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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Immigration and immigrant politics'
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Fridell, Mara J. 1969. "Exclusion and immigrant incorporation: The politics of citizenship." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/6200.
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xiv, 354 p. : ill. A print copy of this title is available from the UO Libraries, under the call number: KNIGHT JV8222 .F75 2007In both Sweden and the United States immigration has increased, and public concern over immigration, integration, and social citizenship has become heightened. Across affluent Western countries, immigration and integration concerns have been molded into a consensus on the need to instill discipline, but conflict has emerged through public discussions of where discipline is to be applied. Analyzing media content and public documents, I find that in Sweden and in Europe more broadly, as in the United States, some disciplinary political narratives suggest that immigrants themselves are deviant and should be targeted for exclusion from the social rights of citizenship; other narratives hold that immigrants can best be incorporated by using the state to facilitate the expansion of the secondary labor market. It is popularly claimed that the expansion of secondary labor markets promotes economic inclusion, which is held to be the foundation for integration. While this has proven an effective wedge among voters, I probe the validity of this neoliberal claim by reviewing the integration of previous labor immigrants in Sweden through industrial-sector jobs, and by examining immigrant economic inclusion and social citizenship in the U.S. I use comparative data on inequality and immigration within the United States and across Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development countries to assess trends in relationships driving social citizenship politics. In interviews with policy makers and integration officials and reviewing the labor union confederation literature in Sweden, I find satisfaction with the operation of the Swedish social democratic division of labor in immigrant policy-setting and integration; as well I find on the national level a lack of concern with the wider, politically-transformative implications of prominent social citizenship politics. This allows me to demonstrate how state actors and even labor institutions can be steered into facilitating neoliberal wedge politics and reforms that undermine social citizenship in favor of concentrated accumulation.
Adviser: Linda Fuller
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Molles, Elitsa Vladimirova. "Identity Politics in Local Markets: Comparing Immigrant Integration Outcomes in the ‘New’ Europe." Thesis, Boston College, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104634.
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Thesis advisor: Gerald M. EasterThis dissertation explores the factors that influence immigrant reception and integration in new immigration spaces like Dublin and Madrid. Through the case studies of Poles and Nigerians in Dublin and Ecuadorians and Bulgarians in Madrid, the thesis provides a response to three research questions: 1) How do Western European receiving societies construct inclusion and exclusion of the immigrant?; 2) Why do immigrants belong or fail to fit in?; 3) How do inclusion-exclusion dynamics and immigrants’ perceptions affect incorporation outcomes? The project contributes to migration scholarship by emphasizing the understudied cultural and local aspects of incorporation and bringing immigrant agency back into the integration equation. The central argument is that culture and identity matter. While acknowledging the significance of material self-interest, social contact, or national policy regimes, the dissertation finds that identity characteristics, both those of the newcomers and their host societies, are primary in determining the welcome or rejection of different ethnic communities in receiving cities. Further, the study shows that migrants are agents who form their own perceptions of belonging or isolation on the basis of cultural identity. These perceptions determine the foreigners’ stake in the host context and what they do with the openings and closures they face. The thesis concludes that political, economic, and social incorporation outcomes are ultimately conditioned on the interplay between the inclusion-exclusion dynamics in the receiving context and the immigrants’ perceptions of welcome or rejection. Analysis of in-depth interviews, survey data, and relevant documents and legislation for all four case studies confirms the main argument. The comparison among European and non-European immigrants in Dublin and Madrid attests to the significance of culture and identity for integration outcomes and contributes to the broader understanding of immigrant incorporation in Europe and beyond
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2015
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Guzmán, Ricardo Andrés. "From the Politics of Citizenship to Citizenship as Politics: On Universal Citizenship, Nation, and the Figure of the Undocumented Immigrant." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/299100.
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The present project draws on recent work in philosophy--primarily that of Alain Badiou--in order to re-conceptualize the concepts of "citizen," "citizenship" and "nation." I aim to recuperate the notion of universal citizenship and reframe the immigration debate in the U.S. by proposing a conception of citizenship that does not rely on identity or state recognition. I define the citizen as a collective subject made up of anyone who in a given juridico-political situation transforms that situation on the basis of an affirmation of equality. I propose that citizenship, to the extent that it transforms the basic organizational coordinates of a situation, is itself on the border of legality/illegality. In chapter one, I theorize universal citizenship as an egalitarian democratic act foundational of a new order and, drawing on Habermas (1995) and Hobsbawm (1992), identify in the French Revolution two articulations of the relationship between citizenship and nation: one that sees nation as pre-existing and determining citizenship, and another that takes citizenship to be constitutive of nation. I argue that these conceptions still underpin competing understandings of politics today, especially with regard to the role of identity in politics. In chapter two, I analyze the confluence between the criminalization of undocumented immigration in the U.S. and neoliberal governmentality. I argue that a politics thought from the perspective of the undocumented immigrant also points to the necessity of affirming a political logic over economic imperatives. I claim that the 2006 immigrant rights protests in the U.S. can be understood as instances of universal citizenship to the extent that they included undocumented people and thus challenged a statist distinction foundational of U.S. political order: the difference between citizen and non-citizen as regulating access to the legal right to act politically. In the last chapter, I read Oscar Zeta Acosta's The Revolt of the Cockroach People as proposing a generic, and thus non-identitarian and universalistic, conception of the political collective in the very category of "cockroach." I highlight the ways in which it resonates with the revolutionary idea of nation identified by Hobsbawm and Habermas.
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Hellgren, Zenia. "Negotiating Social Membership : Immigrant Claims-Making Contesting Borders and Boundaries in Multi-Ethnic Europe." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-81513.
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The concept of social membership is the mainframe for this dissertation, which encompasses four independent articles that approach the boundaries of social membership from different perspectives. Empirically, the focus lies on mobilizing groups that demand an extension of rights and/or inclusion for documented and undocumented immigrants in two European immigration countries: Sweden and Spain. I have defined the processes through which mobilizing actors (immigrants themselves and diverse supporters of their cause) interact with boundary-making actors (institutional actors, policy makers), whom through their positions participate in drawing the boundaries between inclusion and exclusion, as negotiating social membership. To study these processes, I have performed 68 interviews with actors as mobilizing immigrants, activists mobilizing on behalf of immigrants, representatives of NGOs and trade unions, policy-makers and politicians. Two main types of claims appeared: undocumented migrants’ rights groups mobilizing for residence permits and social rights, and documented immigrants’ (and their supporters’) advocacy against ethnic discrimination. Furthermore, I have included a study that reflects the tensions over social membership within immigrant communities. The gendered dimension is its main focus, as it illustrates the value conflicts over gender equality and ethnic diversity brought to the surface through the debates following so-called honour killings in Sweden, and the difficulties faced by young immigrant women mobilizing simultaneously against racism and patriarchal oppression. The thesis consists of four independent articles within the overall framework of mobilizing groups demanding extended rights for and/or inclusion of immigrants. By using immigrants’ rights mobilizations, negotiations, debates and agendas, my general aim has been to explore the processes through which social membership is being contested and negotiated by a wide range of actors. In doing so, it has been possible to reveal how legal and symbolic boundaries create exclusionary processes that pose constraints on the social membership of immigrants with different legal statuses.At the time of the doctoral defense, the following paper was unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 1: Manuscript.
