Academic literature on the topic 'Imerina (Madagascar)'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Imerina (Madagascar).'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Imerina (Madagascar)"
1
Berg, Gerald M. "Writing Ideology: Ranavalona, The Ancestral Bureaucrat." History in Africa 22 (January 1995): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171909.
Full textAbstract:
In the late eighteenth century, Imerina was checkered with a myriad of tiny principalities, each ruled from hilltop fortresses. In just fifty years from 1780 to 1830, it was unified under a single ruler, drawing Merina into increasingly wider systems of obedience and creating a vast imperium that held sway over most of the Island of Madagascar, a landmass the size of France, Belgium, and Holland combined.And yet, the half century of tumultuous change that characterized the empire's rise brought no revolution in the Merina's own understanding of the world of power, a view which I have termed hasina ideology. Merina saw historical reality not as the product of human agency, but of ancestral beneficence, hasina, which flowed downwards on obedient Merina from long-dead ancestors in a sacred stream that connected all living Merina. For obedient Merina, politics consisted in nothing more nor less than a lifelong quest to position one's self favorably in that sacred stream as close as possible to ancestors and then to reap the benefits of that cherished association. With the passage of time, the hasina stream flowed into new generations and so generated new social relations expressed in terms of kinship. The vast transformation of the Merina political landscape only enhanced Imerina's devotion to ancestral hasina.The origins of hasina ideology are not known, though by the time Andrianampoinimerina began to unify Imerina in the closing decades of the eighteenth century, its character is clearly perceptible. Andrianampoinimerina's son Radama built on his father's legacy. In the 1820s he transformed Imerina from a small and isolated kingdom into an empire capable of projecting its power over the length and breadth of Madagascar.
2
Campbell, Gwyn. "Slavery and Fanompoana: the Structure of Forced Labour in Imerina (Madagascar), 1790–1861." Journal of African History 29, no. 3 (November 1988): 463–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700030589.
Full textAbstract:
A recent school of historical thought has emerged, centred around the writings of Maurice Bloch, which asserts that the imperial Merina economy from the early nineteenth century became totally dependent upon slave labour. It claims that there was such an influx of slaves into Imerina that slave numbers rose dramatically and all free Merina were relieved from productive work to engage in essentially non-productive occupations, notably the military, imperial administration and commerce. This article, which traces the development of forced labour in Madagascar and examines the structure of labour under autarky, takes issue with this viewpoint. It emphasises not only that the slave population of Imerina in the nineteenth century was lower than asserted, but that Bloch misunderstands the nature offanompoanawhich, from the adoption of autarky in the mid-1820s, formed the organizing principle of most sectors of the imperial Merina economy outside subsistence agriculture. The impoverishment of the Merina economy which was a root cause of autarky led to a great decline in slave-holding amongst peasants who were in consequence largely obliged to work their own ricefields, either alone, or alongside the few slaves they managed to retain. By contrast, the Merina elite increasingly monopolized available labour resources, slave andfanompoana. Fanompoana, traditionally a limited form of prestation to the crown, was radically restructured under autarky between 1825 and 1861. Far from being ‘unproductive’, the imperial army, the largestfanompoanainstitution, constituted a huge and elaborate commercial organization which was used to exploit the empire's resources and channel them to the imperial heartland. At the same time,fanompoanaunits comprising Merina soldiers and colonists established farms and engaged in commerce in the provinces. Finally,fanompoanalabour was widely used on the east coast plantations, and especially in the attempt to forge an industrial revolution in Imerina. In sum, this article argues thatfanompoanarather than slavery formed the basis of the imperial Merina economy under autarky, ad was a major factor contributing to the failure of autarkic policies.
3
Campbell, Gwyn. "The Adoption of Autarky in Imperial Madagascar, 1820–1835." Journal of African History 28, no. 3 (November 1987): 395–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700030103.
