Journal articles on the topic 'Illumination of books and manuscripts, Byzantine'

Review(s) of: Illuminated manuscripts and incucabula in Cambridge: A catalogue of western book illumination in the Fitzwilliam museum and the Cambridge colleges, part five: Illuminated incunabula, volume one: Books printed in Italy, by Andriolo, Azzura Elena and Reynolds, Suzanne, (London and Turnhout: Harvey Miller, 2017) hardcover, 288 pages, RRP 149 pounds/Euro175; ISBN: 9781909400856.

The article elaborates on the basic linguistic features of the Macedonian redaction manuscripts. A survey of the characteristics is presented on different levels: orthographical, phonological, morphological, lexical, and the level of word formation. Linguistic features of these texts can contribute to their more precise localization, indicating that the manuscripts analyzed here are related to the wide zone of southern and western Macedonian dialects, a wider area in which the activities of the Ohrid Literary School took place. The lexicon of the manuscripts, especially the Greek loanwords present, leads to the conclusion that the place of their formation is a Slavic-Greek contact zone. Part of this paper is dedicated to the comparison of rare lexicon and productive word formation models present in a group of Church Slavonic manuscripts of Russian redaction. The comparative analysis of the lexicon and word formation models can help in establishing the corpus of books of the Byzantine rite that were created in the period of activity of Cyrillo-Methodian disciples, under the leadership of Clement of Ohrid. It is obvious that part of that corpus was the main liturgical book, the Gospel, and some previous works have verified that the Menaion was also translated in this literary center. Based on the analysis made in this work, it can be noted that the same rare lexicon and word formation models, in many cases verified in the hymnographic works of Clement of Ohrid, characterize the Apostle, Psalter with commentary, Triodion, Euchologium, and Prophetologion, leading to the conclusion that all these books were part of Clement’s corpus.

Abstract Long sidelined by art historians, the Wandalgarius Codex is a compendium of legal texts dated to 793 that represents an early venture in a trend associated with the 790s: populating initial letters with lively figures. This article centers the Wandalgarius Codex in discussion of experimental book illumination in the late eighth century. The decade saw re-definition of the visual organization of books, the uses illumination could serve, and the ways manuscripts in many genres reflected and shaped projects of education and reform. The essay sets Wandalgarius’ approach to initials in conversation with the well-known Gellone Sacramentary, and investigates the scribe-draftsman’s characterization of his own work as an ambitious contemporary book-maker.

Abstract This essay follows three different stages of the fusion of images and words in the tradition of the book. More specifically, it tackles the transformation undergone by the initially religious combination of visual figures and scriptural texts, exemplified by medieval illuminated manuscripts into the spiritual, non-dogmatic, illuminated books printed and painted by poet-prophet William Blake in a manner that combines mysticism and literature. Eventually, the analysis reaches the secularized genre of the graphic novel that renounces the metaphysical element embedded in the intertwining of the two media. If ninth-century manuscripts such as the Book of Kells were employed solely for divinely inspired renditions of religious texts, William Blake’s late eighteenthcentury illuminated books moved towards an individual, personal literature conveyed via unique pieces of art that asserted the importance of individuality in the process of creation. The modern rendition of the image-text illumination can be said to take the form of the graphic novel with writers such as Will Eisner and Alan Moore overtly expressing their indebtedness to the above-mentioned tradition by paying homage to William Blake in the pages of their graphic novels. However, the fully printed form of this twentieth-century literary genre, along with its separation from the intrinsic spirituality of the visual-literary fusion in order to meet the demands of a disenchanted era, necessarily reconceptualize the notion of illumination.

✓The early historical literature on cervical spine surgery lacks printed material for review, and we can rely only on pathological material from the prehistoric period that has survived as a result of anthropological investigations. After the introduction of Egyptian and early Hellenic medicine, some written material became available. This paper reviews these materials, from both books and manuscripts, in an effort to understand the development of cervical spine surgery from the perspectives of the personalities involved and the early surgical practices used. The review thus considers the following five eras of medicine: 1) prehistoric; 2) Egyptian and Babylonian; 3) Greek and early Byzantine; 4) Middle Eastern; and 5) medieval.

This article discusses the ways in which fifteenth-century nuns financed, shaped and used works of art and architecture at the Benedictine convent of San Zaccaria in Venice. Evidence from chronicles, account books, liturgical manuscripts, reports of visits to the convent, and inscriptions on the works of art themselves shows that the nuns viewed art within their convent extremely proprietarily. While they accepted subsidies from the civic government, indulgences from popes, privileges from Byzantine emperors, and donations from private patrons, the nuns paid close attention to the administration of commissions within the convent church and committed substantial funds to artistic projects, making them their own.

Most of the numerous translations of the great ecclesiastical figure - George the Athonite were created in Greece, on Mount Athos. The “Lenten Triodion” is one of the collections compiled by George the Athonite (1009-1065). He was thoroughly acquainted with the Byzantine and Georgian theological writings. The main principle of his epochal activity was maximum approach of the earlier Georgian translations to the Greek originals. In collections translated from Greek, he tried to show the modern Byzantine liturgical practice in full. The same principle is used in “Lenten Triodion” under his redaction. This is one of the most important liturgical–hymnographic books in Christian church, containing numerous hymns for Great Lent. “Lenten Triodion” under George the Athonite’s redaction is much more extensive than its contemporary Greek analogues. The significance of this collection for the study of Byzantine hymnography is determined by the work done by George the Athonite for identification of the authors of the hymns preserved in it. This collection preserves translations of the hymns of 14 Byzantine poet-melodists of the 5th - 10th centuries. Most of them are well known in scholarly literature, but a significant part of the hymns of the same authors whose originals are not present in the famous scholarly literature are preserved in this collection. The academic edition of this collection according to the nine ancient Georgian manuscripts is prepared by the group of Georgian scholars and its electronic version will be placed on the Internet. Keywords: Byzantine hymnography, George the Athonite, Lenten Triodion, Georgian hymnography

Abstract This review article presents a brief survey of the new critical edition, translation and commentary of the important tenth-century Byzantine imperial treatise known as the De cerimoniis aulae byzantinae (on the ceremonial of the Byzantine court), a title ascribed to the text only in the 16th century. The edition offers an upto- date and highly accurate edition of the tenth century manuscripts through which the text has been transmitted and the detailed and rigorous commentary includes a complete historical and structural analysis of the two books into which the text is divided. In the course of their analysis, the editors arrive at a number of important new conclusions about the origins, intentions and structure of the text, the working methods of the emperor who commissioned it, and the aims and intentions of Basil the parakoimomenos, the person who commissioned the Leipzig manuscript, the chief surviving witness for the text. The 5 volumes of the publication represent a superb achievement by the team of French scholars under the original direction of Gilbert Dagron (†).

Introduction. Traditionally, several books of the OT are ascribed to King Solomon, but, according to Jewish tradition, he wrote only three biblical books, viz.: Proverbs, Ecclesiastes and Song of Songs. According to early Christian, early Byzantine and medieval Armenian interpreters, this order of books in the Solomon trilogy is not accidental. Although in the Christian tradition, this order of books has been attested already from the first centuries, nevertheless, today there are discrepancies and not only about the order of the books in question. Each of these books brings forth a certain semantic and symbolic meaning. They are connected with each other, being, as they were, “steps of the stairs” on the way to knowledge, not to mention the fact that each of these books occupies its worthy place in the treasury of human thought. Methods and materials. These circumstances make the appeal to questions related to Solomon’s tripartite, which are worthy of research using a method of a comparative analysis of various sources. Such a conviction is supported by new data concerning the issues under discussion provided by Armenian sources. Among these testimonies аn important role will be assigned to the use of unpublished yet manuscripts on the topic. A special place is occupied by the codex, which contains an Armenian medieval isagogical collection of the late 12th – early 13th centuries. Analysis. It was compiled by the abbot of the Sanahin monastery Grigor, son of Abas, and is known under the provisional name Book of Causes. The full title of the book is attested only in one manuscript – the most important and earliest from all that have reached us, stored in the Mashtots’ Matenadaran under the number 1879. This medieval textbook includes isagogical questions or prolegomena (presented in Armenian manuscripts under different names, mainly “cause”, “beginning” – hence the Book of Causes) to the all canonical books of the Bible and to the so-called “subtle” writings. The “subtle writings” are certain works that include the writings of both “external” (in relation to Christianity) as well Christian (mainly – “church fathers”) authors. Being of a philosophical and religious character they serve sort of a connecting link, and not only between the OT and the NT. The “subtle writings” were irreplaceable when using philosophical ideas to prove or refute one or another dogmatic position or postulate. As far as can be judged today, this title of certain works has survived only in Armenian; there is no doubt, however, that it had its prototype, at least in the Greek tradition. From the above it follows that the Book of Causes is significant also by the fact that it contains mainly Armenian translations of the introductions to the Bible commentaries of the Church Fathers. Along with them, the Armenian original prolegomena to interpretations are presented here as well. In this manual, there are several prolegomena related to Solomon’s trilogy. Results. These chapters not only confirm the data of early Christian and early Byzantine authors, but also provide some interesting evidence that has not come down to us from other sources (as far as I know). I hope that suggested here analysis of Armenian sources, especially the testimonies from the unpublished isagogical textbook called the Book of Causes will contribute to the international knowledge concerning the discussed questions.

Among the ten celebrations of the Mass of St Basil in the Orthodox Church during the year are the conclusions to the three Vesper services immediately before the three major feasts of Christmas, Epiphany and Easter. Two of these Vesper services – those for Christmas Eve and the Eve of Epiphany – are of particular musical interest since they contain psalms with troparia or antiphons, for both of which the entire music can be transcribed from thirteenth-century manuscripts, so that these two services can be celebrated with what are, almost certainly, the oldest known complete examples of Byzantine psalm singing. From a recent paper of mine on these psalms, it can be gathered that they are examples of what is known as ‘responsorial psalmody’, the psalm itself being sung by a soloist, and the attached troparion by a choir of trained singers or psaltae. In both services they occur as punctuations of a series of readings, appearing in each case after the third and the sixth reading. On the Eve of Epiphany we should perhaps expect to find further psalms after the ninth and twelfth readings, since the series extends to thirteen readings in modern service books and to twelve in the early Middle Ages; yet no such psalms appear now or seem ever to have been sung at this point. And similarly, on Holy Saturday, when according to the ancient Jerusalem cursus twelve readings were given, to be extended in Constantinople to fifteen, no equivalents seem to have been performed at any point.