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Gleason, Kayla Christine. "The immigrant justice movement in the northwestern United States: an analysis of immigration in organizing and electoral politics/." Click here to view full text, 2007.
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Climent, Vicent (Climent Ferrando). "The European politics on language for immigrant integration: a multilevel comparative perspective." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/374239.
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This PhD thesis analyzes the conceptual frames underpinning discourses on language for immigrant integration to understand their rationale, evolution and structuring effects. Analyzed from a multilevel perspective – state and sub-state level – and taking France and Catalonia as case studies, it empirically demonstrates how, under the politically-accepted rhetoric of integration, the politics of language for immigrant integration are motivated by a variety of ideological-political goals. Whereas the French politics on language for immigrant integration have built a dominant frame in terms of problematization of immigration to legitimate the adoption of language measures as a gate-keeping mechanism for immigration control, the Catalan politics on language for immigrant integration have strategically built a frame of positive representation and incorporation of immigration to seek the empathy of migrants into the Catalan nation-building project. This PhD thesis constitutes, in sum, an effort to elevate the underlying, often implicit cognitive frames that affect the language politics of immigrant integration, which have social, political, institutional and legal implications.Aquesta tesi doctoral analitza els marcs conceptuals que sostenen els discursos sobre llengua i immigració amb la idea de comprendre’n els objectius, l’evolució i els seus efectes estructurals. Des d’un enfocament multinivell – estat i sub-estat – amb França i Catalunya com a estudis de cas, aquesta recerca mostra com, sota la retòrica políticament acceptada d’integració, les polítiques de la llengua en un context migratori estan motivades per un seguit d’objectius ideològics-polítics estratègics. L’anàlisi mostra com els debats sobre llengua i immigració a França han construït un marc dominant que primerament problematitza la immigració amb l’objectiu de legitimar posteriorment mesures lingüístiques restrictives, que tenen com a finalitat el control migratori. En canvi, l’anàlisi sobre els debats a Catalunya mostren la construcció d’un marc estratègic que positivitza discursivament la immigració amb l’objectiu polític de captar l’empatia dels immigrants i incorporar-los al projecte de construcció nacional català. Aquesta tesi constitueix, doncs, un esforç per evidenciar els patrons discursius, sovint implícits, que es reiteren i activen els marcs cognitius en les polítiques de la llengua i la immigració, i que tenen conseqüències socials, polítiques, institucionals i legals.
Esta tesis doctoral analiza los marcos conceptuales que sustentan los discursos sobre lengua e inmigración con el objetivo de desvelar su intencionalidad, su evolución y sus efectos estructurales. Partiendo de un enfoque multinivel – estado y sub-estado – y con Francia y Cataluña como estudios de caso, la presente tesis demuestra cómo, bajo una retórica políticamente aceptada sobre la idea de integración, las políticas lingüísticas en un contexto migratorio están motivadas por una serie de objetivos ideológicos y políticos estratégicos. El análisis demuestra cómo los debates sobre lengua e inmigración en Francia han construido un marco dominante que primero problematiza la inmigración con el objetivo de, posteriormente, legitimar medidas lingüísticas restrictivas, ejerciendo así el efecto de control migratorio. En cambio, el análisis sobre los debates en Cataluña revela la construcción de un marco estratégico que positiviza discursivamente la inmigración con el objetivo político de captar la empatía de los inmigrantes e incorporarlos al proyecto de construcción nacional. Esta tesis constituye, por lo tanto, un esfuerzo para evidenciar los patrones discursivos, a menudo implícitos, que se reiteran, activando los marcos cognitivos en las políticas sobre lengua e inmigración, y que tienen consecuencias sociales, políticas, institucionales y legales.
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Ramos, Adriana Janet. "The Political Incorporation of Latino Immigrants in California." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/819.
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This paper explores and analyzes the political incorporation of Latino immigrants in California over the last several decades. Political incorporation refers to the process through which immigrants and their descendants claim their political rights and exercise their voice in politics. In order to understand the impact of Latino immigration on California state politics, the paper first examines the demographic changes in the state. This paper then provides an overview of all of the major immigration legislation in California, beginning from the anti-immigration initiatives to the California Dream Act and immigration-friendly legislation that Governor Jerry Brown signed into law in 2013.
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Sadeghi, Sahar. "National Narratives and Global Politics: Immigrant and Second-Generation Iranians in the United States and Germany." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/274683.
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SociologyPh.D.
