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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Illiberal state

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Academic literature on the topic 'Illiberal state'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 5 June 2025

Last updated: 24 June 2025

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Journal articles on the topic "Illiberal state"

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Snyder, Quddus Z. "The illiberal trading state." Journal of Peace Research 50, no. 1 (2013): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343312460394.

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Liberal systemic theory is built on the assumption that the system’s dominant configuration is a Kantian confederation of major powers. In addition to being a democratic cluster, the liberal core is also a capitalist club. This article pushes systemic and socialization theory forward by introducing the mechanism of economic competition as an important driver of socialization. The article develops a theory of system-level competition, arguing that it is a distinct and co-equal mechanism of socialization to the established mechanisms of persuasion, inducement, and coercion. The article proposes a three-staged model of socialization that explains how prominent rising powers such as Turkey, India, Brazil, and China are being socialized into the liberal system. At the first phase, competitive pressure, outsiders are led to orient themselves toward the core out of a fear of falling behind and a desire to access network benefits. At the second phase, rushing, outsiders behave in pro-norm ways and make significant concessions in order to gain inclusion in the core’s institutional complex. At the third phase, internalization, external norms become embedded in domestic legal institutional structures and a robust pro-norm domestic coalition emerges. The article uses the case of China to illustrate the model and lend it some initial empirical support in one hard case.

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Piątek, Dawid. "The illiberal model of state capitalism in Poland." Ekonomia i Prawo 22, no. 1 (2023): 157–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/eip.2023.009.

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Motivation: There is growing awareness that a new model of capitalism is emerging. The 2008–2009 Global Financial Crisis was a catalyst for redefining the role of the state in the economy, and as a result state involvement in the economy has been on the rise since then. We can also observe changes in political situation: democracy has been backsliding globally, authoritarian, and populist tendencies are growing. In some countries, those two tendencies are present, and as a result the illiberal model of state capitalism emerged. In recent years, in Poland, state involvement in the economy was growing and authoritarian tendencies were visible. In this context, it is worth asking if there is an illiberal model of state capitalism in Poland?Aim: The aim of the presented paper is to evaluate the political and economic situation in Poland and to check whether there are changes that could be interpreted as building illiberal state capitalism.Results: The results indicate that in Poland many illiberal statist tendencies could be identified.

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Holzleithner, Elisabeth. "Reactionary Gender Constructions in Illiberal Political Thinking." Politics and Governance 10, no. 4 (2022): 6–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v10i4.5537.

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Theories of the state, its functions, limits, and legitimacy have been overwhelmingly “liberal” in the past few decades, in a very broad sense of the term. Such theories are inherently open to a diversity of genders, sexual orientations, and ways of living together because they place equal freedom and the right to prosper according to one’s own ideas front and centre. Illiberal political thinking is of a completely different stock. This article focuses on the role of gender and sexuality in such approaches. Both gender and sexuality are pivotal for illiberalism’s defence of an order that is supposed to overcome Western‐style liberal democracy. In contrast to the liberals’ and their like‐minded critics’ quest for social justice in societies that are traversed by structures of oppression and domination, illiberal political thinking offers an utterly different brand of autocratic rule that keeps conventional hierarchies intact. It only takes note of advanced gender theories to either ridicule them or condemn them as a supposed threat to social cohesion. This article exposes illiberal approaches to gender and sexuality, considering the roots and focus of the former on the dichotomy of public/private and illiberals’ aversion to equality and human rights.

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Nyyssönen, Heino, and Jussi Metsälä. "From Illiberal State to Christian Values." Contributions to the History of Concepts 17, no. 1 (2022): 109–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2022.170106.

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This article examines the problematic phenomenon of political naming through conceptual history. It is evident that illiberal is an ambiguous term and determining what it means is challenging, not to mention the political aspects of the name itself. We claim that naming is a political act par excellence and test our hypothesis by examining Viktor Orbán’s Băile Tuşnad speeches between 2014 and 2019 and the annual State of the Nation speeches between 2015 and 2020. We claim that even Orbán has difficulties in naming his political system. Moreover, we link naming to discussions concerning democracy. In Hungary, this “illiberal” position enables a ruling party to act in accordance with a purely majoritarian form of democracy, that is, to implement legislation with very little regard to the opposition, and by concentrating power to the party and especially to its leader.