Βιβλιοκρισία του: A. GIANNOULI, Ε. SCHIFFER (εκδ.), From Manuscripts to Books. Proceedings of the International Workshop on Textual Criticism and Editorial Practice for Byzantine Texts (Vienna, 10 – 11 December 2009) / Vom Codex zur Edition. Akten des internationalen Arbeitstreffens zu Fragen der Textkritik und Editionspraxis byzantinischer Texte (Wien, 10.-11. Dezember 2009) (Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, Denkschriften, 431 / Veröffentlichungen zur Byzanzforschung, 29), Βιέννη 2011, σελ. 217. ISBN 978-3-7001-7132-4

Subject of this article is the copy of Four Gospels preserved at the Church Institute in Sofia (gr. 949), which was displayed in the Brilliance of Byzantium Exhibition organized during the 22nd International Congress of Byzantine Studies (August 22 - 27, 2011) and which we assumed to have been produced by the hand of one of the most famous scribes at the end of the 13th and the beginning of the 14th century, i.e. Theodore Hagiopetrites. The type of the script employed in the Four Gospels at the Church Institute (CHAI gr. 949) is in the so-called by L. Politis unique ?Hagiopetrites Style?. Although the manuscript does not contain a colophon, comparison to the manuscripts of Theodore Hagiopetrites known to us and especially to Cod. D. gr. 29 (Olim. Kos. 35) at the Ivan Dujcev Centre - an autograph of the scribe of 1307, as well as to another manuscript from Saint Petersburg, Cod. gr. of ASUSSR, No 10/667 of the 14th century, provides good reasons to assume that the Four Gospels manuscript (CHAI gr. 949) was also produced by Theodore Hagiopetrites. Our certainty was further substantiated after we had studied in situ the Four Gospels from Academician N. P. Likhachev?s archive published by Igor Medvedev in the collection ? In Memoriam Ivan Dujcev? of 1988 which is currently kept under No 10/667 in the Archive of the Leningrad Section of the Institute of History at the Russian Academy of Science. Having compared the illumination and the specifics of motif stylization, as well as the specific colouring, we could assert that the two manuscripts manifest pronounced similarities. Thereby, the 27 manuscripts by T. Hagiopetrites published by R. Nelson should also be supplemented by the Four Gospels at the Church Institute (CHAI gr. 949) in addition to the Apostle Lectionary of 1307, autograph of Theodore Hagiopetrites at the Dujcev Centre, Cod. D. gr. 29 (Olim. Kos. 35), which R. Nelson briefly mentioned in his preface, and the Saint Petersburg Four Gospels, published by I. Medvedev.

Курс «История русской музыки XI – XVIII веков» читается студентам‑музыковедам на втором курсе Московской консерватории. В курсе используется множество специфических терминов, относящихся к типологии песнопений, богослужебным книгам, палеографии рукописей, древнерусской знаменной и византийской невменной нотациям, ладовой и формульной системе. Лучшему освоению незнакомой терминологии помогают дополнительные материалы, таблицы и схемы. В примерах к статье представлены некоторые из них. The course “History of Russian Music of the 11th – 18th centuries” is taught to the students of musicology at the second year of their studying at the Moscow Conservatory. The course uses many specific terms referring to the genre system of liturgical chants, liturgical books, paleography of manuscripts, Old Russian ‘znamenny’ notation and Middle Byzantine notation, the modal system and the melodic formulas. Better mastering of unfamiliar terminology is helped by additional materials, charts and diagrams. In the examples to the article some of them are presented.

Abstract The Royal Library of Belgium (kbr) has opened a new permanent museum showcasing the historical core of its collections: the luxurious manuscript library of the dukes of Burgundy. Centred around a late medieval chapel that is part of kbr’s present-day building, the museum introduces visitors to medieval book production, the historical context of the late medieval Low Countries, and the subject matter of the ducal library. The breadth of the dukes’ (and their wives’!) interests is reflected in the manuscripts that have come down to us, ranging from liturgical books over philosophical treatises to courtly literature. The Museum places late medieval book production squarely in its historical and artistic context. Visitors are not only introduced to the urban culture that provided a fruitful meeting place between artists, craftsmen, and patrons, but also to the broader artistic culture of the late Middle Ages. By presenting the manuscripts in dialogue with other forms of art such as panel paintings and sculpture, the exhibition stresses that artists at times moved between various media (e.g. illumination and painting) and were influenced by iconography in other forms of art.

Maximus the Greek has been frequently misunderstood because of his individual use of the Slavic language. Born as Mikhail Trivolis in the Greek town of Arta, he received his humanist education in North Italy, particularly in Florence and Venice, where he was engaged in the process of the first editions of printed books and where he would constantly deal with manuscript samples. His original, authorial work, as preserved in his manuscripts, reflects his awareness of firm Orthodox theology and at the same time a special attention to grammatical rules. The paper shows how his use of the (Slavic) language was at all times intentional and at the same time profoundly influenced by the metrical rules of liturgical emphasis. Through such attitude, Maximus the Greek managed to create his own, deeply personal language and to express the complexity of Byzantine patristic, hagiographic and iconographic issues. Finally, he successfully established his Orthodox theological system, significantly marked with the poetic effect that strongly inspired his theological works.

Monastic illumination of manuscripts gave to writings a force and prestige which was unprecedented. Throughout the millennium of western monasticism (500-1500 A.D.), the rich founded monasteries so that monks might pray and worship on their behalf. The monks displayed the fruit of their labours to their patrons in their churches and other works of art, particularly in their books. When with growing prosperity from about 1250 onwards the demand for individual prayer reached down to the middle class of knights and burgesses, they began to want wonderworking books of their own. They could not afford to buy a chantry chapel or a jewelled reliquary, but a small illuminated manuscript came within their means as the first step towards the purchase of paradise. Ladies in particular took to reciting the Latin Psalter and treasuring illuminated Books of Hours. In fifteenth-century depictions of the Annunciation, Mary is often shown seated in a sunlit bower with an open Book of Hours on her lap or displayed on a lectern. Likewise she is sometimes depicted with the Child Jesus on her knee, showing him a Book of Hours. The habit of possessing books might never have reached the laity if writing had not been so luxurious and so covetable. Illumination introduced the laity to script through images which could not fail to attract the eye. The children of the prosperous were introduced to the Psalter by their mothers or a priest for the purpose both of learning to read and of beginning formal prayer. To own a Psalter was therefore an act of familial as well as public piety.These words were written twenty years ago, for a conference at the Library of Congress in 1980 on ‘Literacy in historical perspective’. Since then, these themes have been addressed in several lectures and research papers at conferences, and I would stand by the main ideas expressed in that passage. Monks had indeed given extraordinary prestige to books and in particular to the illuminated liturgical book, which is a medieval invention. By the thirteenth century such books were being adapted for lay use and ownership, typically in Books of Hours. However, it is mistaken to say that lay use ‘began’ then, as the aristocracy – particularly in Germany – had been familiar with prayer books for centuries. In the twelfth century, Hildegard of Bingen was said to have learned only the Psalter ‘as is the custom of noble girls’. A Psalter for lay use dating from c.1150, which belonged to Clementia von Zähringen, has been preserved. It contains a full-page portrait of a lady – presumably Clementia herself – at folio 6v between the end of the Calendar and the Beatus page beginning the Psalms. This book has 126 folios in its present state (possibly one folio is missing at the end) and it measures 11 cm X 7 cm, no larger than a woman’s hand. The biography of Marianus Scotus, the eleventh-century Irish hermit who settled at Regensburg, describes how he wrote for poor widows and clerics ‘many little books and many Psalter manuals’ (‘multos libellos multaque manualia psalteria’). The diminutive form ‘libellos’ and the adjective ‘manualia’ emphasise that these manuscripts were small enough to hold in the hand, like Clementia von Zähringen’s book.

Throughout history, the region of present-day northern Serbian province of Vojvodina has been a crossroads of cultures and civilizations. In this context, one can observe the history of medieval libraries. In this period of time, some sources have documented the existence of a library in a very famous and rich Cistercian monastery in Petrovaradin. This was one of the most prominent convents in medieval Hungary and even Rodrigo Borgia was trying to obtain the incomes of this abbey by becoming its governor. There is an inventory of this monastery dating back to 1495 where many liturgical books are listed. The city and the fortress of Bač were a centre of renaissance in the medieval Southern Hungary, thanks to the work of the archbishop Peter Varadi. What has remained of his library shows that he has read classical Greek and Roman authors, patristic texts, Byzantine writers and so on. Finally, in the monastery of Krušedol, built in 1508, the Serbs who fled to Hungary had their first large-scale cultural and spiritual centre, with a vast library from which several valuable manuscripts have survived.

The study of the transmission and transformation of ancient science ismore than a study of which texts were translated, when, and by whom. It wasa complex process, better seen as beginning rather than ending with the translationof relevant books, for the heart of the process is the assimilation ratherthan the simple reception of the material. Scientific ideas move because peoplestudy books, compute with tables, and use instruments, not simply becausethey translate books, transcribe tables, or buy pretty artifacts. It sufficesto recall that the scholars of the Byzantine Empire, despite their status as thedirect heirs of the classical Greek scientific tradition and their direct accessto whatever classical Greek manuscripts the Islamic world eventually cameto possess-indeed to more of them and from an earlier date-were largelyuninterested in this knowleldge. Hence no account of the transmission of scientificknowledge can be complete if it does not recognize that it is, at root,an account of the activities of what Dupree has called "homo sapiens in asocial context."Two CaveatsAt the outset of this paper, two points mu5t be taken into consideration.First, although we may wish to study the whole process of the Islamic acquisitionof the foreign sciences as it took place over several centuries and overan area extending from Spain to Afghanistan, it must be realized that theexamples given refer to specific events that took place at specific times andin specific places. As a result, eminent Islamic thinkers and writers are quotedwithout any accompanying claim that each one is representative of all Islamicthinkers at all times and in all places. It is sufficient that when a person suchwithout any accompanying claim that each one is representative of all Islamic ...

