory appears to fit the type of ‘dependency’ emerging in places such as Central Asia and the Caucasus; rational choice analysis elucidates the continuing ‘devolution’ of Leninist state structures in places where rent-seeking bureaucrats still directly or indirectly control most of the national wealth—but no single approach explains the overall pattern of mixed results. It is concluded that making sense of the puzzling emergence, destruction, and aftermath of the Stalinist economic model requires the integration of ideological modes of coordinating collective action into a more comprehensive political economy paradigm.
39
Noskova, A. V. "EVOLUTION OF STATE FAMILY POLICY IN RUSSIA FROM SOVIET TIMES TO THE PRESENT." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(33) (December 28, 2013): 155–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-6-33-155-159.
Full textAbstract:
The paper describes some peculiarities in evolution of the State family politics and policies in Russia since the beginning of the XX century to present time. The aim of the paper is to shed light on the family state policy in Russia during the different periods of time. We define here the family state policy widely enough as the various state activity (ideological, legislative, economic, social) concerning institute of family. The analysis of the state measures concerning the family in different social and political contexts allowed us to allocate the five main stages and models of the family state policy in Russia. They are: the post-revolutionary model (1917-1926), the «Stalin» model (1927-1953), the "welfare" Soviet model (1954-1991), the yearly post- Soviet model (1991-2005), the modern model (since 2006). The paper is based on the some demographic and sociological surveys data and devoted to an analysis of the family changes in these various periods. On the one hand, the family policies were a reaction to new social requirements and demographic changes (decline of fertility, for example). On the other hand, the state activity concerning a family itself caused transitions in the family institute. We show how various measures of soviet and post-soviet family policies and public interventions in family life have influenced on the family relations.
40
Sonetti, Giulia, Martin Brown, and Emanuele Naboni. "About the Triggering of UN Sustainable Development Goals and Regenerative Sustainability in Higher Education." Sustainability 11, no. 1 (January 7, 2019): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11010254.
Full textAbstract:
Humans are at the center of global climate change: The United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are igniting sustainability with proactive, global, social goals, moving us away from the Brundtland paradigm ‘do nothing today to compromise tomorrows generation’. This promotes a regenerative shift in the sustainability concept, no longer only considering resources and energy, but also significant human-centric attributes. Despite this, precise ecological and sustainable attitudes have little prognostic value regarding final related individual human behavior. The global cultural challenge, dominated by technological innovations and business imperatives, alongside the mirroring technological fallacy and lack of ethical reasoning, makes the role of small actions, at individual and at academic scale even harder. This paper outlines the context in which universities can collaborate and contribute to triggering sustainability values, attitudes, and behavior within future regenerative societies. This contribution consists in three main areas: the first analyzes the issue of sustainability transitions at the individual scale, where influencing factors and value–behavior links are presented as reviewed from a number of multi and transdisciplinary scholars’ works. The second part enlarges the picture to the global dimension, tracing the ideological steps of our current environmental crisis, from the differences in prevailing western and eastern values, tradition, and perspectives, to the technological fallacy and the power of the narratives of changes. Finally, the task of our role as academics in the emerging ‘integrative humanities’ science is outlined with education promoted as an essential driver in moving from sustainability to regenerative paradigms.
41
Frank, Andre Gunder. "Transitional Ideological Modes: Feudalism, Capitalism, Socialism." Critique of Anthropology 11, no. 2 (June 1991): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x9101100206.
Full text
42
Avramovic, Zoran. "Education for citizenship education: Ideological means of transition." Socioloski pregled 38, no. 1-2 (2004): 175–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socpreg0402175a.
Full text
43
STEPHENS, EVELYNE HUBER, and JOHN D. STEPHENS. "The Transition to Mass Parties and Ideological Politics." Comparative Political Studies 19, no. 4 (January 1987): 443–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414087019004001.
Full textAbstract:
The dominant views in the literature on the evolution of ideological mass-membership parties, which hold that these parties emerged with the entry of the masses into politics and as a result of prolonged electoral competition moderated their ideological stands to appeal to more centrist voters, cannot account for the case of a mass party which, after years of electoral competition, moves sharply to the left and maintains or increases its electoral base, as was the case for the People's National Party (PNP) under Michael Manley in Jamaica in the 1970s. One element of the political strategy of “Democratic Socialism” of the PNP under Manley was the organizational strengthening of the party and the adoption of a stronger ideological profile and a commitment to ideological education at both the elite and mass level. This article discusses the importance as well as the limitations of the process of party transformation. On the basis of two surveys of the Jamaican elite, one carried out in the summer of 1974 and one in 1982, it documents the dramatic effect of this process on the ideological alignments in the Jamaican elite. Drawing on Gramscian ideas, the article develops an explanation for the process of party transformation in Jamaica, which emphasizes the importance of the extent of popular organization and mobilization for the center of gravity of public opinion and thus for the ideological and electoral room for maneuver of mass parties.