Full textAbstract:
Traditionally, historians have viewed Queen Ranavalona I as being responsible for inaugurating an autarkic policy in Madagascar. Her expulsion of most foreigners from the country in 1835 is seen primarily as a reflection of her conservative and xenophobic attitudes. In this she is contrasted with her predecessor, Radama I, who is viewed as an enlightened and progressive monarch who, through wise domestic policies and an alliance with the British on Mauritius from 1817, built up an economically sound and prosperous empire. This paper challenges the traditional interpretation, arguing that in fact the Merina economy was in a dire condition from the second decade of the nineteenth century because the slave exports upon which it heavily depended were severely restricted in consequence of the British takeover of the Mascarenes. The subsequent alliance between Britain and Imerina totally prohibited slave exports. However, Radama I looked to Mauritius and British aid to promote legitimate exports and to help impose Merina rule over all Madagascar. Autarkic policies were initiated by Radama I in 1825–6 as a reaction against the failure of the British alliance to produce the anticipated results, and against the free trade imperialism that accompanied it. Convinced by 1825 that the Mauritius government meant to subordinate Imerina both economically and politically to British imperial interests, he reneged on the British treaty and adopted a policy designed to promote rapid economic growth within an independent island empire. Ranavalona I, far from implementing irrational and xenophobic policies, extended her predecessor's autarkic policies in a rational and systematic manner, and for precisely the same ends.
4
Berg, Gerald M. "Radama's Smile: Domestic Challenges to Royal Ideology in Early Nineteenth–Century Imerina." History in Africa 25 (1998): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172181.
Full textAbstract:
In the 1820s, when Imerina expanded to control most of Madagascar, remarkably few Merina rose in organized opposition to the king's extensive plans to change basic social and political relations. Tradition conferred sacred legitimacy on innovative royal interpretations of ideology and secured public consent with little resort to force. Potential conflicts between the king and Merina elites were muted by negotiations that proceeded within the premises of traditional ideology. As the king managed to monopolize organized force, occasional acts of violence assured that royal views of ideology dominated all others.King Radama occupied the central position in the stream of blessing that ran from Imerina's collective ancestors downwards through him to all living Merina. As the ultimate living representative of all long-dead ancestors, he had the power to dispense their good will in the form of “superior”hasinain exchange for his subjects' offerings of “inferior”hasina. As mediator between heaven and earth, Radama alone determined how Imerina'shasinaideology would apply to the vicissitudes of everyday life. Merina, however, saw the reality that he created not merely as the product of human agency, but of ancestral beneficence as well. Since opposition to royal will implied the rejection of ancestral beneficence, attempts within Imerina to challenge the monarch's authority or the ideology on which it rested were rare indeed. Yet such cases of opposition did arise, and they reveal the nature of royal authority as seen from below.
5
Aumeeruddy-Thomas, Yildiz, Verohanitra Miarivelomalala Rafidison, Finn Kjellberg, and Martine Hossaert-McKey. "Sacred hills of Imerina and the voyage of Ficus lutea Vahl (Amontana) in Madagascar." Acta Oecologica 90 (July 2018): 18–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.actao.2018.04.005.
Full text
6
Burguet, Delphine. "Apprendre à soigner en période coloniale. De la transmission formelle des savoirs biomédicaux à la pratique hybride des soins (Madagascar, Imerina)." Autrepart 82, no. 2 (2017): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/autr.082.0035.
Full text
7
BLANCPAMARD, C. "‘Half of a quarterʼ. An ethnography of coping with the economic crisis in Tananarive and the rural areas of Imerina (Madagascar)." Nature Sciences Sociétés 6, no. 4 (October 12, 1998): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1240-1307(98)80138-6.
Full text
8
Berg, Gerald M. "Sacred Acquisition: Andrianampoinimerina at Ambohimanga, 1777–1790." Journal of African History 29, no. 2 (July 1988): 191–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370002363x.
Full textAbstract:
Between 1775 and 1810 Andrianampoinimerina laid the foundations of the Merina state which in subsequent decades was to rule most of Madagascar. Though various circumstances such as the development of irrigated riziculture and slavery, the monopoly of profits and of muskets from coastal trade, and the manipulation of ritual, contributed in part to the nascent monarchy's strength, they equally touched other political formations within Imerina and elsewhere and therefore do not explain why Andrianampoinimerina's organization endured while others did not. The distinctiveness of Andrianampoinimerina's case is revealed by returning to particular events, those culminating in his first successful attempt to rule at Ambohimanga in 1783. His success depended upon exploiting both good luck and pervasive kinship values which recognized individual financial prowess. Thus the resurgent trade with the east coast did not redefine Merina kinship. Rather, trade provided an expanded arena of economic activity in which Andrianampoinimerina demonstrated superior skill at kinship politics, expanding his kin group and assuming the role of sole mediator between the residents of Ambohimanga and their ancestors.