This dissertation project examines the lived experiences of immigrant and second- generation Iranian immigrants to uncover the factors that shape their perceptions of belonging in two differ western nations. It is a qualitative methods study that utilized in-depth interviews. I address the limitations of past research by highlighting that Iranians' experiences of belonging and membership in western nations are greatly influenced by the national narratives of their host societies and the global politics surrounding Iran. My central research questions are: How do America's and Germany's national narratives of immigration influence Iranians' sense of belonging? and How do Iranians perceive the global politics surrounding Iran as impacting their lives in the West? Research on Iranians in the United States and Europe underscores Iranians' proclivity to become entrepreneurs in their new nation, the lack of solidarity and community among Iranians, and the discrimination that they experience due to their ethnic and religious identities. However, we lack comparative scholarship that examines Iranian immigrants' experiences in two nations where the national narratives are different. Moreover, there is an absence of research that addresses whether, and how, global politics influence perceptions of belonging. The three empirical chapters examine the data from sixty-four in-depth interviews with immigrant and second-generation Iranians living in northern and southern California, and Hamburg, Germany. In the first interview data chapter, I examine the motivations of Iranians' migration to the US and Germany, their settlement experiences, and their expectations of their lives in their new nation. Specifically in this chapter, I reveal that the lack of foreign policy considerations for post-Revolution Iranian exiles in the US and the institutionalized nature of refugee policy, and lack of it, in each nation helps explain the varying settlement experiences of immigrant-generation Iranians in the US and Germany. It is noteworthy that these experiences also helped shape Iranians' understanding of each nation's main values and characteristics. In the second empirical chapter, I show that national narratives of immigration are important in shaping Iranian immigrants' understandings, expectations, and experiences of belonging and membership in the US and Germany. These narratives inform their interpretations of not just the prospects of belonging, but the indications of whether they have accomplished it. In the last data chapter, I explore how Iran's global political standing influences the lives of Iranian immigrants living in the US and Germany. In both the US and Germany, the dominant negative discourse surrounding a highly politicized homeland stigmatizes Iranians' identities, and makes them more subject to experiences of marginality and discrimination. Specifically, in the US, global politics puts a cap on Iranians' quality of middle class experiences, and facilitates the construction of social marginality and discrimination against them. In Germany, it helps solidify a boundary that is already there. Ultimately, this dissertation research uncovers three important aspects in regards to perceptions of belonging among Iranians in the US and Germany: First, a comparison of Iranian immigrant experiences in two western nations where the narratives of belonging are considerably different demonstrated that the national narratives of an immigrants' host society greatly shape and mediate perceptions and experiences of belonging and membership. Specifically in the US, Iranians perceive belonging when they can obtain opportunities for social mobility, when their ancestry is not marked or stigmatized, and when they can place themselves in the `nation of immigrants' narrative. In Germany, Iranians perceive that they can come close to belonging once they are perceived as having culturally accommodated to German society, can access greater opportunity structures, and are perceived and accepted as `good foreigners and immigrants'. Second, an examination of how global politics surrounding Iran impact Iranians' lives in western nations revealed that their identities are stigmatized; they encounter marginality and exclusion, and ultimately feel that they do not belong or have full membership in the US and Germany. Interestingly, Iranians in both nations hypothesized that an improved Iranian standing would help facilitate belonging and membership. What is more, their perceptions of how their lives would change, and how belonging would take shape, if they did not live with the stigmas created by Iran's global politics, were inextricably linked to the national narratives of their host societies. Third, there were significant generational differences in how the second-generation in each nation assessed belonging. In the US, the second-generations' ability to access the educational resources needed for professional careers, despite their perceptions of the existence of anti-Iranian prejudice, legitimized both the US national narrative and proved to them that they can secure a good quality of life and be a part of US society. In Germany, the second generation experienced generational lag with regard to belonging. Their ability to belong is not resolved by length of residence, German citizenship, German educational attainments, or their adherence German cultural norms and practices. Rather, second generation believed that being marked as foreigners was perpetual, and not an identity that one loses after a few generations. Ultimately, among the US second-generation US sample there were more significant/powerful declarations of the ability to acquire social mobility and belonging, while those in Germany experienced a more generalized feeling of not belonging. This research contributes to ongoing conversations regarding immigrant belonging and membership. It adds the comparative dimension of belonging and membership by examining evaluations of belonging in two western nations where the national narratives are different. Furthermore, it takes into account how the contentious and antagonistic political relationship between Iran and western nations has impacted Iranians' lived experiences, and ability to belong, in the US and Germany. Ultimately, the inclusion of national narratives and global politics contributes to our understanding of the sociological processes that facilitate, and disrupt, experiences of immigrant belonging and membership in their host society, and provides us with a deeper understanding of the layered and complex dynamics that shape immigrant experiences.
Temple University--Theses
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Stek, Pamela Renee. "Immigrant women's political activism in Iowa, Minnesota, and Wisconsin, 1880-1920." Diss., University of Iowa, 2017. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/5644.
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In the period 1880 to 1919, the organized labor and woman suffrage movements in the United States brought together and reframed for public discourse some of the most divisive and fundamental questions facing the nation, questions concerning the relationship of race, class, and gender to citizenship and national belonging. Concurrent with the expansion of these social movements, the states of Iowa, Minnesota, and Wisconsin were transformed as the promise of cheap and productive farmland and the opportunity to develop autonomous ethnic communities led to the influx of large numbers of immigrants. This region underwent significant change at the same time that debates over women’s public roles intensified and focused attention on the presumed inability of racialized “others” to responsibly perform the duties of citizenship. Through their public activism, immigrant women helped shape these debates and put forth for public consideration their perspectives on important issues of the day.
In contrast to historical analyses that portray foreign-born women as politically indifferent, this dissertation demonstrates that immigrant women in Iowa, Minnesota, and Wisconsin expressed strong and public support for women’s right to vote and for labor’s right to organize. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, women's rights activists reframed the movement's ideological underpinnings and attempted to recast gendered perceptions concerning women’s appropriate role in public life, efforts that at times served to widen class and racial divides. White native-born female activists embraced maternalism as a means of justifying their increased presence in the political realm, an ideology that elevated women’s public status while simultaneously reinforcing middle- and upper-class ideals of domesticity.
My findings reveal that through their work for woman suffrage and in support of organized labor, immigrant women sought to advance alternative understandings of gender, ethnicity, and citizenship. Foreign-born women, more so than their native-born counterparts, articulated their desire for the ballot in the language of equal and natural rights and directed their activism not only in support of women’s political equality but also toward highlighting the patriotism and political fitness of all members of their ethnic community. During labor disputes, women strike activists at times embraced militant motherhood by integrating maternal duties and identities into a confrontational style of public activism. With their words and actions, immigrant women expanded “motherhood” to include public, at times violent, activism in support of class interests. Female strike activists often paid a price, however, for openly asserting their rights to economic justice. The dominant society’s opinion makers excoriated immigrant women for taking a public stand and racialized immigrant groups on the basis of immigrant women’s perceived transgression of gender norms.
Historians have analyzed immigrant women’s labor activism in large urban areas such as New York City and Chicago, but we know little about how and why immigrant women chose to become politically active in a setting dominated by rural and small urban communities and how these actions shaped emerging regional institutions and attitudes. Analyses of immigrant women’s political activism in Iowa, Minnesota, and Wisconsin expands our understanding of the gendered ideologies that encouraged or constrained women’s public work and the processes of racialization that shaped public opinion toward immigration in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
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Mautner, Kathleen C. "National Identity and the Education of Immigrant Youth in Spain." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/64.
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This thesis examines the present-day educational policies enacted by Spain in response to the country’s growing immigrant populations, specifically by comparing the policies implemented in two of Spain’s distinct autonomies. The thesis ultimately argues that the regions’ differing conceptualizations of national identity and their distinct relationships to the central Spanish state play a fundamental role in their motivations to enact comprehensive and effective policies that promote immigrants’ educational and social success.
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Echave, Paola A. Echave. "Understanding the Immigration and Crime Relationship in Columbus, OH, a New Immigrant Destination." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1531914724513925.
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Mendoza, Jose, and Jose Mendoza. "On Immigration Enforcement and Expulsion Strategies: A Moral and Political Defense of Immigrant Rights." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12538.
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Recently, Christopher Heath Wellman has proposed an innovative argument that appears to resolve, at least with respect to immigration, the tension between democratic autonomy (i.e. a people's right to self-determination) and human rights (i.e. respect for individual freedom and universal equality). Wellman argues, from a traditionally liberal point of view, that a legitimate state (i.e. a state that respects human rights) is entitled to self-determination and that part of the definition of being self-determined is having the presumptive right to unilaterally control immigration. In other words, Wellman claims that a state's unilateral right to control immigration can be made compatible with liberal commitments to individual freedom and universal equality.