44
Sorace, Christian. "Ideological Conversion: Mongolia's Transition from Socialism to Postsocialism." positions: asia critique 29, no. 2 (May 1, 2021): 235–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-8852150.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract After the collapse of socialism in Mongolia, democracy promised life after ideology. This article argues that what disappeared during the democratic transition was not ideology but a conceptualization of ideology as an explicit object, field of intervention, and responsibility. By analyzing the urban form as an invention of ideology, it is possible to locate ideology in material artifacts, cinematic representations, and the cultivation of embodied desires in Mongolia's capital city Ulaanbaatar that originated in the socialist era and continue today, albeit unacknowledged as ideology, and modified to fit the needs of capital and democratic legitimacy. The article concludes with a call to embrace ideology as a self-reflexive concept and practice on the grounds that there is still much to excavate and learn from the ruins of twentieth-century state socialism.
45
Praščević, Aleksandra. "The Applicability of Political Business Cycle Theories in Transition Economies." Zagreb International Review of Economics and Business 23, s1 (December 1, 2020): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/zireb-2020-0024.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The paper focuses the applicability of political cycles theories in specific circumstances of economies in transition which are at the same time the new democracies. Economic and political transition in these countries change both people’s and politicians’ preferences, institutions and generate specific politically motivated misuse of economic policymaking. Theories of political cycles in macroeconomics have been developed since 1970s, when the fact that policymakers could use economic policy as an efficient tool for increasing their chances for reelection became obvious. In countries with parliamentary democracies, incentives of policymakers to influence election results could be opportunistically motivated (opportunistic models) or ideologically motivated (partisan models). On the other side, voters could be naïve or rational, with different economic outcomes, as argued in extensive political cycles literature. The paper studies specific political motives of politicians in transition economies which are faced, especially in first fazes of transition with weak institutional mechanism and rules, and naïve voters. Consequently, opportunistic motives dominate ideological ones. The paper also focuses how the development of the institutional environment, especially in the context of international integration, such as accession to the European Union, reflects on the political business cycles in these countries.
46
Kantini, Samson, and Cheela Chilala. "A Critical Review of Ideological Trends in the Study of Zambian Literature in English." Journal of Law and Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (December 18, 2020): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.53974/unza.jlss.4.1.386.
Full textAbstract:
Two ideologically divergent schools of thought have emerged in the study of Zambian
literature in English. The first one rooted in imperialist doctrines emerged in the early 1980s
and continues to influence many studies on Zambian literature to this day. The second one
with a clear object of the renaissance of world literatures like that of Zambia is recent.
It begun towards the end of the second decade of the 2000s and challenges the first one.
This paper gives a critical discussion of studies that constitute and mark these two trends.
It is a desktop research that employs the documental analysis informed by the historical
cultural materialism theory. It concludes that the imperialist school of thought overlook
and impoverish our understanding of the wider ideological and political context in which
Zambian literature in English has and is evolving and the world literary scene on which we
encounter it. Then, the renaissance school of thought does not just remedy this ideological
problem but creates an opportunity for us to study Zambian literature in English as a distinct
local realist tradition that is organically developing and in transition.
47
Safa, Sara, and Jalal Sokhanvar. "The Impact of Psycho-ideological Hero: A Žižekian Study of Oscar Wilde’s The Picture of Dorian Gray." International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature 7, no. 6 (November 1, 2018): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.7n.6p.18.
Full textAbstract:
This paper critically examines psycho-ideological significance of Dorian Gray, on Wilde’s only novel, The Picture of Dorian Gray. Although Wilde’s novel has mostly been read as an aesthetic work of ‘Art for Art’s Sake’, the present research intends to criticize Wilde’s only novel using Žižek’s theories on subjectivity, ideology, and trauma. The brainchild of an indisputable giant literary tradition, The Picture of Dorian Gray is a tactfully designed puzzle that called the Victorian establishment into question. The thick texture of the novel, I argue, lends itself to Žižekian ideological and psychoanalytical theories wherein one can obtain a novel perspective on the issue of subjectivity. The Slovenian philosopher, Slovaj Žižek (b.1949) argues that the subject is divided and always in a transitional process until his death; Dorian is an epitome of such a subjectivity always already in transition.