9
Berg, Gerald M. "Virtù, and Fortuna in Radama's Nascent Bureaucracy, 1816–1828." History in Africa 23 (January 1996): 29–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171933.
Full textAbstract:
“I suppose pedigree and land belong to a fine match,” said Deronda coldly. “The best horse will win in spite of pedigree, my boy. You remember Napoleon's moi-je suis ancêtre,” said Sir Hugo, who habitually undervalued birth, as men dining well agree that the good life is distributed with wonderful equality. “I am not sure I want to be an ancestor,” said Deronda. “It doesn't seem the rarest sort of origination.”In the late eighteenth century Imerina was checkered with a myriad of tiny principalities, each ruled from hilltop fortresses. In just fifty years from 1780 to 1830, it was unified under a single ruler, drawing Merina into increasingly wider systems of obedience and creating a vast imperium that held sway over most of the island of Madagascar, a landmass the size of France, Belgium, and Holland combined.And yet, the half century of tumultuous change that characterized the empire's rise brought no revolution in the Merina's own understanding of the world of power, a view which I have termed hasina ideology. Merina saw historical reality as the product not of human agency, but of ancestral beneficence, hasina, which flowed downwards on obedient Merina from long—of dead ancestors in a sacred stream that connected all living Merina. For obedient Merina, politics consisted in nothing more and nothing less than the lifelong quest to position oneself favorably in that sacred stream as close as possible to ancestors and then to reap the material benefits of that cherished association. Ancestors made their pleasure known by bestowing blessings, “superior” hasina, on those who honored them.
10
FREEMAN, LUKE. "ANCESTOR CULTS IN IMERINA Madagascar: les ancêtres au quotidien – usages sociaux du religieux sur les Hautes-Terres Malgaches. By MALANJAONA RAKOTOMALA, SOPHIE BLANCHY and FRANÇOISE RAISON-JOURDE. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2001. Pp. 522. No price given, paperback (ISBN 2-7475-0019-5)." Journal of African History 43, no. 3 (November 2002): 503–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853702368415.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Imerina (Madagascar)"
1
Peyrusaubes, Daniel. ""Ma part de nuage" : climat et société en Imerina centre-oriental (Madagascar)." Poitiers, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006POIT5004.
Full textAbstract:
La relation entre l'homme et le climat est une histoire très ancienne. Dans le temps et dans l'espace, les sociétés doivent composer avec les faits atmosphériques. Le contexte de changement climatique, avéré ou pas, donne une nouvelle impulsion à cette thématique. Il donne, en particulier, l'occasion d'interroger un champ de recherche plutôt confidentiel en géoclimatologie, celui de la perception et du vécu du climat par les populations. Ce travail explore cette orientation de recherche sur les Hautes Terres de Madagascar, en pays merina. Il s'agit, dans un premier temps, de définir une saisonnalité climatique à partir de l'analyse diachronique de paramètres météorologiques (températures, précipitations, vents, humidité, index de Showalter, eau précipitable). L'approche est bidimensionnelle, puisqu'elle compile une étude de surface mais aussi d'altitude, grâce à des données de radiosondages. L'examen de types de temps caractéristiques des lieux établit une transition avec le second moment de cette recherche. L'accent est porté sur les rapports qu'entretiennent les communautés rurales du secteur d'études avec le temps qu'il fait. Sur la base d'entretiens réalisés in situ, tout un corpus relevant de fines connaissance individuelles et collectives, de pragmatisme paysan face aux vicissitudes météoroclimatiques, de pratiques culturelles originales, est donné à la lecture. La confrontation entre savoirs savants et savoirs vernaculaires donne des résultats intéressants, dans la mesure où les seconds viennent parfois compléter avec pertinence les lacunes des premiers. De la culture des champs (de riz) à une culture météoroclimatique, telle est la dimension finale donnée à ce travailThe relation between man and climate is a very old story. Human communities have always had to compromise with atmospheric facts. The climatic change context, whether it is recognized or not, gives a fresh impetus to this line of research. It offers, in particular, an opportunity to investigate a field which up to now has not obtained much attention in geoclimatology, i. E. The way in which communities perceive and ajust to climate. The present work explores this subject in the Highlands of Madagascar, in Merina country. It starts out with an attempt to establish a climatic seasonality based on the diachronic analysis of such weather parameters as temperatures, precipitations, winds, humidity, Showalter index, and precipitable water. This approach is bidimensional, since it compiles a study of both surface and altitude, using radiosonde explorations data. The examination of some characteristic weather types ushers in the second part of this work, which focuses on the relations between weather and the rural communities of the area under consideration. On the basis of interviews carried out in situ, a whole corpus of local knowledge is presented to reader, which compounds individual and collective experience in handling meteoroclimatic vicissitudes and original cultural practice. Confronting erudite knowledge with vernacular knowledge produces interesting results, insofar as the latter may at timpes supplement what the former has overlooked. From the culture of the rice field to a meteoroclimatic culture, such is the span of this work
2
Andrianjafitrimo, Lantosoa V. I. "La femme malgache contemporaine en Imerina : étude anthropo-historique." Paris, INALCO, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001INALA021.