Of all the musical traditions in the world among which fruitful comparisons with medieval European chant might be made, the chant tradition of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church promises to be especially informative. In Ethiopia one can actually witness many of the same processes of oral and written transmission as were or may have been active in medieval Europe. Music and literacy are taught in a single curriculum in ecclesiastical schools. Future singers begin to acquire the repertory by memorising chants that serve both as models for whole melodies and as the sources of the melodic phrases linked to individual notational signs. At a later stage of training each one copies out a complete notated manuscript on parchment using medieval scribal techniques. But these manuscripts are used primarily for study purposes; during liturgical celebrations the chants are performed from memory without books, as seems originally to have been the case also with Gregorian and Byzantine chant. Finally, singers learn to improvise sung liturgical poetry according to a structured system of rules. If one desired to imitate the example of Parry and Lord, who investigated the modern South Slavic epic for possible clues to Homeric poetry, it would be difficult to find a modern culture more similar to the one that spawned Gregorian chant.

Abstract In 1482, Erhard Ratdolt, a prominent German printer in Venice, issued the editio princeps of Euclid’s Elements. Ratdolt experimented with the new technology of printing to overcome the difficulty in arranging geometric diagrams alongside the text. This article examines the materials and techniques that Ratdolt used in his edition of Elements including his use of vellum, gold printing, and illumination for special copies as well as his use of woodcuts, movable type, and metal-cast diagrams. Significantly, the legacy of Ratdolt’s innovations continued almost one hundred years later in subsequent editions of Elements. In 1572, Camillo Francischini printed Federico Commandino’s Latin translation and commentary, and today, there are at least two surviving copies of this edition printed on blue paper. Both printers, Ratdolt and Francischini, used the printing press to produce unique and bespoke books using material and visual cues from luxury objects like illuminated manuscripts. These case studies of Euclid’s Elements brings together the fields of art history, history of the book, and the history of geometry, and analyzes the myriad ways that printers employed the printing press in the early modern period to elevate and modernize ancient, mathematical texts.

Modern medieval studies consider the “Libros de Privilegios” as an important and very informative source for the history of medieval municipal administration and the town chanceries. These manuscripts, being essentially cartularies, constitute a special group of legal texts originating from the city. The features of their codicology, paleography and illumination make it possible to study the development of document management practices in cities. The article compares the “Libros de Privilegios” from four towns of the Kingdom of Castile — Toledo, Seville, Murcia and Lorca. Ordered by concejos to municipal scribes, they testify to a common vector of development of municipal government in different towns, regardless of the time of their inclusion in the Kingdom of Castile. The books of privileges considered in the article were compiled in the period from the last quarter 13th century until the end of the 30s of the 14th century, although the Fuero of Toledo taken as a basis in them was formed and was issued in the form of a charter in the first quarter of the 13th century. After the consejos received from the king the Fuero of Toledo in the version of 1222 as a fundamental document regulating local legal life, they later either independently selected documents for inclusion in their «Libros de Privilegios» (Toledo, Seville, Murcia), or determined a sample for copying (Lorca).

This article is dedicated to the interpretation of the header before the text of the Ten Commandments on fol. 150 of the Hval Codex. The author is drawing attention to a gloss in the margin to the left of the banner which has not been addressed in the earlier scholarly literature nor recorded in the facsimile transcription of 1986. The rectangular banner consists of a lozenge net filled with gold lilies while three gold interlace crosses of a complex shape are placed on top of the banner. The gloss next to it was written in blue ink as an abbreviated word under a line. It is a rather common abbreviation from the nomina sacra category (God). The significance of this hitherto-overlooked gloss is extraordinary. It was written in the same manner which was used for adding legends to miniatures or headers in order to clarify images in medieval illuminated manuscripts. Hval wrote similar notes in several margins of this manuscript.The location of the gloss itself points to its function as an explanation of the banner before the words which the Lord communicated to Moses on Mount Sinai. That the text of the Ten Commandments was significant in Bosnian illuminated manuscripts is also attested to by the header before the Ten Commandments in a Venetian miscellany codex, which depicts the narrative scene of the theophany on Sinai while, at the same time, containing a fairly long inscription which clarifies the image. Similar textual clues appear in the Dobrejšovo Evangelie, the most important of which is the one positioned next to the Synaxarion header where the inscription, “this is heaven which is also called paradise”, explains the scene. In the context of such examples, this article discusses analogous material from illuminated manuscripts and monumental painting alike by applying a new approach to the study of function of medieval ornament, while also highlighting the problem of the etymology of the notion of ornament in different languages. The findings resulting from this research show that the function of ornament in a religious context was not just decorative, but that it was used to mark the holiness of a space, that is, the presence of the divinity, which is a phenomenon witnessed in illuminated manuscripts, wall paintings, icons and reliquaries.H. Kessler’s research into Judeo-Christian symbol-paradigms confirms the essential importance of the depiction of the Old Testament tabernacle in the manuscripts of the Christian Topography as a source of ornamental motifs. They can be grouped into a relatively narrow set of symbols, always included in a structural system: star-shaped schemes, fields of flowers, interlace and lozenge nets as well as chequers. Their origin is found in the coffered vaults of classical tombs and temples where they represented the sky and Elysium. They were transported to medieval art through identical motifs which were painted in the catacombs and early Christian basilicas. It is these exampes that constitute a formal template for the header to the Ten Commandments in the Hval Codex the meaning of which is, therefore, a symbolic depiction of the Word, Logos, as the source of God’s Ten Commandments, which is why the banner was marked with a corresponding gloss.The article also pays attention to an unusual illumination in the Gospels of Jakov of Serres because it also witnesses that a grid with floral motifs possessed a special meaning to educated medieval men. The portion above the head of Metropolitan Jakov, formed by a band of a lozenge net with flowers, has been described in the scholarship only as decorative, that is, as forming a floral background, but, given that its position and shape both conform to signifiers of heavenly kingdom in Byzantine manuscripts of the Christian Topography, it is erroneous to interpret it only as a floral background and a mere ornament. In this case too, the lozenge field filled with flowers denotes the Empire of God to which Jakov directs his prayers. Therefore, when one studies ornament in a religious context, it is necessary to use a more precise language, one which is rooted in the manuscript material itself. A concrete evidence for such a practice can also be seen in the colophon of this manuscript because the scribe who wrote it compared all of the decoration in the codex to the starry sky of a theological rather than actual kind.Other notes in the Hval Codex margins are also mentioned in the article. Some of these record the name of the manuscript’s commissioner who was addressed out of respect as uram (Hungarian for “my sire and master”): Hrvoje Vukčić Hrvatinić, Grand Duke of Bosnia and a Herzog of Split. The article emphasizes the need to study more closely the location of glosses and all other marginal notes within the codex, and highlights the fact that the two notes recording the name of the patron were placed next to the Gospel sections describing Christ’s healing miracles which, generally speaking, figure prominently in Christian art and exegesis. Furthermore, the article also analyzes the previously-unpublished illumination which depicts Moses in front of the Burning Bush, the branches of which were rendered as interlace ornament resembling a labyrinth. The rendition of the Burning Bush as interlace stemming from the floral frame of the header is a unique example which demonstrates that medieval art did not consider ornament as a meaningless arabesque but that it frequently functioned as a signifier.

El presente estudio pretende ofrecer un análisis sobre las fuentes visuales de origen árabe y su influencia en las Cantigas de Santa María de Alfonso X el Sabio. Partiendo de un estado de la cuestión donde se tienen en cuenta aquellas propuestas realizadas a lo largo de estos años en relación al marco geográfico de influencias —situadas inicialmente en Francia e Italia pero defendiendo posteriormente la necesidad de reubicar la miniatura alfonsí dentro del ámbito del Mediterráneo— se pretenden aportar nuevas reflexiones críticas, cuestionando algunos de los vínculos concretos e intrínsecos que se han establecido entre el marial alfonsí y otros manuscritos iluminados del mundo árabe, especialmente algunos folios relativos a los Maqamat de al-Hariri.The aim of this paper is to provide an analysis of the Arabic visual resources and their influences on the Alfonso X the Learned’s Cantigas de Santa Maria.Firstly, I present the current status of the issue taking into account all of the proposals made throughout the last approaches concerning the geographical frame of influences. These frames of influences had been situated by the first researchers, particularly in the 19th Century, in France and Italy.Subsequently, other «inspirations», such as the Arabic and Byzantine world, started to be considered as an important focus to help us understand some of the miniatures of our manuscript, not only in style but also in regards to profane topics, which are generally predominant in the alphonsine productions.In response to these last suggestions, one of the principal purposes of this study is to defend the necessity to understand the alphonsine illumination in a Mediterranean context. Furthermore, I aim to present a new critical approach by questioning some of the specific links established between our codex and the Arabic illuminated manuscripts. In particular, there are some folios of the Maqamat illuminated by al-Wasiti which have been considered an essential influence for the Cantigas miniaturists. I go on to explain that other depictions that can be found in different 13th century painting productions— such as the crusader illumination, the miniatures made in the Staufen Court in Sicily or the Mural paintings of the conquest of Majorca, among others— present a very similar composition to those Arabic depictions and, therefore, to our Castilian manuscript.For that reason, taking these new proposals into consideration allow us to distance the Cantigas de Santa María from the Arabic models, without rejecting their presence, in order to talk about general depictions that appear in different productions made in the second half of the 13th century in diverse European courts and Mediterranean commercial points. Finally, we can affirm that the Cantigas de Santa María is the result of a fusion between foreign and local resources, and consequently it is difficult to find specific sources that could have been known and copied in an itinerant court.

There were numerous Slavic settlements in South Albania (including the valley of Shushica River) at the end of the 1st millennium. In the second half of the 9th c. a significant part of this region was conquered by the 1st Bulgarian Kingdom, and after 870 there were established ecclesiastical dioceses which became part of the church organization of the Kingdom. Slavonic ecclesiastical schools were established in that region as well, after 886 in the context of the so-called “Slavonic project” of the Bulgarian prince, Boris. St. Clement took an active part in this project. It was South Albania where the first Slavonic bishopric in Southeast Europe was founded, in 893, when St. Clement was appointed bishop. His bishopric was organized according ethnic principle, so that St. Clement was called “the bishop of Slavonic people.” The center of Clement’s bishopric was in Velica, which is related to the modern settlement Velçë in the Shushica valley. There are ruins of a cross-in-square church with a narthex in the Asomat region, which is located near Velica. The church was built at the end of the 9th‒beginning of the 10th cc. and dedicated to the Archangel Michael. The plan of this church is identical with that of the so-called “pronaos” of the church built by St. Clement in his Ohrid monastery. In St. Clement’s bishopric Church Slavonic was used as a liturgical language. For that purpose, a set of Byzantine liturgical books was translated from Greek into Church Slavonic, and Clement took an active part in this process. Liturgical pecularities of these books partially observed in Greek manuscripts of South Italian provenance testify to the hypothesis that Greek sources of the earliest Church Slavonic translations belonged to liturgical tradition of Epirus, similar to those of South Italy. This also proves the location of St. Clement’s bishopric in the valley of the Shushica River.