I aim to raise a novel objection against Wellman's argument, which I hope will also challenge philosophers to think differently about the immigration issue as a whole. My position is that even if Wellman's conclusion is correct, that a state's right to self-determination can be made compatible with human rights, the presumptive right that this generates for a legitimate state to unilaterally control immigration is, at best, limited only to admission and exclusion policies (i.e. to questions about who can be let in and who can be kept out). Wellman's conclusion, however, does not hold for strategies of immigration enforcement and expulsion (i.e. to the questions about how these policies may be enforced or what sort of deportation procedures a state is justified in using).
And, in fact, I argue that under Wellman's account, a legitimate state would be restricted in deploying certain strategies of immigration enforcement and expulsion.
My conclusion is that with respect to immigration enforcement and expulsion strategies, the presumptive right is on the side of the immigrant and not the state. This means that if a legitimate state wishes to control immigration, it is the state who holds the burden of proof to show that not only its immigration policies but also its enforcement and expulsion strategies do not violate prior commitments to individual liberty and universal equality. This, I contend, provides a moral and political baseline justification for immigrant rights, which I refer to as a minimalist defense of immigrant rights.
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Tindongan, Cynthia W. ""What Are You?": Exploring the Lived Identity Experiences of Muslim Immigrant Students in U.S. Public School." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1335552325.
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Kilpatrick, Anne. "The Jewish Immigrant Aid Services : an ethnic lobby in the Canadian political system." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22598.
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The purpose of this study is to examine the Jewish Immigrant Aid Services (JIAS) as an example of an ethnic lobby in the Canadian political system. The research explores how in-group and external political factors influence the techniques and effectiveness of JIAS within the immigration policy arena. Specifically, this paper examines how JIAS' lobbying efforts are influenced as a result of issues emerging from within the organization (e.g. structure, hierarchy, leadership, etc), and those arising from within the organization's constituency: Canadian Jews as a whole, and other organizations within the Jewish polity. Further, the broader context of public opinion and the Canadian immigration system are explored to determine how each affects JIAS' advocacy efforts. The political system is examined from the perspective of the structure and agendas operating at three levels of government involved in the development and implementation of immigration policy (the Department of Immigration, Legislative and Senate committees on immigration and employment, and the Cabinet).
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Lauby, Fanny. "Immigrants Facing Immigration Policy : state Laws Regulating Eligibility for In-State Tuition and Belonging among Latino Immigrant Youth in the United States." Thesis, Paris 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA030055.
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Cette thèse porte sur les nouveaux réseaux d’incorporation politique et sur la mobilisation politique des jeunes immigrés irréguliers de la région de New York et du New Jersey. Son objectif est d’évaluer si les politiques qui ouvrent ou ferment l’accès de ces jeunes aux frais d’inscription à l'université appliqués aux résidents de l'État sont associés à différents niveaux d’appartenance et à différents styles d’organisations politiques. La recherche s’appuie sur les théories relatives à l’incorporation politique et sur un modèle de mobilisation collective lié aux ressources disponibles. Elle emprunte aussi aux théories sur la formulation des politiques publiques qui mettent en lumière le rôle de l’image publique associée à la réforme de l’immigration. L'étude de terrain menée dans l'État de New York et dans le New Jersey permet d’analyser un niveau important de gouvernance qui fait souvent défaut dans le débat sur la réforme de l’immigration. L'approche méthodologique est mixte, combinant des données quantitatives tirées d’une enquête en ligne et des données qualitatives recueillies au cours de soixante entretiens. Les résultats indiquent que les jeunes irréguliers se mobilisent davantage dans les États où la loi crée un contexte de réception plus contraignant et où la coalition de soutien est encore en formation. Les politiques publiques des États influent également sur les ressources nécessaires à la participation politique et civique des jeunes immigrés. Cette thèse souligne l’importance du lieu de résidence dans l’incorporation politique des immigrés aux États-Unis, ainsi que la manière dont l’image associée aux politiques publiques encourage ou dissuade l’engagement politique. Ses résultats aideront le législateur à mieux comprendre les contextes de réception que les politiques publiques créent pour les jeunes immigrésThis dissertation focuses on new paths of immigrant incorporation and on the political mobilization of undocumented youths in the New York-New Jersey area. The goal of this investigation is to assess whether contrasting state laws that either open or restrict eligibility for in-state tuition are associated with different levels of belonging and different styles of organizing among immigrant youths. This research draws from theories on political incorporation and a resource mobilization model of collective action. It also builds on theories of policy design highlighting the role of policy images in immigration reform. The contrasting cases of state-level policy in New York and New Jersey provide for an investigation into an important level of government that has largely been missing from the debate on comprehensive immigration reform. The dissertation relies on an innovative mixed-methods approach, collecting both quantitative data from a survey and qualitative data from sixty in-depth interviews. Results indicate that undocumented youths tend to become mobilized in states which provide more restrictive contexts of reception, and where the coalition of support is still being recruited. However, state laws affecting access to college do shape the availability of political and civic resources for immigrant youths. This dissertation highlights the importance of place in immigrants’ paths of incorporation into the United States, as well as the role of policy narratives in fostering or deterring political engagement. The results will help policymakers better understand the contexts of reception which public policies create for young immigrants
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Triviño, Salazar Juan Carlos. "Political parties and immigrant associations: alliances in the presence of politicized immigration conflicts at the local level: a comparative study." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/350567.
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La presente tesis doctoral investiga la formación de alianzas entre partidos políticos y asociaciones de inmigrantes en presencia de conflictos politizados sobre inmigración a nivel local. Esta investigación incorpora la importancia de actores específicos en la literatura sobre inmigración basada en las estructuras de oportunidad política. Con este fin, se desarrolla, en tres artículos, un estudio comparativo basado en métodos cualitativos (fuentes secundarias y entrevistas semi-estructuradas) donde se analiza el surgimiento de alianzas en tres conflictos localizados en tres ciudades de Cataluña: la campaña anti-rumano-gitana en Badalona; la prohibición del burka en Lleida y el no empadronamiento de inmigrantes en situación irregular en Vic. Las conclusiones del estudio defienden que las alianzas están: primero, conectadas a la movilización de recursos; segundo, son el resultado de distintos patrones de movilización; tercero, profundamente conectadas al ambiente político y finalmente, son el resultado de las estructuras de poder que los inmigrantes enfrentan a nivel local.The Ph.D. thesis studies the formation of alliances between political parties and immigrant associations in the presence of politicized immigration conflicts (PICs) at the local level. With this in mind, I introduce the importance of alliances between specific actors in the immigration literature following the political opportunity structure (POS) approach. To do so, I develop, in three articles, a comparative case-study research based on qualitative methodology (desk research and semi-structured interviews). I analyze the emergence of alliances in three conflicts located in cities in Catalonia, Spain, namely: the anti-Romanian-Roma campaign in Badalona, the burka ban in public buildings in Lleida and the banning of undocumented immigrants from the local census in Vic. The results show that alliances are: first, connected to the mobilization of resources; second, the outcome of different patterns of mobilization; third, strongly shaped by the political environment and finally, the result of the local power structures that immigrants face.