Full text
3
Ramasinjatovo, Nirinjaka. "Organisation et perception de l'espace en Imerina, Madagascar." Paris 5, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA05H041.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse a pour objectif d'analyser au niveau d'une zone rurale merina des Hautes Terres malgaches l'influence actuelle et l'évolution des marqueurs spatiaux d'identité merina sur l'organisation et la perception de l'espace, les relations sociales afférentes et les comportements qu'ils induisent. Les marqueurs analysés ici sont la riziculture irriguée et la maison, celle des vivants et celle des morts : le tombeau. Nous montrons comment l'évolution du contexte socioéconomique et environnemental influe sur la place de ces marqueurs. Cette thèse offre par ailleurs une lecture culturelle des relations d'une population avec son environnementThis dissertation's objective is to analyze the current influence of spatial markers of Merina's identity and its evolution in the space organization, perception and also the social relationships that are related to these latters. The spatial markers assessed here are the irrigated rice culture, the tombs and the houses. We highlight how the evolution of the socioeconomic context determines the level and the nature of the markers'influence. Moreover, this dissertation offers a cultural perspective to illustrate the relationships and interdependencies between the population and its environment
4
Ravelomanana, Tantely Sitraka Shirley. "L'identité et la condition masculines en Imerina-Madagascar jusqu'en 1972." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCF032.
Full textAbstract:
Mbà lehilahy, « Sois un homme » : cette phrase pouvant paraître anodine mais non moins lourde de sens est une remarque courante adressée aux hommes à Madagascar. Elle implique que la masculinité n’est pas si naturelle et qu’on ne naît pas homme mais qu’on le devient. Cette identité du genre n’est pas définie par l’être lui-même, mais est façonnée au fur et à mesure par son environnement. La thèse porte sur la démonstration des différentes manières dont se fait la construction de l’identité masculine à Madagascar, plus particulièrement sur les hautes terres, en Imerina, à travers son environnement social, politique et économique. Cette perspective constructiviste part du point de vue de ce que devrait être l’idéal masculin dans la psychologie populaire : les valeurs normatives dictées dans la littérature orale, les images et représentations culturelles et des modèles de conduite sociale. Ensuite, elle développe l’image et la construction de l’homme dans la vie réelle à travers les différents statuts sociaux qu’il endosse dans le système de parenté, en tant que fils, père, oncle, gendre… depuis l’époque royale jusqu’à la révolution culturelle malgache de 1972Mbà lehilahy, “Be a man”: this phrase may seem trivial but no less meaningful is a common remark addressed to men in Madagascar. It seems to mean that to be a man is not so easy and that Masculinity concept is not a natural one and one is not born, but rather becomes a male. This gender identity is not defined by the individual himself but is built step by step by his environment.The thesis focuses on the demonstration on different ways in which the construction of the male identity in Madagascar, particularly in the Highlands, in Imerina, is done through the social, political an economical environment. This constructivist approach is based on the point of view that what the male ideal should be in the popular mind: normative values dictated in the oral literature, in image and cultural representation and the sample in terms of social behavior, then develops the image and construction of male identity in real life through the different social status in kinship system as a son, a father, an uncle… in the environment and the era where he is evolving, from the royal period to the cultural revolution in 1972
5
Razafindrakoto, Jobonina. "La valiha de Madagascar : tradition et modernité en Imerina de 1820 à 1995 (études organologique, acoustique et socio-historique)." Paris 4, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA040049.