Vasyl Stefanyk National Scientific Library of Ukraine in Lviv (VSNSL of Ukraine in Lviv) is considered as an inheritor and successor for major Ukrainian libraries and institutions that constituted its base consequently to geopolitical upheavals of first half of 20th century. These are books, manuscripts, old prints, periodicals, notes and fine arts collections etc. from the libraries of Shevchenko Scientific Society, People’s Home in Lviv, monasteries, private collections, as well as Studion’s Library collection, whose substantial part now is being dispersed along the shelves of VSNSL of Ukraine in Lviv. The author defined the role of Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytskyi and Klymentii Sheptytskyi in establishing and maintaining this biggest specialized scientific library in Galicia at that time. The paper describes the rise and evolution of the Studion’s Library collection drawing on archival documents and revealing main stages of its formation, outlines objectives that Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytskyi determined for it and highlighted Metropolitan’s activity in church and social fields resulted in formation of national and cultural institutions. The author also defined the outstanding role of Studion’s in the religious life of Ukrainians. The Studion’s Library collection was officially integrated into Lviv Branch of the Library of the Academy of Sciences of USSR on February 12, 1940. So the dispersion of the once rich collection started. Now those books and periodicals are parts of Rare Book Department, Manuscript Department, Ucrainica Department, Exchange and Reserve Department, Department of European book of 19th–20th cc. and others. These collections were repeatedly examined within several bibliological studies conducted by the Library’s researchers. Thus, it is marked that unique collections of Studion’s like other historical libraries at VSNSL of Ukraine in Lviv need writing their history as well as their bibliographical reconstruction what is now composing one of main objectives of Library’s staff Keywords: Vasyl Stefanyk National Scientific Library of Ukraine in Lviv, Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytskyi, Klymentii Sheptytskyi, the Studion’s Library collection, Byzantine Library.

The aim of the article is to trace the historical formation of the liturgical statute, to outline the causal relationship of various Byzantine statutes with the Union typicons. Consider in detail the development of the liturgical charter among the Kiev Church, which in the late sixteenth century. restored unity with the Apostolic See. Research methodology: the basis is the use of a chronological method of presenting the material, although sometimes it may seem that in one or another part of scientific research we go back to the previous era. Such references are quite justified, because the liturgical charter needs multifaceted coverage, even within one era. We will also use the historical-critical method to objectively illuminate the context of the development of the liturgical statutes in different time periods, from the first centuries to the present. In the article we apply analytical and synthetic research methods that are necessary in the analysis of ancient printed types. Of course, it is impossible to do without the method of comparative liturgy, which in this work, however, is only partially used. This is due to the need to analyze the typicons themselves, not the texts of the liturgical books. The method of comparative liturgy will help to more objectively assess the affiliation of a particular typicon to a particular tradition, as well as indicate borrowings from other traditions or statutes. The scientific novelty is that for the Church of Christ worship is her life and breath. It is the liturgical prayer that allows the Church to be not just an «institution», but already here on earth, to take part in the divine life of the Holy Trinity. Especially the Eastern Church, through worship, helps people to attend the Heavenly Liturgy, so it is not surprising that the Byzantine rite, which is also used by the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, is characterized by a very accurate expression «heaven on earth». In order to regulate worship, in the first centuries, there is a need for special statutory books that would help to properly combine the very rich psalmic, hymnographic, song, biblical and ritual heritage of the Church, in a particular worship, on a given day. This is how the first typicons appeared - liturgical books, which contain clear rules for regulating and conducting all worship services. Unfortunately, in the Greek Catholic Church, with the exception of the study of Mr. Igor Vasylyshyn, Doctor of Liturgical Theology, there have been no attempts to analyze and study in detail the process of creating a constitution, its development and features in the union environment. This fact prompted him to write a scientific paper, which would be one of the first bricks in the construction of modern liturgical theology of the Greek Catholic Church in the field of liturgical statutes. The first manuscripts, which contained a description of certain norms concerning the prayer and liturgical life, come from the monastic environment. The most famous and influential of these are the Statutes of St. Sava the Blessed (later known as the Jerusalem Statutes) and Theodore the Studite (later known as the Studite Statutes). Translated into Church Slavonic, the book Τυπικον is called the "Charter". So today the term "statute" can be considered to correspond, though not the absolute equivalent, to the term of Greek origin "typicon", given their alternating practical application in modern liturgical theology. Moreover, the term "typicon" is most often understood as a liturgical book, and the term "charter" expresses the full scope of the liturgical charter.

On the basis of a large array of archival documents and historiographical base, the activity of Klymentii Sheptytskyi as abbot of the Holy Assumption Univ Lavra is highlighted. The analysis of this suggests that the abbot Klymentii not only contributed to the restoration of the model of the convents of the Studio Charter, but thanks to the author’s messages and works became the charismatic law-maker of this model. The author found out that the monasteries of the studio, headed by the abbot Klymentii, were able to: consolidate the Ukrainian emigrants, resist the denationalization from both the Russian and Polish sides; to spread education among young people and children, which has influenced the process of education in the religious-patriotic spirit of the Eastern Galician society; to create religious and ecclesiastical periodicals and a network of monastic libraries, which played a significant role in the development of Christian and national ideas among the local population; revive sacred art, which greatly enriched the national culture; support and care for the vulnerable, including orphans, the sick and the poor. In the article it is proved that the activity of abbot Klymentii (Sheptytskyi), first, became an important factor and criterion of moral and spiritual enrichment of Ukrainians, secondly, is a clear statement that the GCC stood on the principles of Christian morality, national and cultural tolerance and upholding — religious interests of Ukrainian, and the monasteries of the Studio Charter became one of the greatest expressors, the guarantor of the realization of national and cultural interests of Ukrainians in Eastern Galicia.The paper deals with organizational principles and practical work of the «Union history archive» (UHA), its functions, ways and dynamics of additions, structure and thematic policy of archival and library funds, personnel issue. The role of UHA founder Galician Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytskyi (1865‒1944) remains an uninvestigated issue in the context of interwar archival institution studies. The research based on newly discovered primary sources and materials of Vasyl Stefanyk National Scientific Library of Ukraine in Lviv, Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine in Lviv, and State Archive of Lviv oblast. Having a set of newly discovered archival documents: 381 «books of introductions», reports on expeditions, financial receipts, etc., as well as the correspondence of Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytskyi, director and staff of UHA, a unified image of UHA in its historical development is reproduced. In particular, the main aspects of the current work of the UHA, the role of the Metropolitan and director Ivan Shendryk in coordinating the processes of acquisition, monetary evaluation, purchasing of rarities with the participation of freight forwarders O. Tsynkalovsky, B. Olkhivsky and other individuals in searching for historical (church) written and printed monuments, as well as art and archaeological exhibits; establishing contacts with residents of Volyn, Kholm, Polissya, Podlasie, as well as Lithuania, Belarus, Russia and others. One of the well-established forms of UHA acquisition has been studied — the purchasing of cultural monuments in bookstores, antique shops, «on the market» and auctions that allows tracing the dynamics of UHA acquisition. The organizational activities of Metropolitan A. Sheptytskyi and the archival research works financially provided by him in the archives of the Vatican, the Peremyshl Chapter, the Archive of Ancient Acts in Warsaw, the Ossolinski National Institution in Lviv and others institutions have been studied. The structure and thematic palette of UHA components are revealed: the archive of ancient acts (before the 1917 revolution) and the archive of new acts (from 1917), book collections, including the «archival library». The initiatives of the founder of the Union History Archive, Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytskyi, on the reorganization and inclusion of UHA funds in the archive-library complex of the «Studion» book collection as an integral part of the Byzantine library and archive are highlighted. The activity of Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytskyi in preventing the destruction of the whole layer of culture and enrichment of the national treasury of Ukraine is presented on the example of coverage of the work of UHA. Keywords: Archives, Library, Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytskyi, Book collection, Union, Historical monuments, Manuscripts.