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Turmel, Patrick. "Are Cities Illiberal?" Les ateliers de l'éthique 4, no. 2 (2018): 202–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1044463ar.

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One of the main characteristics of today’s democratic societies is their pluralism. As a result, liberal political philosophers often claim that the state should remain neutral with respect to different conceptions of the good. Legal and social policies should be acceptable to everyone regardless of their culture, their religion or their comprehensive moral views. One might think that this commitment to neutrality should be especially pronounced in urban centres, with their culturally diverse populations. However, there are a large number of laws and policies adopted at the municipal level that contradict the liberal principle of neutrality. In this paper, I want to suggest that these perfectionist laws and policies are legitimate at the urban level. Specifically, I will argue that the principle of neutrality applies only indirectly to social institutions within the broader framework of the nation-state. This is clear in the case of voluntary associations, but to a certain extent this rationale applies also to cities. In a liberal regime, private associations are allowed to hold and defend perfectionist views, focused on a particular conception of the good life. One problem is to determine the limits of this perfectionism at the urban level, since cities, unlike private associations, are public institutions. My aim here is therefore to give a liberal justification to a limited form of perfectionism of municipal laws and policies.

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Yang, Dali L. "China’s Illiberal Regulatory State in Comparative Perspective." Chinese Political Science Review 2, no. 1 (2017): 114–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s41111-017-0059-x.

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Rosen, Mark D. "The Educational Autonomy of Perfectionist Religious Groups in a Liberal State." Journal of Law, Religion and State 1, no. 1 (2012): 16–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221248112x638154.

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This Article draws upon, but reworks, John Rawls’ framework from Political Liberalism to determine the degree of educational autonomy that illiberal perfectionist religious groups ought to enjoy in a liberal state. I start by arguing that Rawls mistakenly concludes that political liberalism flatly cannot accommodate Perfectionists, and that his misstep is attributable to two errors: (1) Rawls utilizes an overly restrictive “political conception of the person” in determining who participates in the original position, and (2) Rawls overlooks the possibility of a “federalist” basic political structure that can afford significant political autonomy to different groups within a single country. With these insights, I argue that some, though not all, religious Perfectionists are consistent with a stable liberal polity, and explain why foundational Rawlsian premises require that Perfectionists be accommodated to the extent possible. My ultimate conclusions are that liberal polities ought to grant significant autonomy to those illiberal groups that satisfy specified conditions, and that the autonomy of such “eligible” illiberal groups is subject to two further constraints, which I call “well-orderedness” and “opt-out.” The autonomy to which eligible Perfections are entitled includes the authority to educate their children in a way that provides a fair opportunity for the groups to perpetuate themselves. The constraint of well-orderedness, however, permits the State to impose educational requirements that facilitate peace and political stability. Accommodating eligible illiberal groups, subject to these constraints, is an instantiation of liberal commitments, not a compromise of liberal values.

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Metera, Gde Dwitya Arief. "How Illiberal is Indonesia’s Democracy? A Comparative Perspective on Indonesia’s State Enforcement of Religion." Muslim Politics Review 1, no. 2 (2022): 185–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.56529/mpr.v1i2.60.

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Recent appraisals of Indonesia’s political regime identify a deterioration of democratic quality, captured by a plethora of concepts such as democratic backsliding, democratic decline, and democratic regression. This deterioration compels scholars to conclude that Indonesia, in its current state, is an illiberal democracy, effectively displacing earlier optimism that Indonesian democracy will eventually be consolidated. This article engages the emerging literature on democratic decline and the rise of illiberal democracy in Indonesia by identifying a key source of its illiberal features. It makes the case linking Indonesia’s illiberal democracy with the involvement of the state in enforcing religion, as seen in the number of existing religious legislations. State enforcement of religion necessarily entails the curtailment of religious freedom, specifically freedom from religion, as the religiosity of Indonesian citizens is forced to shift from voluntary to compulsory. A liberal democracy, by definition, should not curtail individual liberty in general nor religious freedom in particular. This article then takes a comparative persepctive on Indonesia by comparing the number of religious legislations in Indonesia with those of other democratic states, globally utilizing data from Religion and State (RAS) 3 and V-Dem dataset. The examination yields the observation that Indonesia has a far higher number of religious legislations than the average democracy globally. It indicates a significant level of involvement of the Indonesian state in enforcing religion. In that respect, Indonesia is unusually illiberal for a democracy. The article also emphasizes how religious legislations are mostly found in certain regions, and provides ethnographic evidence of how fasting as a religious norm is enforced during the month of Ramadan in South Kalimantan. This article concludes by reflecting on the uneven democratic quality at the subnational level. Decentralization and the uneven distribution of rights to subnational governments underlie the concentration of religious bylaws in only specific regions of the archipelago.