Full textAbstract:
Dès sa formulation comme projet scientifique, l'ethnomusicologie s'est intéressée aux similitudes entre le langage parlé et le langage musical. Or, nous pouvons considérer que l'instrument de musique fait aussi partie de la production musicale. C'est donc à partir de cet objet sonore (dont l'organologie permet d'étudier la structure) que nous avons conçu une approche possible de la culture malgache. Largement répandue à Madagascar sous diverses appellations, la valiha est un instrument séculaire qui a pu se maintenir jusqu'à nos jours au prix de transformations organologiques et sociologiques multiples. Son étude en Imerina, région des Hautes Terres centrales de l'île aujourd'hui fortement acculturée à l'occident, révèle un singulier paradoxe entre tradition et modernité. Ainsi, notre monographie de la valiha tente d'éclairer l'évolution des pratiques sociales et musicales observées de 1820 à 1995 en Imerina. D'une part, nous avons privilégié la perspective historique afin de rendre compte des modalités d'adaptation de la population Merina face au changement. D'autre part, nous avons choisi des spécialités afférentes à l'ethnomusicologie comme l'acoustique musicale (qui permet d'expliquer les manières de façonner l'instrument et ses sonorités) et la sémiologie (qui permet d'expliquer le mode de représentation symbolique de l'instrument. ) Cette diversification des outils de description et d'analyse a été nécessaire pour faire une synthèse sur la valiha. Synthèse qui nous donne une connaissance plus approfondie sur l'authenticité de la culture malgache. (Doc Thèses)Ethnomusicology, as a scientific project, was, from the beginning, interested in similarities between spoken and musical languages. As a matter of fact, we may consider the musical instrument as a part of the musical production. So, we established a possible approach of the Malagasy culture based upon the acoustic object itself (organology allowed us to study its structure). Widespread in Madagascar, under different names, valiha is a secular instrument which came to us through many organologic and sociologic transformations. Made in Imerina, central highlands of the island, today very occidentalised, this study reveals a surprising paradox between tradition and modernity. That way, our monography on valiha tries to enlighten evolution of musical practices reported in Imerina from 1820 to 1995. On the one hand, we emphasized the historical point of view to point out how Merina people adapt themselves to change. On the other hand, we choosed specialities related to ethnomusicology like musical acoustics (which explains how the instrument and their sonorities are built) and semiology (which explains how the instrument can be symbolized). This wide set of descriptive and analytic tools had to be used to achieve this synthetic work on valiha. This synthesis gave us a thorough knowledge of Malagasy culture authenticity
6
Rakoto-Ramiarantsoa, Hervé. "Chair de la terre, oeil de l'eau : paysanneries et recompositions de campagnes en Imerina, Madagascar /." Paris : Éd. de l'ORSTOM, 1995. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb358032748.
Full textAbstract:
Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Géo--Paris 10, 1991.ORSTOM = Institut français de recherche scientifique pour le développement en coopération. En appendice, choix de documents. Bibliogr. p. 314-324.
7
Mesplé, Raymond. "Hymnologie protestante et acculturation musicale à Tahiti et en Imerina (Madagascar) /." Lille : A.N.R.T, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb390577515.
Full text
8
Rakotovao, Roland. "Anarandray et Tanindrazana à Madagascar : l'identité des migrants Betsileo en Imerina pendant la période coloniale (1895-1960)." Paris 7, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA070002.