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Bulkley, Celeste. "WHITE OPINIONS OF UNITED STATES IMMIGRATION: TESTING RIVAL HYPOTHESES, 2004." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4040.
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Few issues in the contemporary American political and social environments are as salient and emotionally charged as the debate over immigration. The thesis tests several competing hypotheses concerning the determinants of public opinion – among white respondents – on immigration issues. These include: the contextual considerations of southern residence and proximity to large numbers of Hispanic immigrants, as well as the individual-level factors of economic insecurity, political knowledge, national identity, group pride, and racism. Using data from the 2004 American National Election Study, the thesis provides a critical test of the competing hypotheses using multivariate analysis. Furthermore, conditional relationships are posited, facilitating a more refined analysis of the structure of attitudes on immigration issues. The results indicate that racism, group pride, symbolic patriotism, ideology, and isolationism are the most consistent and significant predictors of immigration policy preferences. The use of four distinct dependent variable questions also highlights the inconsistency in public opinion regarding immigration and the division between public perception of documented and undocumented entries. Future research should focus on the interrelationship between variables that are used by the individual to define group associations, as well as the change in national and personal identity brought about by the events of September 11th, 2001.M.A.
Department of Political Science
Sciences
Political Science
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Martins, Nathalia. "Anti-Immigrant Rhetoric in Western Europe: The Role of Integration Policies in Extreme Right Populism." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5425.
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The recent rise of Western Europe's extreme populist Right (EPR) parties has been attributed to the EPR's mobilization of grievances over the issue of immigration (Ignazi 1991; Taggart 1996; Fennema 1997; Schain, 1998; Mudde 1999; Brubaker 2001; Ivarsflaten 2007). This study contributes to the literature on EPR's anti-immigrant rhetoric by examining whether different integration policies play a role in conditioning anti-immigrant rhetoric, and if so, what their role is in the formulation of such rhetoric. This thesis is comprised of two case studies: the French assimilation approach to immigrant integration and the rhetoric of Front National's leaders Jean-Marie and Marine Le Pen; and the Dutch multicultural approach to integration and the rhetoric of Dutch Party for Freedom's leader Geert Wilders. The main hypothesis is that each leader's anti-immigrant rhetoric incorporates the shortcomings of the integration approach adopted by their respective governments. Elements of the rejection of both assimilationism and multiculturalism are detected in the FN's and PVV's rhetoric, respectively, through a careful review of secondary and primary sources of language usage in Jean-Marie and Marine Le Pen's and Wilders' speeches, interviews, and media appearances.ID: 031001405; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Adviser: Barbara Kinsey.; Title from PDF title page (viewed June 10, 2013).; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2012.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 145-160).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; International Studies
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Kashani, Mehrdad. "Politics of exclusion : A WPR Analysis of Denmark’s Immigration and Integration Policies concerning refugees and asylum seekers." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-45649.
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Since 2015, especially after the syrian conflict, there has been an increasing number of refugees arriving in Denmark. following the refugee crisis, Danish governments series of policy reforms in oredr to minimise the effects of refugee crisis on Denmark. The research is motivated by the importance of the contemporary migration in this ever more globalising world. The study is aiming to answer how Danish immigration and integration policies problematise and politicise refugees and assylum-seekers as well as the solusions they present to solve the problem. In order to answer the question, the study uses the WPR approach by Bacchi to analyse the Denmark's Immigration and integration policies, through conducting a political discourse analysis on the selected policies from 2015 to 2019. The findings of the study indicates that refugees are prolematised, politicised and presented as both 'short-term' and 'long-term' threats to the Danish society, especially Denmarks 'ethnic and religous cohesion' as well as a threat to Denmark's national security. They are further represented as an undesirable from of immigrants who are seeking assylum in Denmark due to Denmark economic attractivness.
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Icer, Mehmet Mustafa. "Examining the Psychological Resiliency of Latino Immigrants in Five Texas Cities: Policy, Economics, and Politics – The Case of the Latino Community." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2019. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1609071/.
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This dissertation examines the impact of city-level characteristics (immigration-friendliness index, unemployment rate, and the percentage of Democrat Party votes) on the psychological resiliency of Latino immigrants. In the light of increased attention on the immigrant issue throughout the world, this study aims to develop our understanding of the factors that have the effect on the resiliency of immigrant populations. This dissertation examines these different characteristics by examining five different cities in Texas: Austin, Dallas, Fort-Worth, Houston, and San Antonio. The survey was distributed through the Amazon Mechanical Turk (MTurk) to those individuals who define themselves Hispanic or Latino. Results suggest that the city characteristics have a significant impact on the resiliency of Latino immigrants suggesting that local governments have a potential capability to increase the resiliency of the immigrant groups in the United States by embracing the notion that immigrants should be integrated into the fabric of the local community.
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Passetti, Francesco. "Keeping policy and politics apart: integration policies in Europe and the politics of citizenship in Spain and Italy." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/587162.
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This thesis investigates immigrant integration policies paying special attention to the Spanish and Italian citizenship regimes. It hinges upon a multi-method design and its results take the shape of a three-article structure. The first article addresses similarities and differences among European countries’ integration policies and, by means of cluster analysis on MIPEX data, it identifies policy-models characterizing the current European scenario. Two shared-configurations are captured, cutting across the East/West cleavage. The Eastern configuration is more restrictive than the Western one, especially in traditional areas of integration. The second and third articles concentrate on the domain of citizenship and try to account for the puzzling continuity of nationality laws in Spain and in Italy by relying on the explanatory power of ideas. The Spanish case is treated in the second article whereas the third article compares such case to the Italian one. In both countries ideas prove to be crucial in driving the evolution of nationality laws; however according to distinct causal logic.La presente tesis investiga las políticas de integración de los inmigrantes prestando especial atención a los regímenes de nacionalidad españolo e italiano; sigue un diseño de investigación “multhi-method” y sus resultados se estructuran en tres artículos. El primer artículo aborda similitudes y diferencias entre las políticas de integración de los países europeos y, mediante un cluster análisis con datos MIPEX, identifica los modelos de policy que marcan el escenario europeo actual. Dos macro-configuraciones son identificadas, a través de la división este/oeste. La configuración del este es más restrictiva de la del oeste, especialmente en las tradicionales áreas de integración. Los artículos segundo y tercero se centran en el área de la ciudadanía y tratan de dar cuenta de la enigmática continuidad de las leyes de nacionalidad en España y en Italia, confiando en el poder explicativo de las ideas. El segundo artículo trata el caso español, el tercero compara éste con el caso italiano. En ambos países los factores “ideacionales” se demuestran cruciales en influenciar la evolución de las leyes de nacionalidad; sin embargo, según distintas lógicas causales.