48
Viana, Nildo. "The Notion of Ideology in Durkheim." Mosaico 10, no. 2 (December 19, 2017): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.18224/mos.v10i0.5707.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: this article discusses the notion of ideology in Durkheim’s thought. From an analysis of Durkheim’s discourse and his use of the term ideology, one seeks to reconstitute the meaning of this notion. A rigorous analysis of the use of the term in The Rules of Sociological Method and other works of this author, allows to understand the implicit meaning of the notion of ideology and thus to make it explicit. Durkheim’s notion of ideology is explained by the social, cultural and discursive context of the author, which refers to the problem of the history of science and the transition from pre-scientific thought to scientific thought, all science in its period of birth, has an ideological phase.
A Noção de Ideologia em Durkheim
Resumo: o presente artigo discute a noção de ideologia no pensamento de Durkheim. A partir de uma análise do discurso de Durkheim e seu uso do termo ideologia, busca-se reconstituir o significado desta noção. Uma análise rigorosa do uso do termo em As Regras do Método Sociológico e em outras obras deste autor, permite entender o significado implícito da noção de ideologia e assim explicitá-la. A noção de ideologia em Durkheim é explicada pelo contexto social, cultural e discursivo do autor, sendo que ela remete ao problema da história das ciências e à transição do pensamento pré-científico para o pensamento científico, sendo que toda ciência, no seu período de nascimento, possui uma fase ideológica.
49
Maclean, Mairi, Charles Harvey, John A. A. Sillince, and Benjamin D. Golant. "Living up to the past? Ideological sensemaking in organizational transition." Organization 21, no. 4 (June 8, 2014): 543–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350508414527247.
Full textAbstract:
This article builds upon archival and oral-history research on organizational change at Procter & Gamble from 1930 to 2000, focusing on periods of transition. It examines historical narrative as a vehicle for ideological sensemaking by top managers. Our empirical analysis sheds light on continuities in the narratives they offer, through which the past emerges as a recurrent lever of strategic manoeuvres and re-orientations. This reveals that while organizational history is sometimes regarded as a strategic asset or intrinsic part of collective memory, it is also re-enacted as a shared heritage, implying responsibilities. Executives (re)interpret the past and author the future, maintaining the historical narrative while using interpellation to ensure ideological consistency over time. The interpellative power of rhetorical narrative helps to recast organizational members as participants in an ongoing drama. In this way executives claim their legitimate right to initiate and manage organizational transition.
50
Oklopcic, Zoran. "Introduction: The Crisis in Ukraine Between the Law, Power, and Principle." German Law Journal 16, no. 3 (July 2015): 350–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200020897.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis special issue ofGerman Law Journal(GLJ) originates from a colloquium co-sponsored by theGLJ, the Miller Institute for Global Challenges and the Law, and the Center for Constitutional Transitions that took place at the Berkeley School of Law in February 2015, just over a year after the revolutionary events at Maidan Square in Kiev triggered profound changes in the geopolitical map of contemporary Europe and shook the foundations of international order.Beyond the gravity of the crisis itself, what animates the contributions in the following pages is an attendant awareness of the need to rethink the appropriateness of disciplinary responses to the conflict in Ukraine. Though the rhetoric of brazen takeovers, cynical ploys, stealing and redeeming, chronic authoritarianism and imperialism, hypocrisy, and broken promises have all contributed to a combustible political situation in and around Ukraine, a diverse sense of outrage has also been subtly, but nonetheless decisively, structured and amplified by the vocabularies of international and constitutional law, moral arguments, and their complicated interplay. Though differing in their practical ambitions, technical vocabulary, and the professional sensibilities they cultivate, the disciplines of international law, comparative constitutional law, and normative political theory, have each upheld one of the most important components of the modern social imaginary: The idea of popular sovereignty.The idea that the will of the people ought to be a decisive factor in resolving the crisis in Ukraine continues to unite most commentators, partisans, and scholars, irrespective of their otherwise profound ideological and political differences. From the perspective of overarching social imaginary, the ominous geopolitical crisis in Ukraine, while dangerous in its potential outcomes, appears as a family quarrel among the believers of the constitutional creed of western political modernity. Unlike another geopolitical crisis of our time—the attempts of ISIS to redraw the map of the Middle East—the situation in Ukraine is not a conflict over theexistenceof international legal order, but rather one over themeaningof its foundational building blocks: The internal and external self-determination of peoples, territorial integrity, and the sovereign equality of independent states.