Full textAbstract:
Cette étude se propose d'analyser l'identité des Betsileo du Nord, un groupe migrant des Hautes Terres de Madagascar (Fisakana et Ambositra) pendant la période coloniale. Au départ du tanindrazana, (terres des ancêtres ou villages d'origine), ils se distinguent des autres groupes de population par l'importance qu'ils accordent à Vanarandray (patrimoine appartenant à la lignée paternelle). Arrivés dans les lieux d'accueil (Imerina), ils confirment leur identité de Betsileo du Nord au sein des associations d'originaire. L'attachement au tanindrazana est témoigné par le retour périodique et la valorisation de l'anarandray se manifeste à travers les nouvelles constructions et l'organisation de fêtes grandioses. Les migrants définitifs redéfinissent ou créent une nouvelle identité à la suite des mariages avec les membres du groupe d'accueil et de la fondation d'un deuxième anarandray. En fait, la colonisation change profondément la société betsileo car l'immatriculation des terres, fondement de l'identité et la monétarisation de l'économie amène à l'individualisation sociale. L'identité ne se définit plus uniquement par le patrimoine physique mais aussi par des réputations liées à leur réussiteThis study tries to analyse the northern Betsileo's identity, group of migrant from the Central part of Madagascar (Fisakana and Ambositra) during the colonial period. From their Tanindrazana ( ancestor's land or home village), they are different from the other groups' population thanks to the importance they gave to the Anarandray ( inheritance linked to the paternal descendants). When they arrived in the welcoming land ( Imerina), they bear out their northern Betsileo's identity within association. This affection to their Tanindrazana was testify by there periodic corne back and the enhancement of the value of the Anarandray. To show these affections they build new constructions and organise huge feast. The definitive migrant create new identity by getting marriage with the members of the welcoming group and the foundation of a new Anarandray. In Depth, Colonisation changed deeply the Betsileo's society because the lands' licence number foundation of the identity and the economy monetarization lead to a society sentencing upon the individual requirements. The definition on the Identity is anymore define as physical inheritance only, but also by reputation leads by success
9
Razafindralambo, Lolona Nathalie. "La notion d'esclave en Imerina (Madagascar) : ancienne servitude et aspects actuels de la dépendance." Paris 10, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA100183.
Full textAbstract:
L'ancienne société merina a été composée de quatre ordres hiérarchiques dont les andevo ("esclaves") ont occupé la dernière position. Malgré l'abolition de l'esclavage et du système hiérarchique de 1896, les différents termes relatifs à l'ancienne stratification sont maintenus. Pour légitimer leur présence dans les villages des anciens maîtres, les descendants des anciens andevo ont construit une identité selon les critères des anciens libres : terre, tombeau et ancêtre. Malgré cette identité, ils n'ont pas acquis la même position que les descendants des anciens maîtres. Ces derniers essaient de maintenir les descendants des anciens andevo dans une position de dépendants afin de garder leur position d'anciens dominantsThe old merina society was divided into four hierarchical groups. The andevo ("slaves") formed the lowest rank. Despite the 1896 abolition of slavery, the term "andevo" is still used in present-day Imerina along with the other terms which designated the former masters. The former slaves who did not leave the villages of their masters alter abolition, had to legitimize their presence. They adopted former master criteria of identity: ancestors, tomb and land. In spite of this newly acquired identity former slave descendants do not obtain the same position as former master descendants. The latter keep the former in their ancient position of dependants in order to maintain their own position as ancient dominants
10
Ratrimoarivony-Rakotondrainibe, Mamy. "Relation entre la société et l'éducation avant la colonisation dans la province de l'Imérina à Madagascar." Paris 5, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985PA05H031.
Full textBooks on the topic "Imerina (Madagascar)"
1
Mauro, Didier. Madagascar: Parole d'ancêtre merina : amour et rébellion en Imerina. Fontenay-sous-Bois: Anako éditions, 2000.
Find full text
2
Chair de la terre, œil de l'eau--: Paysanneries et recompositions de campagnes en Imerina, Madagascar. Paris: Editions de l'ORSTOM, 1995.
Find full text
3
Rakoto-Ramiarantsoa, Herve. Chair de la terre, eil de l'eau--: Paysanneries et recompositions de campagnes en Imerina, Madagascar (Collection A travers champs). Editions de l'ORSTOM, 1995.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Imerina (Madagascar)"
1
"Don’t we all Want a World Filled with “Bright Faces” and “Fat-Cheeked Babies”? Creating the State and Crafting Ideology in Eighteenth Century Imerina." In Contest for Land in Madagascar, 41–62. BRILL, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004256231_004.
Full text