The influence of the Gospel lectionary (evangelistarion) on the iconography of medieval wall painting was rather sporadic. One of the rare testimonies that it did exist, nevertheless, is the specific iconographic formula for the scene of Christ in the house of Martha and Mary, preserved in a number of King Milutin's foundations - Gracanica (ca. 1320), Chilandar katholikon (1321) and St. Nicetas near Skopje (ca. 1324). In all three churches, the iconographic formula corresponds for the most part to the description in the Gospel (Lk 10, 38-42). A large number of figures were painted against an architectural background, intimating that the action in the event was taking place indoors (draw. 1, figs. 1, 2). Among the figures, only Christ is marked by a halo. He is sitting on a small wooden bench, and addressing a woman, who is standing in front of him. This is certainly Martha. Her sister Mary is sitting at the feet of Christ. Next to Christ is Peter, and one or two more disciples, while numerous onlookers, men and women, are depicted behind Martha. There is no mention of either them or the apostles in the Gospel of Luke. The appearance of the disciples' figures, however, is easy to explain because they appear usually in greater or lesser numbers with Christ, in the scenes from the cycle of Christ's Public Ministry. In addition to this, this passage from the Gospel intimates that Christ entered the village in the company of his disciples. As for the figures behind Martha, at a first glimpse, one would assume that they are Judeans, the same ones that sometimes, according to the Gospel of John (11:19-31), appear in the house of Martha and Mary in the episodes painted next to the Raising of Lazarus. Still, such an assumption is not plausible because among the mentioned figures in the depictions in Gracanica, Chilandar and St. Nicetas, one can distinguish a woman above the other figures, her right arm raised, addressing Christ. This figure enables an explanation for the unusual iconographic formula and indicates its connection with the evangelistarion. The section of the Gospel that speaks of Christ's visit to Martha and Mary (Lk 10:38-42) is read out during the liturgy of the feasts of the Birth and the Dormition of the Virgin and, in the lectionary, these five verses are accompanied by a reading of two another verses the Gospel of Luke (Lk 11:27-28). The two verses recount the conversation of Christ and a woman during the Saviour's address to the assembled crowd who tempted him, demanding a sign from Heaven. Recognizing the Lord, the woman raised her voice so as to be heard above the crowd and said: 'Blessed is the mother who gave you birth and nursed you'. Two different events and two separated passages from Luke are joined in the lectionary in such a way that from the combination of the readings, it proceeds that the mentioned woman is addressing Christ while he is speaking to Martha. As a result, an iconographic formula emerged that was applied in Gracanica, the Chilandar katholikon and in St. Nicetas near Skopje. Judging by the preserved examples, this formula was characteristic only of the painting in the foundations of King Milutin. None of the other known depictions of Christ's visit to Martha and Mary, Byzantine or Serbian included the figure of a third woman, singled out from the mass of onlookers speaking to Christ. With minor variations, the text of the closing verses of Chapter 10 of the Gospel of Luke was, in the main, almost literally illustrated. The origin of this unique iconographic formula in several of King Milutin's foundations remains unknown. The most logical thing would be that the combined illustration of the two separate passages from Luke's Gospel came from an illuminated lectionary of Byzantine origin. However, the quests for such a manuscript so far have not confirmed this assumption. In the only lectionary, known to us, which depicts Christ in the house of Martha and Mary - the Dionysiou cod. 587 - the iconographic formula is the pictorial expression of the last verses of Chapter 10 of the Gospel of Luke. The two verses of Chapter 11 in Luke's Gospel, which are also included in the text of the lection, read out during the liturgy of the Birth and of the Dormition of the Virgin, had no effect on the iconography of the scene of Christ in the house of Martha and Mary in the famous Dionysiou lectionary, even though in it, the mentioned scene illustrate this very lection. The scene is located in the place where the said lection appears for the first time in the lectionary, within the framework of the readings envisaged for the feast of the Birth of the Virgin (September 8). The second part of the lectionary which refers to the same lection, i.e. to its reading for the feast of the Dormition (August 15), is illuminated with the representation of the death of the Virgin. The Dormition of the Virgin is painted in the corresponding place in several more lectionaries, while beside the pericope that is read during the liturgy of the feast of the Birth of the Theotokos, sometimes there was an appropriate depiction of the Birth of the Virgin, or simply a single figure of the Virgin. Most often, however, that part of the lectionary was left without an illustration, which can be explained by the fact that the vast majority of illuminated Byzantine lectionaries either did not have any figural ornamentation or merely contained the portraits of the evangelists. The absence of narrative illustrations is particularly characteristic of the Byzantine lectionaries that originate from the Palaeologan era. The illumination of Serbian lectionaries from that epoch is also reduced to ornamental headpieces, initials, and, in some cases, the evangelist portraits. Nevertheless, one should not altogether exclude the possibility that in some unknown or unpublished Byzantine or Serbian manuscripts of the evangelistarion, there was an iconographic formula that was applied in the painting of King Milutin's foundations. In any case, it does not seem plausible that this unusual iconographic formula may have arrived from the West. The scene of Christ's visit to Martha and Mary was also presented in the Latin lectionaries based on the five Gospel verses in which it was described (Lk 10:38-42) even though, in the appropriate pericope of the lectionaries of the Roman Church, these five verses are also accompanied by a reading of two another verses the Gospel of Luke (Lk 11:27-28). The influence of the lectionaries is not visible even in the presentations of Christ's visit to Martha and Mary that are preserved in the medieval wall painting of the western European countries.

Статья посвящена памяти выдающегося ученого-исследователя, педагога, доктора искусствоведения, профессора Наталии Викторовны Заболотной (1957-2022). Одной из наиболее новаторских исследовательских позиций было применение Н. В. Заболотной структурно-типологического и историко-функционального подходов в комплексном изучении древнерусской церковно-певческой книжности XI-XIV веков. Вовлечение в орбиту исследования не только нотированных, но и ненотиро-ванных источников позволило прийти к качественно новому пониманию сложного взаимодействия письменной и устной форм трансмиссии богослужебнопевческой культуры эпохи Студийского устава. К другим важнейшим научным интересам Н. В. Заболотной следует отнести разработку принципов электронной каталогизации древнерусских певческих книг, изучение истории формирования крупнейших собраний певческих рукописей, исследование этиологии и специфики поздних распевов, в том числе киевопечерского. Н. В. Заболотная организовала и руководила более четверти века секцией музыкальной медиевистики, фактически создав целую научную школу, охватившую все основные направления исследований в области литургического музыковедения - от византинистики до кампанологии. Н. В. Заболотная - редактор-составитель ряда сборников научных статей, инициатор и организатор нескольких крупных научных форумов, более десяти лет занимала пост проректора по научной работе Российской академии музыки имени Гнесиных, на кафедре истории музыки проработала 30 лет. The article is dedicated to the memory of the outstanding researcher, teacher, and Doctor of Art Criticism, Professor Natalia Viktorovna Zabolotnaya (1957–2022). One of the most innovative research positions was the use of N. V. Zabolotnaya of structural-typological and historical-functional approaches in a comprehensive study of ancient Russian church-singing literature of the 11th—14th centuries. The involvement of not only notated but also non-notated sources in the orbit of the study made it possible to come to a qualitatively new understanding of the complex interaction between the written and oral forms of transmission of the liturgical and singing culture of the Studian Typicon era. Other important scientific interests of N. V. Zabolotnaya should include the development of the principles of electronic cataloguing of ancient Russian singing books, the study of the history of the formation of the largest collections of singing manuscripts, the study of the aetiology and specifics of late Znamenny Chants (the late “rospevi”), including the Kievan Chant (“rospev”), etc. She organized and directed for more than 25 years the section of medieval music studies, in fact creating an entire scientific school covering all the main areas of research in the field of liturgical musicology—from Byzantine studies to Campanology. N. V. Zabolotnaya is the editor-compiler of several of collections of scientific articles the initiator and organizer of several major scientific forums, for more than 10 years, she served as vice-rector for scientific work of the Gnesins Russian Academy of Music. N. V. Zabolotnaya was an outstanding teacher, having worked at the Department of Music History for 30 years.

Мета цього дослідження – проаналізувати можливість використовувати погляди Р. В. Ленекера на когнітивну семантику як семантико-текстологічну модель перекладознавчого аналізу. Матеріалом для розгляду обрано твір «Слово некоего калугера о чьтьи книг» із «Ізборника Святослава» 1076 р. та його три переклади: два переклади сучасною українською мовою (повний – В. Яременка, частковий – Є. Карпіловської й Л. Тарновецької) та один переклад англійською мовою (В. Федера). Теорія когнітивної семантики Р. Ленекера орієнтується здебільшого на граматичні проблеми й опис мови через параметри простору. Параметрам опису образности, які пропонує когнітивна семантика, бракує чіткости, які мають аналітичні методи структуралізму. Однак, вони виконують головну аналітичну функцію: вони дозволяють усвідомити наявні в перекладі порушення й відхилення від першотвору та намагатися усвідомити їхню природу й межі.
 Література
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Illumination is visual decoration in form of coloured fonts, designed or illustrated page in print media. In middle age bibles or manuscripts, there are forms and type of illuminations that may applied as a system of content delivery in books. A framework of illumination design methodology may elaborated through content analysis on several illuminations in bibles and religious manuscripts. This research will enrich visual communication design study, especially typography and illustration study in developing an information system delivery based on visual elements.

In the collection of manuscripts of the Princes Chartoryski Library in Cracow, there are two manuscripts (from the beginning of the 17th century) which are related, in academic literature, with the person of Orthodox monk, Iwan Wiszeński. The volumes, described in catalogues as Zlatousts, were to be brought by him directly from the Mt Athos. Codicological and textual analysis of the manuscripts shows that the tomes are not the Zlatousts, but two volumes (Lent and Paschal period) from an extensive collection of Byzantine and Slavic panegyrical works, known as Studios Monastery Homiliarium. Characteristic features of both the books show that the manuscripts were written on the area of the former Polish Republic (The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth), thus they may only be copies of the originals brought from the Balkan region (not necessarily the Mt Athos). It is possible that Iwan Wiszeński was engaged personally in the delivery of manuscripts of this type, unpopular in Orthodox literature in the Ruthenian territory, but not of these particular ones.

In the Ashkenazi public prayer domain, narratives and figures were limited to the illumination of large prayer books used by the cantor and smaller copies for private use, ordered by those members of the community who could afford them. Operation of word and image in this context enabled worshipers to interact with the human ancestors of the Jewish people and related fundamental biblical events perceived in the liturgy as ancestral merits. However, while the basic texts used in such collaborations were recited or sung by the cantor or believers and formed a consistent obligatory part of the liturgy, the images were always a flexible nonobligatory addition, open to variation. Often, there may be a clear gap between the two in regard to contents, a result of the way the Jewish visual language crystallized in Christian Europe. This article exemplifies the complexities involved in the process of such an operation as expressed in two Ashkenazi liturgical manuscripts of around 1300.