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Rouette, Marie-Pierre. "Évolution du traitement des enjeux relatifs à l'immigration et à l'integration des immigrants dans le discours partisan au Canada : analyse de contenu des plateformes électorales de 1993, 1997, 2000 et 2004." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99748.
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This thesis studies the discursive behaviour of Canadian federal political parties with regards to immigration and integration issues. It seeks to test the empirical acuity offered by brokerage and issue ownership theories to explain the parties' electoral strategies in these domains. It examines the evolution of partisan discourse in relation to these themes over time, with special attention paid to the merger of right parties. It also studies the impact of certain real-world events, such as the referendum on Quebec secession in 1995 and the terrorist attacks of September 2001, on party positions. It thus proposes a quantitative and qualitative content analysis of five major parties' discourse, focusing on the various positions held by each of them on the issues of immigration and integration in their respective 1993, 1997, 2000, and 2004 election platforms.
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Rousseau, Bobb. "Haitian Votes Matter: Haitian Immigrants in Florida in Local Politics and Government." ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/5520.
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This qualitative study investigated perceived barriers to the incorporation of Haitian immigrants in Florida into local politics and government. The theoretical framework for this study was Marschall and Mikulska's theory of minority political incorporation to better understand the political ambition of Haitian immigrants to emerge as candidates and voters toward achieving electoral success and a substantive representation. The research question addressed the lived experiences and perceptions of Haitian immigrants related to barriers to their political mobilization at district, state, and federal levels. A phenomenological study design was used with open-ended interviews of 10 Haitian Americans who lived in Florida for at least 3 years. Data were analyzed through a six phase thematic analysis, were categorized into themes and subthemes and were later coded to determine which ones best expressed the challenges that Haitian immigrants were facing. Results indicated immigration statuses, language, and poor knowledge of Haitian immigrants of U.S. politics as well as poor leadership and the absence of a communication platform as factors hindering the incorporation of Haitian immigrants into local politics and governments. Haitian-American leaders could benefit from the results of this study as they may develop a cohesive framework for citizenship drives, voter registration, community outreach, and literacy programs. The positive social change implications from this research include the view that Haitian immigrants are not a burden on the U.S. economy, but a potentially mature and attractive minority group with political value to U.S. lawmakers, district, state and presidential candidates.
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Davis-McElligatt, Joanna Christine. "'In the same boat now': peoples of the African diaspora and/as immigrants: the politics of race, migration, and nation in twentieth-century American literature." Diss., University of Iowa, 2010. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/485.
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In this dissertation, I take seriously Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s assertion that even though non-indigenous peoples in America "may have come over on different ships," they are all, in spite of and in the face of their particular ethnic, racial, gender, class, tribal, or national identities, nevertheless together "in the same boat now." In particular, in this project I reconstruct and reinterpret the process of migration, assimilation, and the realization of full sociopolitical participation in the United States in terms of the relationship between peoples of African descent--who were compelled to migrate as slaves across the Middle Passage, and who also voluntarily immigrated from various localities within the Black Atlantic--and select groups of immigrants from other locations around the globe. In my thesis, I concentrate on novels by William Faulkner, Paule Marshall, James Baldwin, Gayl Jones, and cartoonist Chris Ware, and examine closely how these authors, in their respective texts, work to restructure, reimagine, and thereby challenge the enshrined American narratives of national belonging and acculturation through literary constructions of the identities and experiences of peoples of African descent, as migrants themselves, in tandem with their social, political, economic, sexual, racial, and cultural engagements with other immigrants to the nation-state. In the introduction to my text, I survey and carefully synthesize diverse literary, historical, sociological, postcolonial, and feminist approaches to and theories of the problems of race, immigration, and nationalization, and formulate a new critical interdisciplinary framework for the mutual (de)construction of peoples of African descent as immigrants among immigrants in America.
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Hansen, Peo. "Europeans only? : essays on identity politics and the European Union." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2000. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-60606.
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The chief preoccupation of the dissertation revolves around the European Union's project of calling forth a collective sense of "European identity" amongst people in the Union. It focuses specifically on how the European Union's identity politics plays out once the ethnic minorities with immigrant background now living in the Union are brought into view. The main purpose can be described as twofold; involving, firstly, a mapping and examination of how the EU construes and defines the identity it seeks to mobilize, and, secondly, a thorough discussion of the types of consequences or implications that stem from this endeavour. In demonstrating the strong tendency on part of the EU to articulate a common identity for the Union in ethno-cultural terms — whereby the EU is conceived as primarily a cultural community whose members are said to share the same origin, cultural heritage, religion and history — the study goes to great length in discussing the excluding implications that an ethno-cultural identity politics gives rise to. The dissertation argues that such an ethno-cultural disposition partly must be seen in light of the European Union's gradual adjustment to a largely neoliberal order; an order which has worked restraining on the feasibility of a social and political articulation of identity and citizenship in the Union. An introductory chapter outlines the discourse theoretical approach which guides the analyses in five essays. The essays mainly explore how the European Union's discourse on identity manifests in various policy areas - immigration, citizenship and education - all of which in one way or another address the issues of culture, the multicultural society, ethnic exclusion, racism and the situation for ethnic minorities and migrants. The complex of problems concerning ethnic, cultural and social exclusion in today's European Union thus constitutes a central theme engaged with throughout the dissertation.digitalisering@umu
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Lundkvist, Adrian. "Invandrade invandrarkritiker? : Orsakerna till stödet för Sverigedemokraterna bland sympatisörer med utländsk bakgrund." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-153995.
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This bachelor’s thesis examines the causes behind the support of radical right and anti-immigration parties by those with a non-native background. Building on findings of previous research and the funnel of causality, a set of variables consisting of anti-immigration views and socio-economic factors are examined to determine their causal effect on the support for the Sweden Democrats among the non-native swedish population. Utilising data from Syd-SOM 2015 and Väst-SOM 2015, no support were found for the hypothesis that those with a non-native background support the Sweden Democrats on the basis of socio-economic factors. Support were found however for the hypothesis that anti-immigration views among non-natives are an important cause for their support of the Sweden Democrats.