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Kauth, Jasper Theodor, and Desmond King. "Illiberalism." European Journal of Sociology 61, no. 3 (2020): 365–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975620000181.

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Abstract“Illiberalism” has assumed an invigorated if unanticipated significance in the 21st century. Aspects of illiberalism populate not only states long known as indifferent to such principles as personal liberty, human equality and the rule of law but have expanded in “liberal” democracies as their rulers employ purportedly “illiberal” practices more frequently than in the recent past. Indeed, the term “illiberal” seems to have lost its negative aura in the context of state action. We contend that illiberalism represents either an opposition to procedural democratic norms—as disruptive illiberalism—or an ideological struggle—termed ideological illiberalism. We first discuss the term as used in the vast literature on regime types in the debate on authoritarian/democratic hybrid-regimes. We then turn to the key puzzle in what one may call “illiberalism studies”: the rise of illiberal practices and policies in liberal democracies. To inform our analysis empirically, we investigate the ways in which illiberal arguments and institutions (notably camps) were deployed historically and in immigration policy. We conclude with an example of illiberal policy from modern day Hungary.

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Aron, Hadas, and Emily Holland. "Illiberal Leaders in the International Arena: The Cases of Hungary and Israel." Journal of Illiberalism Studies 4, no. 2 (2024): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.53483/xcpw3576.

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In recent years, illiberal leaders have become increasingly influential on the global stage. This paper examines the international behavior of such leaders. Using the cases of Hungary under Viktor Orbán and Israel under Benjamin Netanyahu, we demonstrate that illiberal leaders prioritize domestic agendas designed to maintain their power above all else. While they may exhibit disruptive behavior in the international arena on issues peripheral to their core domestic interests, they tend to eventually compromise in these areas. However, when there is a conflict between their central domestic agenda and the broader interests of the state, the narrow domestic agenda takes precedence.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Illiberal state"

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Jewell, Jessica M. "Faculty Life in an Illiberal State: Hungarian Collegiate Faculty Work Life Vignettes." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1554619415854043.

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Guzina, Dejan. "Nationalism in the context of an illiberal multination state, the case of Serbia." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ52322.pdf.

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Guzina, Dejan Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "Nationalism in the context of an illiberal multination state; the case of Serbia." Ottawa, 2000.

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Canzutti, Lucrezia. "State-diaspora relations in illiberal contexts : the case of the Vietnamese diaspora in Cambodia." Thesis, University of York, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/21998/.

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The thesis investigates the reasons, modalities, and consequences of the Cambodian and Vietnamese governments’ engagement with the Vietnamese diaspora in Cambodia. The case of the Vietnamese in Cambodia is of particular interest because, unlike most existing studies on state-diaspora relations, it examines a group which stands between two illiberal countries and, partly as a consequence of this, does not represent a significant threat and/or resource to either the host-state or the homeland. Furthermore, despite having lived in the host-state for generations, the Vietnamese in Cambodia have been unable to access Cambodian citizenship and hold virtually no documents from Vietnam: they are de facto stateless. This thesis seeks to answer two, interrelated questions: how do the Cambodian state and the Vietnamese state perceive of and engage with the Vietnamese diaspora in Cambodia? What are the implications of their engagement on this diaspora’s enjoyment of citizenship? To answer these questions, the research uses documentary sources from the two governments and eighty-three in-depth interviews with Vietnamese villagers, members of the Association of Khmer-Vietnamese in the Kingdom of Cambodia (AKVKC), representatives of the Cambodian government, experts, and representatives of civil society organisations. Departing from existing perspectives on state-diaspora relations, the thesis argues that the governments of Cambodia and Vietnam have viewed the diaspora as “inconvenient subjects” and engaged, respectively, in the bounded exclusion and the bounded inclusion of the group. Rather than taking full responsibility of the diaspora, the Cambodian and Vietnamese governments have shared the custody of the Vietnamese, alternating care and control and co-governing it through the work of the AKVKC. This deliberately ambiguous strategy has resulted in the Vietnamese’ de facto enjoyment of some citizens’ rights in Cambodia and Vietnam; yet, it has also (re)produced a multi-level liminal space in which the Vietnamese are more easily governable.