Abstract Background and Aims Extensive archaeological material indicates that records of the treatment of kidney disease without examining the cause and solely by examining the appearance of urine date back to ancient times. To this day, the basic clinical approach to nephrology patient included an overview of freshly sampled urine from the uncatheterized bladder and monitoring of urine output.The aim of the paper is to analyze the history of the urine analysis. Method Data were collected from books, magazines, encyclopedias and databases. Results The first nephrological experiences and doctrines that connected the clinical picture with diseases of the urinary bladder, kidneys or liver were written down in the opus Corpus Hippocraticium, which contains a total of 53 works. Opus Hippocraticium contains in its work Aphorisms a total of 22 aphorisms dedicated to uroscopy. Such examinations revealed specific changes in urine that were considered important for the onset and maintenance of the disease (Predictions II paragraphs 567,569,571). Galen (Claudios Galenos) is the most famous representative of Roman medicine and a follower of the teachings of Hippocrates. In his work De crisibus (K IX, 550-668) he described in detail the changes in urine.The physicians who marked the first and second centuries with their work on urine specificities were Selius Aurelianus (Tarde Passiones V, 3) and Cornelia Celsus (De Medicina 4:17). The apostate Oribazi (Oribasius of Pergamum; 325-403) wrote a "Medical Collection" which consists of 70 books. The importance of uroscopy for the prognosis of diseases is also described in the texts on secretions in this collection.Etius of Amida wrote (Aetius 502-575) a very semi-paired collection of "Sixteen Books of Medicine". In Book V of his work he wrote 15 chapters on the characteristics of urine. He incorporated the described changes in urine into the theory of four types of body fluids. Due to the advanced approach, this collection became the basis of all subsequent works on uroscopy.Pavle Eginski (625-690) is an Alexandrian student who practiced uroscopy and is the author of seven books entitled "Excerpts from Medicine" in which he introduces new concepts and describes in detail how to collect and examine urine. At that time, the greatest contribution to uroscopy was considered to have been made by Magnus Emesianus with his classification of urine characteristics.The most famous representative of medicine from the Byzantine era is Theophilus Protospatorius (VII century) a physician, monk, and philosopher of the Byzantine period wrote (De Urinis 68-70), a treatise on urine which was translated into Arabic and Hebrew and highly esteemed among the urologists of the time. Serbian medieval medicine was a synthesis of Western European and Byzantine science.Scientific access to treatment and permanent medical education was provided in the monastery hospitals (typical of the Hilandar / Studenica monastery), but very few manuscripts from that period have been preserved. The most extensive and significant medieval medical manuscript in the Serbian language is the "Hilandar Medical Codex".In the "Journal of Uroscopy", 62 paragraphs are dedicated to Byzantine uroscopy-macroscopic examination of changes in urine. Uroscopy has been developed until the introduction of the forerunner microscope for examining urine at the end of the 16th century. The application of microscopy in the examination of urine is constantly being improved, and the first automatic analysis of urinary sediment was done in 1985. Conclusion Although urine analysis has been used since ancient times, today the diagnosis depends a lot on the quality of interpretation of the findings. Despite attempts to standardize urine sediment analysis using various methods as a cheap and non-invasive method, it is still not sufficiently used in differentiating different kidney diseases.

This article analyses the work of the Moscow Print Yard in the last years of the patriarchate of Joseph and during the tenure of Patriarch Nikon. The traditional idea that the reform of Patriarch Nikon radically changed the publishing programme of the Print Yard is based primarily on innovations made to liturgical books, but the same changes may also be observed in the repertoire of publications not related to public or private worship. The purpose of this study is to conduct a comparative analysis of the reader miscellanies printed in the years immediately before the reform and after it in order to show the continuity of the publishing programme of the Print Yard during this decade. The material for this study consists, on the one hand, of the works of the Ruthenian author Hieromonk Gideon, which were being prepared for publication: the Book on Faith, printed in 1648, and the Alpha and Omega – a work that remained unpublished in the seventeenth century but was subsequently printed by Old Believer publishing houses. On the other hand, the analysis also involves the Skrizhal (1655–1656) and the Anthologion (1660), a miscellany that, even though printed after Nikon left the patriarchal throne, represents the goals and principles of editing texts followed by the Nikonian scribes. The latter two miscellanies consisted mainly of new translations of unknown versions of hagiographical works and Byzantine patristic heritage; these new translations have been usually attributed to Arsenius the Greek. The new materials presented in the article testify to the fact that in the preparation of these books, earlier translations from European modern Greek editions were used, including those that existed in manuscripts that circulated at the Print Yard during its last years before the Nikonian reform. These texts include the treatise of Gabriel of Philadelphia On the Seven Mysteries of the Church published in the Skrizhal, as well as the gnomology Chapters… from the Book Named Paradeisos by Nilus (John Geometres) and Tetrastichae sententiae of Gregory the Theologian, whose translation was until recently known only in the form that was printed as part of the Anthologion. Based on the analysis of the themes, composition, and sources of these miscellanies, it is concluded that the general aims manifested by the printing programme of the Print Yard in the 1640s – catechesis and the theological and moral education of Muscovite society – were consistently followed in the first years of the post-reform programme, though with a natural reorientation toward new sources. This set of aims of the publishing programme of the sovereign’s Print Yard is associated with the work of the circle of zealots of ancient piety, in which the future Patriarch Nikon was an active participant. Work on the publication of books was carried out with the direct participation of the royal confessor Stefan Vonifantiev and with the support of Tsar Alexei. The interest of the representatives of the Muscovite enlightened elite close to the court in the works of the Ruthenian book and manuscript tradition contributed to the appearance in Moscow, already in the pre-reform years, of new sources of Byzantine patristic heritage and examples of European theology.

Erik Petersen: Suscipere digneris. A find and some hypotheses on the Copenhagen Psalter Thott 143 2° and its history. The Copenhagen Psalter Thott 143 2º has often, and rightly, been praised as an outstanding example of the subtlety and artistic quality of Romanesque art in manuscripts. Its illumination, the saints of its calendar and litany place it in an English context. Two added elements, an obituary notice on the death in 1272 of Eric duke of Jutland, son of the Danish king Abel, and a prayer of an anonymous woman, link the codex to Medieval Denmark and Scandinavia as well. Addressing the Holy Trinity with the words Suscipere digneris the woman prays for herself, pro me misera peccatrice, and for the souls of her father and mother, of her brothers and sisters, of all members of her family, and for the souls of all brothers and sisters and familiares of her order. She also prays pro anima Byrgeri ducis. The occurrence of duke Birger, or Birger Jarl, in her prayer has given the book the name “Psalter of the Folkungar”, in particular in Scandinavian scholarship. The assumptions have been that the Psalter belonged to the Swedish aristocratic family of the Folkungar, that the duke Birger mentioned in the prayer was the older member of the family bearing that name (d. 1202), and that the book later passed to Mechtilde, the mother of duke Eric and widow of king Abel killed in 1252, who married the younger duke Birger in 1261. Duke Birger died in 1266, Mechtilde in 1288. The fate of the Psalter from the end of the 13th century until it entered the huge library of count Otto Thott (1703–1785) has been entirely unknown. There are, however, a couple of clues to its history, one in the codex itself and one external, which do cast some light on its whereabouts. The first is a small piece of paper with bibliographical notes from the 18th century inserted at the very end of the codex. The second is an elaborate copy of the calendar and the prayer that I became aware of while working on the German humanist and theologian Johann Albert Fabricius (1668–1736) and his manuscripts. It could be proved that the copy was made in Fabricius’ own hand between 1720 and 1736. Since I knew that Fabricius did not leave Hamburg at any time during these years, it could also be proved that the Copenhagen Psalter must have been present in the city at least for some time in the same period. The codex did not belong to Fabricius, and since he left no information about it apart from the copy itself, I was not able to determine how he had had access to it. The answer was to be found in a hitherto unnoticed treatise De Psalterio Manuscripto Capelliano ob singularem elegantiam commemorabili observatio, written by Johann Heinrich von Seelen (1687–1762) and published in the third volume of his Meditationes Exegeticae, quibus varia utriusque Testamenti loca expenduntur et illustrantur, Lübeck 1737. Von Seelen’s treatise is based on an autoptic study of the codex. He informs his readers that the codex once belonged to Rudolphus Capellus (1635–1684), professor of Greek and History at the Gymnasium Academicum in Hamburg. Von Seelen gives a detailed description of the codex, which leaves no doubt about its identity with the Psalter now in Copenhagen. He also states that the codex was sent to him for his use and information by his friend Michael Richey (1678–1761) in Hamburg. Michael Richey had been a colleague and close friend of Fabricius, who must have copied the codex while it was in Richey’s library. After Rudolphus Capellus’ death it passed on to his son Dietericus Matthias Capellus (1672–1720), who noted down the bibliographical notes on the sheet of paper attached to the codex. It was sold by auction as part of the bibliotheca Capelliana in Hamburg in 1721, and it will have been on that occasion that Michael Richey acquired it. It is not known where and how Rudolphus Capellus acquired the Psalter. Von Seelen called it Capellianum, because Capellus was the first owner known to him. In the present paper the old Benedictine nunnery in Buxtehude, Altkloster, is suggested as the likely previous home of the codex. The short distance from Hamburg to Buxtehude, Capellus’ limited radius of action, and the fact that Altkloster was dissolved as a catholic monastery exactly in the period when Capellus acquired the codex is adduced in support of the hypothesis. In addition, archival material in Stade confirms that there were still several medieval manuscripts in the monastery when it was dissolved as a consequence of the Peace of Westphalia. Only one of them has been identified – actually another manuscript that found its way into the Thott collection in Copenhagen. This manuscript, Thott 8 8º with a late medieval German translation of the New Testament, contains a note in the hand of its first modern owner, Dietrich von Stade (1637–1718), which attests the presence of medieval books in Altkloster even as late as in 1696. They had been taken over by the first Lutheran minister in the former monastery and were in the custody of his widow when Dietrich von Stade visited it. Capellus left his marks and scars on the manuscript. His hand, which I recognize from an autograph manuscript now in the Fabricius Collection, can be identified as the one that added numbers to the psalms. He also added the heading to the list of relics on top of f. 1r, and four lines of text on f. 199v. He added a note to the prayer on f. 16v, and even wrote down the Greek passages in the NT as parallels to the Latin canticles Magnificat and Nunc dimittis on f. 185r–185v. As to the medieval additions in the manuscript it is pointed out in the paper that the owner of the relics listed on the first page of the book was not the owner of the manuscript. The name was erased at an unknown date, but the letters dns (for dominus) before the erasure indicate that the owner was a man, not a woman or a church or a monastery. It is suggested that the list of relics is probably younger than usually assumed. The text that Capellus completed with the four lines and a final Amen at the very end of the codex is itself an addition to the original manuscript. Despite its length (f. 194v–199v) it has received little attention from scholars. It is actually a version of the so-called Oratio Sancti Brandani, copied in a late medieval hand that imitates the script of the Psalter proper. Palaeographically as well as textually it appears to be a foreign element in the context of the Psalter, but it is, of course, interesting for its history. The text ends abruptly, so Capellus’ addition may perhaps be seen as more justifiable here than elsewhere in the book. The only date explicitly noted down in the entire codex is found in the calendar. There are two medieval additions in it, one, little noticed, mentioning the 11.000 virgins in October, and the one noting the death of Eric duke of Jutland in year 1272, added to the line of the 27th day of the month of May. The present paper offers new suggestions as to how to understand the notices, and argues against the interpretation most often put forward, namely that Mechtilde was the direct or indirect authoress of the obituary-notice about duke Eric. It also argues against the identification of Mechtilde with the ego of the prayer on f. 16v. Based on palaeographical and other formal observations it is contended that the text should be dated to the end of the 13th Century and not its beginning, and that Byrgerus dux is likely to be the younger Birger Jarl, not the older. It is pointed out that he is not included in the prayer as a family member, but merely as Byrgerus dux. Following a structural analysis of the text, it is concluded that the anonymous voice of prayer is not that of Mechtilde; instead it is suggested that it could belong to an otherwise unknown daughter of Mechtilde and king Abel, and thus a sister of Eric duke of Jutland. Her place was a monastery, her present time the year 1288 or later. Prayers beginning with words Suscipere digneris are found in many variations in medieval manuscripts. In one source, MS 78 a 8 in the Kupferstichkabinet in Berlin, a Psalter, this prayer as well as other significant elements, display a striking similarity with the Copenhagen Psalter. The Berlin Psalter, which is younger than the Copenhagen Psalter, has added elements that relates to persons in Sweden and Norway. The Berlin Psalter was presented to the nuns in Buxtehude in 1362 by a miles who passed by from his hometown in the western part of Northern Germany. The relation between the Psalters now in Berlin and Copenhagen is complicated. In the present paper it is suggested that, with respect to the prayer, they may depend on a common source. It is concluded that the Berlin Psalter may have had closer links to the Folkungar in Sweden than the Copenhagen Psalter, whose history, in so far as we know it, points rather to its presence in Medieval Jutland, that is Southern Denmark and Northern Germany.