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Siziba, Gugulethu. "Language and the politics of identity in South Africa : the case of Zimbabwean (Shona and Ndebele speaking) migrants in Johannesburg." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/95464.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Discourses about identity framed in terms of questions about autochthons and the Other are on the ascendance in the contemporary socio-political and cultural milieu. Migration, by virtue of its transgression of national boundaries and bounded communities, stands as a contentious site with respect to the politics of identity. South Africa is one case in point, where migrants – particularly those of African origin – have been at the centre of a storm of Otherization, which climaxed in the May 2008 attacks (now widely termed ‗xenophobic attacks‘). ―Amakwerekwere”, as African migrants in South Africa are derogatively referred to, face exclusionary tendencies from various fronts in South Africa. Using language as an entry point, this thesis investigates how Zimbabwean migrants – who by virtue of a multifaceted crisis in their country have a marked presence in South Africa – experience and navigate the politics of identity in Johannesburg. Through a multi-sited ethnography, relying on the triangulation of participant observation and interviews, the thesis focuses on Ndebele and Shona speaking migrants in five neighbourhoods. Framing the analysis within an eclectic theoretical apparatus that hinges on Bourdieu‘s economy of social practice, it is argued that each neighbourhood is a social universe of struggle that is inscribed with its own internal logic and relational matrix of recognition, and each ascertains what constitutes a legitimate language and by extension legitimate identity. This relational matrix is undergirded by a specific distributional and evaluative structure with corresponding symbolic, economic and socio-cultural capitals (embodied practices) that constitute the requisite entry fees and currency for belonging, as well as the negative capitals that attract designations of the strange and the Other. Zimbabwean migrants‘ experiences as the Other in South Africa take on diverse and differentiated forms. It was observed how experiences of Otherness and being the Other are neither homogenous nor static across the different social universes that make up Johannesburg; rather they are fluid and shifting and occur along an elastic continuum. Consequently the responses of migrants are also based on a reading of – and response to – the various scripts of existence in these different social universes.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Diskoerse oor identiteit, uitgedruk in terme van vrae oor autochthons en die Ander, is aan die toeneem in die huidige sosio-politieke en kulturele milieu. Migrasie, wat met die oortreding van nasionale grense en begrensde gemeenskappe geassosieer word, is 'n omstrede terrein met betrekking tot die politiek van identiteit. Suid-Afrika is 'n goeie voorbeeld hiervan, waar migrante – veral dié van Afrika-oorsprong – in die middel van 'n storm van Anderisering beland het. Hierdie situasie het 'n hoogtepunt bereik in die Mei 2008-aanvalle – nou algemeen bekend as "xenofobiese geweld." "Amakwerekwere", soos Afrika-migrante in Suid-Afrika neerhalend beskryf word, word vanuit verskeie oorde in Suid-Afrika gekonfronteer met uitsluitingstendense. Die tesis gebruik taal as beginpunt vir 'n ondersoek oor hoe Zimbabwiese migrante – wat as 'n gevolg van 'n veelsydige krisis in hul land 'n merkbare teenwoordigheid in Suid-Afrika het – die politiek van identiteit in Johannesburg ervaar en navigeer. Deur middel van 'n multi-terrein etnografie, wat staatmaak op die triangulering van etnografiese waarneming en onderhoude, word Ndebele- en Sjonasprekende migrante in vyf woonbuurte ondersoek. Gebaseer op 'n eklektiese teoretiese apparaat, hoofsaaklik gewortel in Bourdieu se ekonomie van sosiale praktyk, word voorgestel dat elke woonbuurt 'n sosiale universum van stryd is waarop 'n eie interne logika en verhoudingsmatriks van herkenning ingeskryf is, en dat elkeen sy eie legitieme taal en by implikasie, eie legitieme identiteit het. Hierdie verhoudingsmatriks word ondervang deur 'n spesifieke verspreidings- en evalueringstruktuur met ooreenstemmende simboliese-, ekonomiese-, en kulturele-kapitaal (beliggaamde praktyke), wat dien as 'n soort inskrywingsfooi of geldeenheid vir insluiting, sowel as die negatiewe kapitaal wat toeskrywings van andersheid en die Ander aantrek. Zimbabwiese migrante se ervarings as die Ander in Suid-Afrika neem verskillende vorme aan. Daar is waargeneem hoedat ervarings van Andersheid in die verskillende sosiale kontekste van Johannesburg nie homogeen of staties is nie, maar eerder vloeibaar en skuiwend op 'n elastiese kontinuum. As 'n gevolg is die gedrag van migrante ook gebaseer op 'n lesing van – en reaksie op – die verskeie spelreëls van hierdie verskillende sosiale omgewings.
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Yalcin, Zeki. "Facklig gränspolitik : Landsorganisationens invandrings- och invandrarpolitik 1946 - 2009." Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-11264.
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This thesis concerns the trade union reaction to immigration as a phenomenon and toimmigrants as a labour force on the Swedish labour market. It concerns trade union politicsregarding immigration and immigrants, from the political decision taken in 1946 to recruitworkers from other countries because of the labour shortage in Sweden, to 2009 when theconflict in the Swedish town of Vaxholm, that was a consequence of the EU’s expansion to theeast and which received such enormous attention in the Swedish media, was given its finalverdict and the continued existence of the “Swedish model” was placed under question. Thestudy focuses on the labour movement’s central trade union organisation in Sweden, in otherwords the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (Landsorganisationen, or LO as it is commonlyabbreviated in Sweden).The basis for the thesis has been that the process of immigration must naturally in the longterm lead to the addition of workers on the labour market, and consequently increasedcompetition amongst workers. The question has been how the interest organisation LO, whoseprimary mission is to protect the wage rates and social conditions for its members, and whichhas the restriction of competition as an overriding strategy, would handle the phenomenon ofimmigration and the existence of immigrants as a labour force on the Swedish labour marketand within the trade union movement, during the course of the study. The choice of LO as afundamental starting point for the study, being as it is an interest organisation with the shorttermobjective of protecting its members’ interests, but also given the organisation’s more longtermobjectives of being an important actor on the labour market and within society, hasinfluenced the choice of the thesis’ central theoretical concepts; strategy, restriction ofcompetition, calculability, power and hegemony. This very starting point, but also the natureof the source materials and a reflection over the immigration process (from immigration toimmigrant workers on the labour market and finally to trade union members), has meant that Ihave chosen to structure the thesis and present my findings based on three different problemareas. I have chosen to refer to these problem areas as boundaries, there LO have dealt withvarious problems concerning the phenomena of immigration and immigrants on the Swedishlabour market, as well as problems related to some of its own members having foreignbackgrounds. These boundaries consist firstly of an outer boundary that is a physicalboundary, coincident with national boundaries and influencing immigration politics, there LOwas able to consider the scope of the immigration process and make calculations about whatthe resultant addition of new workers, that is a natural consequence of the immigrationprocess, would mean for the labour market. Secondly an inner boundary, that encompasses thelabour market but is more transparent to members of society and influences immigrant politics,there LO was able to consider the terms and conditions that should be made available to theimmigrant workers, in general within society and in particular on the labour market. Finally aninnermost boundary, encompassing the trade union membership, there LO was able to managethe terms and conditions for the immigrant workers within the trade union movement.The thesis’ overriding objective has been to examine LO’s strategies for these threeboundary areas and to see if there is a coherent pattern behind LO’s actions on these threevarying levels. A more theoretical objective with this thesis has been to examine if the possiblepatterns that would appear in LO’s actions within these three boundary areas, could bediscussed from the perspective of a power structure.