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Fukuda, Tamotsu. "A liberal turn on illiberal regionalism : the influence of state development in the Asia-Pacific region." Phd thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150433.

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Books on the topic "Illiberal state"

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Engelstein, Laura. Slavophile empire: Imperial Russia's illiberal path. Cornell University Press, 2009.

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Fong, Siao Yuong. Performing Fear in Television Production. Amsterdam University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463724579.

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What goes into the ideological sustenance of an illiberal capitalist democracy? While much of the critical discussion of the media in authoritarian contexts focus on state power, the emphasis on strong states tend to perpetuate misnomers about the media as mere tools of the state and sustain myths about their absolute power. Turning to the lived everyday of media producers in Singapore, I pose a series of questions that explore what it takes to perpetuate authoritarian resilience in the mass media. How, in what terms and through what means, does a politically stable illiberal Asian state like Singapore formulate its dominant imaginary of social order? What are the television production practices that perform and instantiate the social imaginary, and who are the audiences that are conjured and performed in the process? What are the roles played by imagined audiences in sustaining authoritarian resilience in the media? If, as I will argue in the book, audiences function as the central problematic that engenders anxieties and self-policing amongst producers, can the audience become a surrogate for the authoritarian state?

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Findley, William. Observations on The two sons of oil: Containing a vindication of the American constitutions, and defending the blessings of religious liberty and toleration, against the illiberal strictures of the Rev. Samuel B. Wylie. Liberty Fund, 2007.

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Elspeth, Guild, Groenendijk C. A, and Carrera Sergio, eds. Illiberal liberal states: Immigration, citizenship, and integration in the EU. Ashgate Pub., 2009.

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Berezin, Mabel. Illiberal politics in neoliberal times: Security, democracy and populism in the new Europe. Cambridge University Press, 2008.

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Berezin, Mabel. Illiberal politics in neoliberal times: Culture, security and populism in the new Europe. Cambridge University Press, 2009.

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Berezin, Mabel. Illiberal politics in neoliberal times: Culture, security and populism in the new Europe. Cambridge University Press, 2009.

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D'Souza, Dinesh. Illiberal education: The politics of race and sex on campus. Vintage Books, 1992.

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Vail, Mark I. Liberalism in Illiberal States. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190683986.001.0001.

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This book analyzes how national liberal traditions have shaped trajectories of economic reform in France, Germany, and Italy since the early 1990s. In some advanced industrial countries, neoliberal programs of expansive market making, characterized by assaults on non-market arrangements such as welfare states, robust regulatory frameworks, and systems of collective bargaining, have assumed quasi-hegemonic status. Rejecting these neoliberal recipes, many continental European countries have charted their own courses, negotiating the transition to a more liberal economic order while preserving or even expanding policies and institutions that serve as buttresses for processes of economic adjustment. In so doing, they have drawn on much older liberal traditions that are defined by nationally distinctive conceptions of the role of the state and its limits, the structure of the social order, and attendant conceptions of the scope and character of state responsibility. The book analyzes developments in fiscal policy, labor-market policy, and finance, three areas that have been central to the evolving relationship between state and market in advanced industrial countries during the contemporary era of transnational neoliberalism. In each domain, authorities have worked to reconcile their political economies to a more liberal order while preserving a significant role for the public institutions in facilitating adjustment. The book argues that outcomes in the three countries cannot be explained solely by recourse to conventional institutional and interest-based accounts and that ideas act as powerful drivers of patterns of economic adjustment in ways that yield strikingly consistent policy trajectories across economic, institutional, and partisan contexts.

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Bourchier, David. Illiberal Democracy in Indonesia: The Ideology of the Family State. Taylor & Francis Group, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "Illiberal state"

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Balch, Alex. "Illiberal Liberalism." In Immigration and the State. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-38589-5_4.

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Vukovich, Daniel F. "On Illiberalism and Seeing Like an Other State." In Illiberal China. Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-0541-2_1.