If Continental social theory emerges from a climate of intensely cold winters and short mild summers, how does Australia (or any nation defined by its large masses of aridity) function as an environment in which to produce critical theory and new knowledge? Climate and weather are intrinsic to ambience, but what impact might they have on the conditions of producing academic work? How is ambience relevant to thinking and writing and research? Is there an ambient epistemology? This paper argues that the ambient is an unacknowledged factor in the production of critical thinking, and draws on examples of academics locating their writing conditions as part of their thinking. This means paying attention to the embodied work of thinking, and so I locate myself in order to explore what it might mean to acknowledge the conditions of intellectual work. Consequently I dwell on the impact of heat and light as qualities specific to where I work, but (following Bolt) I also argue that they are terms that are historically associated with new knowledge. Language, then, is already a factor in shaping the way we can think through such conditions, and the narratives available to write about them. Working these conditions into critical narratives may involve mobilising fictional tropes, and may not always be ambient, but they are potent in the academic imaginary and impact the ways in which we can think through location. Present Tense As I sit in Perth right now in a balmy 27 degrees Celsius with the local afternoon sea-breeze (fondly known as the Fremantle Doctor) clearing the stuffiness and humidity of the day, environmental conditions are near perfect for the end of summer. I barely notice them. Not long ago though, it was over 40 degrees for three days in a row. These were the three days I had set aside to complete an academic paper, the last days available before the university opened and normal work would resume. I’d arranged to have the place to myself, but I hadn’t arranged for cooling technologies. As I immersed myself in photocopies and textbooks the intellectual challenges and excitement were my preoccupation. It was hot, but I was almost unreceptive to recognising the discomforts of the weather until sweat began to drip onto pages and keyboards. A break in the afternoon for a swim at the local beach was an opportunity to clarify and see the bigger picture, and as the temperature began to slide into the evening cool it was easier to stay up late working and then sleep in late. I began to work around the weather. What impact does this have on thinking and writing? I remember it as a haze. The paper though, still seems clear and reasoned. My regimen might be read as working despite the weather, but I wonder if the intensity of the heat extends thinking in different directions—to go places where I wouldn’t have imagined in an ambiently cooled office (if I had one). The conditions of the production of knowledge are often assumed to be static, stable and uninteresting. Even if your work is located in exciting Other places, the ‘writing up’ is expected to happen ‘back home’, after the extra-ordinary places of fieldwork. It can be written in the present tense, for a more immediate reading experience, but the writing cannot always happen at the same time as the events being described, so readers accept the use of present tense as a figment of grammar that cannot accommodate the act of writing. When a writer becomes aware of their surroundings and articulates those conditions into their narrative, the reader is lifted out of the narrative into a metaframe; out of the body of writing and into the extra-diegetic. In her essay “Me and My Shadow” (1987), Jane Tompkins writes as if ‘we’ the reader are in the present with her as she makes connections between books, experiences, memories, feelings, and she also provides us with a writing scene in which to imagine her in the continuous present: It is a beautiful day here in North Carolina. The first day that is both cool and sunny all summer. After a terrible summer, first drought, then heat-wave, then torrential rain, trees down, flooding. Now, finally, beautiful weather. A tree outside my window just brushed by red, with one fully red leaf. (This is what I want you to see. A person sitting in stockinged feet looking out of her window – a floor to ceiling rectangle filled with green, with one red leaf. The season poised, sunny and chill, ready to rush down the incline into autumn. But perfect, and still. Not going yet.) (128)This is a strategy, part of the aesthetics and politics of Tompkins’s paper which argues for the way the personal functions in intellectual thinking and writing even when we don’t recognise or acknowledge it. A little earlier she characterises herself as vulnerable because of the personal/professional nexus: I don’t know how to enter the debate [over epistemology] without leaving everything else behind – the birds outside my window, my grief over Janice, just myself as a person sitting here in stockinged feet, a little bit chilly because the windows are open, and thinking about going to the bathroom. But not going yet. (126)The deferral of autumn and going to the bathroom is linked through the final phrase, “not going yet”. This is a kind of refrain that draws attention to the aesthetic architecture of locating the self, and yet the reference to an impending toilet trip raised many eyebrows. Nancy Millar comments that “these passages invoke that moment in writing when everything comes together in a fraction of poise; that fragile moment the writing in turn attempts to capture; and that going to the bathroom precisely, will end” (6). It spoils the moment. The aesthetic green scene with one red leaf is ruptured by the impending toilet scene. Or perhaps it is the intimacy of bodily function that disrupts the ambient. And yet the moment is fictional anyway. There must surely always be some fiction involved when writing about the scene of writing, as writing usually takes more than one take. Gina Mercer takes advantage of this fictional function in a review of a collection of women’s poetry. Noting the striking discursive differences between the editor’s introduction and the poetry collected in the volume, she suggestively accounts for this by imagining the conditions under which the editor might have been working: I suddenly begin to imagine that she wrote the introduction sitting at her desk in twin-set and pearls, her feet constricted by court shoes – but that the selection took place at home with her lying on a large beautifully-linened bed bestrewn by a cat and the poems… (4)These imaginary conditions, Mercer implies, impact on the ways we do our intellectual work, or perhaps different kinds of work require different conditions. Mercer not only imagines the editor at work, but also suggests her own preferred workspace when she mentions that “the other issue I’ve been pondering as I lay on my bed in a sarong (yes it’s hot here already) reading this anthology, has been the question of who reads love poetry these days?” (4). Placing herself as reader (of an anthology of love poetry) on the bed in a sarong in a hot climate partially accounts for the production of the thinking around this review, but probably doesn’t include the writing process. Mercer’s review is written in epistolary form, signaling an engagement with ‘the personal’, and yet that awareness of form and setting performs a doubling function in which scenes are set and imagination is engaged and yet their veracity doesn’t seem important, and may even be part of the fiction of form. It’s the idea of working leisurely that gains traction in this review. Despite the capacity for fiction, I want to believe that Jane Tompkins was writing in her study in North Carolina next to a full-length window looking out onto a tree. I’m willing to suspend my disbelief and imagine her writing in this place and time. Scenes of Writing Physical conditions are often part of mythologising a writer. Sylvia Plath wrote the extraordinary collection of poems that became Ariel during the 1962/63 London winter, reputed to have been the coldest for over a hundred years (Gifford 15). The cold weather is given a significant narrative role in the intensity of her writing and her emotional desperation during that period. Sigmund Freud’s writing desk was populated with figurines from his collection of antiquities looking down on his writing, a scene carefully replicated in the Freud Museum in London and reproduced in postcards as a potent staging of association between mythology, writing and psychoanalysis (see Burke 2006). Writer’s retreats at the former residences of writers (like Varuna at the former home of Eleanor Dark in the Blue Mountains, and the Katherine Susannah Pritchard Centre in the hills outside of Perth) memorialise the material conditions in which writers wrote. So too do pilgrimages to the homes of famous writers and the tourism they produce in which we may gaze in wonder at the ordinary places of such extraordinary writing. The ambience of location is one facet of the conditions of writing. When I was a doctoral student reading Continental feminist philosophy, I used anything at hand to transport myself into their world. I wrote my dissertation mostly in Townsville in tropical Queensland (and partly in Cairns, even more tropical), where winter is blue skies and mid-twenties in temperature but summers are subject to frequent build-ups in pressure systems, high humidity, no breeze and some cyclones. There was no doubt that studying habits were affected by the weather for a student, if not for all the academics who live there. Workplaces were icily air-conditioned (is this ambient?) but outside was redolent with steamy tropical evenings, hot humid days, torrential downpours. When the weather breaks there is release in blood pressure accompanying barometer pressure. I was reading contemporary Australian literature alongside French feminist theories of subjectivity and their relation through écriture féminine. The European philosophical and psychoanalytic tradition and its exquisitely radical anti-logical writing of Irigaray, Cixous and Kristeva seemed alien to my tropical environs but perversely seductive. In order to get ‘inside’ the theoretical arguments, my strategy was to interpolate myself into their imagined world of writing, to emulate their imagined conditions. Whenever my friend went on a trip, I caretook her 1940s unit that sat on a bluff and looked out over the Coral Sea, all whitewashed and thick stone, and transformed it into a French salon for my intellectual productivity. I played Edith Piaf and Grace Jones, went to the grocer at the bottom of the hill every day for fresh food and the French patisserie for baguettes and croissants. I’d have coffee brewing frequently, and ate copious amounts of camembert and chocolate. The Townsville flat was a Parisian salon with French philosophers conversing in my head and between the piles of book lying on the table. These binges of writing were extraordinarily productive. It may have been because of the imagined Francophile habitus (as Bourdieu understands it); or it may have been because I prepared for the anticipated period of time writing in a privileged space. There was something about adopting the fictional romance of Parisian culture though that appealed to the juxtaposition of doing French theory in Townsville. It intensified the difference but interpolated me into an intellectual imaginary. Derrida’s essay, “Freud and the Scene of Writing”, promises to shed light on Freud’s conditions of writing, and yet it is concerned moreover with the metaphoric or rather intellectual ‘scene’ of Freudian ideas that form the groundwork of Derrida’s own corpus. Scenic, or staged, like Tompkins’s framed window of leaves, it looks upon the past as a ‘moment’ of intellectual ferment in language. Peggy Kamuf suggests that the translation of this piece of Derrida’s writing works to cover over the corporeal banishment from the scene of writing, in a move that privileges the written trace. In commenting, Kamuf translates Derrida herself: ‘to put outside and below [metre dehors et en bas] the body of the written trace [le corps de la trace écrite].’ Notice also the latter phrase, which says not the trace of the body but the body of the trace. The trace, what Derrida but before him also Freud has called trace or Spur, is or has a body. (23)This body, however, is excised, removed from the philosophical and psychoanalytic imaginary Kamuf argues. Australian philosopher Elizabeth Grosz contends that the body is “understood in terms that attempt to minimize or ignore altogether its formative role in the production of philosophical values – truth, knowledge, justice” (Volatile 4): Philosophy has always considered itself a discipline concerned primarily or exclusively with ideas, concepts, reason, judgment – that is, with terms clearly framed by the concept of mind, terms which marginalize or exclude considerations of the body. As soon as knowledge is seen as purely conceptual, its relation to bodies, the corporeality of both knowers and texts, and the ways these materialities interact, must become obscure. (Volatile 4)In the production of knowledge then, the corporeal knowing writing body can be expected to interact with place, with the ambience or otherwise in which we work. “Writing is a physical effort,” notes Cixous, and “this is not said often enough” (40). The Tense Present Conditions have changed here in Perth since the last draft. A late summer high pressure system is sitting in the Great Australian Bite pushing hot air across the desert and an equally insistent ridge of low pressure sits off the Indian Ocean, so the two systems are working against each other, keeping the weather hot, still, tense, taut against the competing forces. It has been nudging forty degrees for a week. The air conditioning at work has overloaded and has been set to priority cooling; offices are the lowest priority. A fan blasts its way across to me, thrumming as it waves its head from one side to the other as if tut-tutting. I’m not consumed with intellectual curiosity the way I was in the previous heatwave; I’m feeling tired, and wondering if I should just give up on this paper. It will wait for another time and journal. There’s a tension with chronology here, with what’s happening in the present, but then Rachel Blau DuPlessis argues that the act of placing ideas into language inevitably produces that tension: Chronology is time depicted as travelling (more or less) in a (more or less) forward direction. Yet one can hardly write a single sentence straight; it all rebounds. Even its most innocent first words – A, The, I, She, It – teem with heteroglossias. (16)“Sentences structure” DuPlessis points out, and grammar necessitates development, chronological linearity, which affects the possibilities for narrative. “Cause and effect affect” DuPlessis notes (16), as do Cixous and Irigaray before her. Nevertheless we must press on. And so I leave work and go for a swim, bring my core body temperature down, and order a pot of tea from the beach café while I read Barbara Bolt in the bright afternoon light. Bolt is a landscape painter who has spent some time in Kalgoorlie, a mining town 800km east of Perth, and notes the ways light is used as a metaphor for visual illumination, for enlightening, and yet in Kalgoorlie light is a glare which, far from illuminating, blinds. In Kalgoorlie the light is dangerous to the body, causing cancers and cataracts but also making it difficult to see because of its sheer intensity. Bolt makes an argument for the Australian light rupturing European thinking about light: Visual practice may be inconceivable without a consideration of light, but, I will argue, it is equally ‘inconceivable’ to practice under European notions of light in the ‘glare’ of the Australian sun. Too much light on matter sheds no light on the matter. (204)Bolt frequently equates the European notions of visual art practice that, she claims, Australians still operate under, with concomitant concepts of European philosophy, aesthetics and, I want to add, epistemology. She is particularly adept at noting the material impact of Australian conditions on the body, arguing that, the ‘glare’ takes apart the Enlightenment triangulation of light, knowledge, and form. In fact, light becomes implicated bodily, in the facts of the matter. My pterygiums and sun-beaten skin, my mother and father’s melanomas, and the incidence of glaucoma implicate the sun in a very different set of processes. From my optic, light can no longer be postulated as the catalyst that joins objects while itself remaining unbent and unimplicated … (206).If new understandings of light are generated in Australian conditions of working, surely heat is capable of refiguring dominant European notions as well. Heat is commonly associated with emotions and erotics, even through ideas: heated debate, hot topics and burning issues imply the very latest and most provocative discussions, sizzling and mercurial. Heat has a material affect on corporeality also: dehydrating, disorienting, dizzying and burning. Fuzzy logic and bent horizons may emerge. Studies show that students learn best in ambient temperatures (Pilman; Graetz), but I want to argue that thought and writing can bend in other dimensions with heat. Tensions build in blood pressure alongside isometric bars. Emotional and intellectual intensities merge. Embodiment meets epistemology. This is not a new idea; feminist philosophers like Donna Haraway have been emphasizing the importance of situated knowledge and partial perspective for decades as a methodology that challenges universalism and creates a more ethical form of objectivity. In 1987 Haraway was arguing for politics and epistemologies of location, positioning, and situating, where partiality and not universality is the condition of being heard to make rational knowledge claims. These are claims on people’s lives. I am arguing for the view from a body, always a complex contradictory structuring and structured body versus the view from above, from nowhere, from simplicity. (Haraway 588)Working in intellectual conditions when the specificities of ambience is ignored, is also, I suggest, to work in a privileged space, in which there are no distractions like the weather. It is also to work ‘from nowhere, from simplicity’ in Haraway’s words. It is to write from within the pure imaginary space of the intellect. But to write in, and from, weather conditions no matter what they might be is to acknowledge the affect of being-in-the-world, to recognise an ontological debt that is embodied and through which we think. I want to make a claim for the radical conditions under which writing can occur outside of the ambient, as I sit here sweating over theory again. Drawing attention to the corporeal conditions of the scene of writing is a way of situating knowledge and partial perspective: if I were in Hobart where snow still lies on Mount Wellington I may well have a different perspective, but the metaphors of ice and cold also need transforming into productive and generative conditions of particularised knowledge. To acknowledge the location of knowledge production suggests more of the forces at work in particular thinking, as a bibliography indicates the shelf of books that have inflected the written product. This becomes a relation of immanence rather than transcendence between the subject and thought, whereby thinking can be understood as an act, an activity, or even activism of an agent. This is proposed by Elizabeth Grosz in her later work where she yokes together the “jagged edges” (Time 165) of Deleuze and Irigaray’s work in order to reconsider the “future of thought”. She calls for a revision of meaning, as Bolt does, but this time in regard to thought itself—and the task of philosophy—asking whether it is possible to develop an understanding of thought that refuses to see thought as passivity, reflection, contemplation, or representation, and instead stresses its activity, how and what it performs […] can we deromanticize the construction of knowledges and discourses to see them as labor, production, doing? (Time 158)If writing is to be understood as a form of activism it seems fitting to conclude here with one final image: of Gloria Anzaldua’s computer, at which she invites us to imagine her writing her book Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza (1987), a radical Chicana vision for postcolonial theory. Like Grosz, Anzaldua is intent on undoing the mind/body split and the language through which the labour of thinking can be articulated. This is where she writes her manifesto: I sit here before my computer, Amiguita, my altar on top of the monitor with the Virgen de Coatalopeuh candle and copal incense burning. My companion, a wooden serpent staff with feathers, is to my right while I ponder the ways metaphor and symbol concretize the spirit and etherealize the body. (75) References Anzaldua, Gloria. Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza. San Francisco: Aunt Lute Books, 1987. Bolt, Barbara. “Shedding Light for the Matter.” Hypatia 15.2 (2000): 202-216. Bourdieu, Pierre. The Logic of Practice. Cambridge: Polity, 1990. [1980 Les Edition de Minuit] Burke, Janine. The Gods of Freud: Sigmund Freud’s Art Collection. Milsons Point: Knopf, 2006. Cixous, Hélène, and Mireille Calle-Gruber. Rootprints: Memory and Life Writing. London: Routledge, 1997. [1994 Photos de Racine]. Derrida, Jacques, and Jeffrey Mehlman. "Freud and the Scene of Writing." Yale French Studies 48 (1972): 74-117. DuPlessis, Rachel Blau. Blue Studios: Poetry and Its Cultural Work. Tuscaloosa: Alabama UP, 2006. Gifford, Terry. Ted Hughes. Abingdon: Routledge, 2009. Graetz, Ken A. “The Psychology of Learning Environments.” Educause Review 41.6 (2006): 60-75. Grosz, Elizabeth. Volatile Bodies: Towards a Corporeal Feminism. St Leonards: Allen & Unwin, 1994. Grosz, Elizabeth. Time Travels: Feminism, Nature, Power. St Leonards: Allen & Unwin, 2005. Haraway, Donna. “Situated Knowledges: The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective.” Feminist Studies 14.3 (1988): 575-99. Kamuf, Peggy. “Outside in Analysis.” Mosaic 42.4 (2009): 19-34. Mercer, Gina. “The Days of Love Are Lettered.” Review of The Oxford Book of Australian Love Poems, ed. Jennifer Strauss. LiNQ 22.1 (1995): 135-40. Miller, Nancy K. Getting Personal: Feminist Occasions and Other Autobiographical Acts. New York: Routledge, 1991. Pilman, Mary S. “The Effects of Air Temperature Variance on Memory Ability.” Loyola University Clearinghouse, 2001. ‹http://clearinghouse.missouriwestern.edu/manuscripts/306.php›. Tompkins, Jane. “Me and My Shadow.” New Literary History 19.1 (1987): 169-78.