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Ploszka, Adam. "The Illiberal State and Homelessness." In The Routledge Handbook of Global Perspectives on Homelessness, Law & Policy. Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003274056-13.

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Feldstein, Steven. "Surveillance in the Illiberal State." In Routledge Handbook of Illiberalism. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367260569-28.

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Luger, Jason. "Planetary illiberalism and the cybercity-state: in and beyond territory." In Questioning Planetary Illiberal Geographies. Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003348863-6.

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Tynen, Sarah. "State territorialization through shequ community centres: bureaucratic confusion in Xinjiang, China." In Questioning Planetary Illiberal Geographies. Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003348863-2.

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Böcskei, Balázs, and Andrea Pető. "Polarized society in an illiberal polypore state." In Civic and Uncivic Values in Hungary. Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003488842-14.

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Štětka, Václav, and Sabina Mihelj. "The Rise of the Illiberal Public Sphere." In The Illiberal Public Sphere. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-54489-7_2.

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AbstractThis chapter sets out the theoretical framework of the book, centred on the key concept of the illiberal public sphere. We first outline our understanding of illiberalism and explain what makes it distinct from related phenomena such as populism and democratic backsliding. Following from that, we introduce the concept of the illiberal public sphere, and elaborate on the historical relationship between liberalism and the public sphere, as well as on the existing alternatives to the classic ‘Habermasian’ model, indicating that a public sphere can exist outside of the scope of liberal democracy. The chapter then proceeds to identify three ideal-typical stages in the development of the illiberal public sphere—labelled as incipient, ascendant and hegemonic—and charts the contemporary state of the illiberal public sphere in each of the four countries that are at the forefront of our analysis.

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Štětka, Václav, and Sabina Mihelj. "Polarized Media, Polarized Audiences? News Sources and Illiberal Attitudes." In The Illiberal Public Sphere. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-54489-7_3.

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AbstractIn this chapter, we explore the extent and impact of polarization in the media systems of our four Eastern European countries. First, we provide empirical evidence of media polarization, measured by ideological bias and political independence of a sample of the most relevant news brands in each country, which demonstrates that media landscapes display the highest level of polarization in Hungary and Serbia, corresponding with the more advanced state of the illiberal public sphere in these countries compared to the Czech Republic and Poland. Building on this data, we explore patterns of people’s news consumption habits, from the perspective of their political and ideological homogeneity or diversity, identifying five specific ‘media repertoires’ that characterize people’s news diets, which reveal different levels of audience polarization across out countries. Finally, we analyse the relationship between these patterns of news exposure and audiences’ attitudes to culturally and politically polarizing issues, revealing significant associations between political-ideological bias of people’s news sources and their political attitudes, as well as their voting behaviour.

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Štětka, Václav, and Sabina Mihelj. "News Consumption and the Illiberal Public Sphere During the COVID-19 Pandemic." In The Illiberal Public Sphere. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-54489-7_8.

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AbstractThis chapter focuses on information consumption and the illiberal public sphere during the COVID-19 pandemic. More specifically, we ask whether countries where polarization is more advanced, and where the illiberal public sphere is more firmly established, responded to the health crisis differently than those where illiberal tendencies are less evident. Drawing on a unique set of qualitative interviews and diaries collected during the first wave of the pandemic, we investigate how the combined effects of disruption caused by the pandemic and attempts to abuse the crisis for political gain affected citizens’ engagement with COVID-19 news, responses to government communication, trust in experts, and vulnerability to misinformation. Our analysis suggests that countries where the illiberal public sphere was more entrenched were at a distinct disadvantage, particularly if governing elites abused the situation to further expand their control over public life. Even though leaders in all four countries initially avoided politicizing the crisis, the more advanced state of the illiberal public sphere in two of the countries—Hungary and Serbia—arguably contributed to turning the public health emergency into a divisive event, sawing distrust in the government as well as in experts, while making citizens potentially more vulnerable to misinformation.

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Conference papers on the topic "Illiberal state"

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Tucak, Ivana, and Anita Blagojević. "COVID- 19 PANDEMIC AND THE PROTECTION OF THE RIGHT TO ABORTION." In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18355.

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The COVID - 19 pandemic that swept the world in 2020 and the reactions of state authorities to it are unparalleled events in modern history. In order to protect public health, states have limited a number of fundamental human rights that individuals have in accordance with national constitutions and international conventions. The focus of this paper is the right of access to abortion in the Member States of the European Union. In Europe, the situation with regard to the recognition of women's right to abortion is quite clear. All member states of the European Union, with the exception of Poland and Malta, recognize the rather liberal right of a woman to have an abortion in a certain period of time after conception. However, Malta and Poland, as members of the European Union, since abortion is seen as a service, must not hinder the travel of women abroad to have an abortion, nor restrict information on the provision of abortion services in other countries. In 2020, a pandemic highlighted all the weaknesses of this regime by preventing women from traveling to more liberal countries to perform abortions, thus calling into question their right to choose and protect their sexual and reproductive rights. This is not only the case in Poland and Malta, but also in countries that recognize the right to abortion but make it conditional on certain non-medical conditions, such as compulsory counselling; and the mandatory time period between applying for and performing an abortion; in situations present in certain countries where the problem of a woman exercising the right to abortion is a large number of doctors who do not provide this service based on their right to conscience. The paper is divided into three parts. The aim of the first part of the paper is to consider all the legal difficulties that women face in accessing abortion during the COVID -19 pandemic, restrictions that affect the protection of their dignity, right to life, privacy and right to equality. In the second part of the paper particular attention will be paid to the illiberal tendencies present in this period in some countries of Central and Eastern Europe, especially Poland. In the third part of the paper, emphasis will be put on the situation in Malta where there is a complete ban on abortion even in the case when the life of a pregnant woman is in danger.

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Reports on the topic "Illiberal state"

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Hicks, Jacqueline. Export of Digital Surveillance Technologies From China to Developing Countries. Institute of Development Studies, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.123.

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There is evidence to show that Chinese companies, with some state credit backing, are selling digital surveillance technologies to developing countries, which are then sometimes used in authoritarian practices. However, there is little direct evidence to show that surveillance technologies sold by Chinese companies have more authoritarian potential than the technologies sold by non-Chinese companies. Some researchers define “surveillance technologies” as including any form of digital infrastructure. There is data to show that developing country governments are contracting Chinese companies to build digital infrastructures. Other researchers define “surveillance technologies” as smart city projects. It is estimated that in 2019, Chinese smart city technologies have been purchased in over 100 countries worldwide. Other researchers look at more specific elements of smart cities: There are estimates that the “AI surveillance” components of smart cities have been purchased in 47-65 countries worldwide, and the “data integration” security platforms in at least 80 countries. None of these figures imply anything about how these technologies are used. The “dual use” nature of these technologies means that they can have both legitimate civilian and public safety uses as well as authoritarian control uses. There is evidence of some governments in Africa using Chinese surveillance technologies to spy on political opponents and arrest protesters. Some authors say that some Chinese smart city projects are actually not very effective, but still provide governments with a “security aesthetic”. Research also shows that Chinese smart city technologies have been sold mostly to illiberal regimes. However, in the wider context, there is also ample evidence of non-Chinese surveillance technologies contributing to authoritarian control in developing countries. There is also evidence that UK companies sell surveillance technologies to mostly illiberal regimes. Some reports consulted for this rapid review imply that Chinese surveillance technologies are more likely to be used for authoritarian control than those sold by non-Chinese companies. This analysis is largely based on circumstantial rather than direct evidence. They rely on prior judgements, which are themselves subject to ongoing enquiry in the literature: Almost all of the reports consulted for this rapid review say that the most important factor determining whether governments in developing countries will deploy a particular technology for repressive purposes is the quality of governance in the country. No reports were found in the literature reviewed of Chinese state pressure on developing countries to adopt surveillance technologies, and there were some anecdotal reports of officials in developing countries saying they did not come under any pressure to buy from Chinese companies.

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Terzyan, Aram. The Politics of Repression in Central Asia: The Cases of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan. Eurasia Institutes, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/caps-2-2020.

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This paper explores the landscape of repressive politics in the three Central Asian states of Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan with an emphasis on the phase of “transformative violence” and the patterns of inconsistent repression. It argues that repressions alone cannot guarantee the longevity of authoritarian regimes. It is for this reason that the Central Asian authoritarian leaders consistently come up with discursive justifications of repression, not least through portraying it as a necessary tool for progress or security. While the new Central Asian leaders’ discourses are characterized by liberal narratives, the illiberal practices keep prevailing across these countries.

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