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Greco, Rosalia. "Essays in Political Economy of Redistribution and Immigration." Thesis, Boston College, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:106887.
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Thesis advisor: Hideo KonishiThesis advisor: Alberto Alesina
This dissertation studies the interaction of politicians’ and voters’ incentives and its effect on redistributive and immigration policies. The first chapter ``Redistribution, Polarization, and Ideology'' focuses on the effect of income inequality and party polarization on redistributive policy, both theoretically and empirically. I demonstrate that income inequality and party polarization on social issues push redistributive policy in opposite directions. In particular, when the importance of ideology for the voters rises with their income, polarization discourages redistribution. Using data from the American National Election Study and the Census, I verify that it is indeed the case that the importance attached to ideological issues is increasing in the voters' income. Effects of ``income elastic'' ideology can account for the observed stability of redistribution policy in the U.S. The second chapter, ``Foreign Born U.S. Citizens and Immigration Policy'', studies the impact of immigration on immigration reforms, and decomposes the effects of naturalized and non-naturalized immigrants. Using Census data and roll call votes for the House on 2005 and 2006 immigration bills, we find that immigration affects Democratic and Republican parties differently. While the effect of non-naturalized immigrants can be explained by congressional district's socio-economic characteristics, naturalized immigrants exert an additional effect linked to their ability to vote in congressional elections. Higher naturalized immigrant population increases the probability that Democrats vote in favor of immigration, and decreases it for Republicans, suggesting opposite electoral incentives for the two parties, that can be interpreted in a framework of rational office-motivated incumbents seeking reelection
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Economics
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Barbero, Maria Victoria. "DACA, Immigrant Youth, and Education: An Analysis of Elite Narratives on Nationhood, Citizenship, and Belonging in the U.S." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1405518424.
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Simani, Ellis. "Comparing Economic Success Among West Indian Immigrants and African Americans: Implications for Affirmative Action." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1667.
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This paper examines the causes for socioeconomic variation between African Americans and West Indians in the United States, focusing primarily on New York City. Nearly 2 million African Americans live in New York, 30 percent of whom are black immigrants, and likely another 15 percent that are the children of these foreign-born individuals. I provide an overview of the socioeconomic positions of both groups, focusing especially on residential patterns, labor market participation, and educational attainment. I then compare leading theories used to explain West Indian success, arguing that selective United States immigration practices account for most variation both between the two groups and also within the West Indian immigrant population itself. The success of many black immigrants, including West Indians, is attributed to their motivation and ability to leave their home country and pursue opportunities abroad, rather than by virtue of being born of their individual culture. Selective immigration practices have privileged many West Indians who’ve settled in the country, especially in regard to educational attainment. Critiquing current affirmative action programs, I offer policy suggestions to ensure restitution for African Americans who remain persistently disadvantaged by the legacies of slavery.
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Chuang, Ya-Han. "Migrants chinois à Paris : au-delà de l’ « intégration » : la formation politique d’une minorité." Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040135.
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Comment concevoir l'« intégration » à l’ère de la mondialisation ? Dans quelle mesure le mot « intégration » demeure-t-il encore pertinent pour les migrants eux-mêmes à notre époque dite « mondialisée » et « transnationale » ? En soulignant les caractéristiques normatives, désormais performatives et interactives, du concept d’« intégration », cette thèse se propose de fournir une réponse partielle à partir d'expériences de politisation des nouveaux migrants chinois dans la région parisienne. Grâce à une ethnographie multi-située dans plusieurs communes chinoises et plusieurs quartiers parisiens, nous reconstituons le processus dynamique d’intégration via des actions politiques collectives. Arrivés avant tout avec des motivations économiques, les migrants en viennent à s'impliquer dans divers quartiers, ce qui les conduit à se mobiliser et se confronter aux règles tacites du système sociopolitique français. À travers leur apprentissage politique à plusieurs niveaux, ils créent une conscience de minorité désirant une reconnaissance politique en tant que membre de la société française. Un tel désir n’affaiblit pas pour autant leur sentiment d’appartenance à la communauté chinoise. Plus leur statut social est élevé, plus les migrants semblent capables de s'approprier leur origine chinoise comme une ressource en vivant des expériences à la fois « transnationales » et « translocales ». L’accès à la citoyenneté est donc inégal au sein d’une même communauté et ne peut être mesurée qu'en croisant les origines migratoires et le statut socialHow to grasp the notion of “integration” in an era of globalization? To what extent does the word “integration” remain relevant for migrants themselves in “globalized” and “transnational” times? By emphasizing the normative, thereby performative and interactive, characteristic of the concept of “integration”, my dissertation proposes a partial answer to these questions based on the experiences of political mobilization of Chinese migrants in Paris. Drawing on a multi-sited ethnography in several towns in China and neighborhoods in Paris, I reconstitute Chinese migrants’ dynamic processes of integration through collective actions. Arriving in Paris with primarily economic motivations, their involvement in different neighborhoods pushes them to engage in a political process of mobilization while confronting the tacit rules of the French political system. Through their political learning process, they create a minority consciousness with a desire for their political recognition as members of the French political community. However, such a desire does not weaken their feelings of belonging to the Chinese community. The higher their social status is, the more the migrants prove capable of capitalizing on their ethnic origin and use it as a resource to live a “transnational” as well as “translocal” experience. The access to political rights and citizenship is thus unequal within the Chinese community and cannot be measured without crossing ethnic origins and social class positions
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Kocher, Austin C. "Notice to Appear: Immigration Courts and the Legal Production of Illegalized Immigrants." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu149428763630055.
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Poddaná, Barbora. "Ekonomická integrace imigrantů v Kanadě na prahu 21. století." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-85888.
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This Diploma Thesis aims to analyze the economic situation of the immigrants to Canada and evaluate the success of their integration to the Canadian labour market and society. The current immigration policy is based on the undiscriminatory point system by which Canada tends to maximalize the incoming human capital. The Diploma Thesis is divided into three parts, the first one tries to define the basic concepts and terms of the topic, the second one illustrates the historical development of the immigration policy and the last chapter examines the barriers and problems the new immigrants are facing to. The previous analysis should confirm or disprove the following hypothesis: the maximalization of the human capital is not optimal for the longterm goals of the immigration policy, mostly because of the barriers that the immigrants are facing to. They often do the job for which they are overqualified, therefore the waste of the human capital occurs and the immigrants are not able to integrate properly to the labour market. Forthcoming attitude towards the recognition of the foreign credentials, the accelaration of the administrative procedures and the willingness to provide more information to the potential immigrants prior their arrival to Canada, might bring an improvement to the integration process.
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Komine, Ayako. "Becoming a non-immigration country with immigrants : the institutional regime of Japanese immigration policy towards economic migrants." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3966566c-dce1-4bd2-b7f1-86eee560b6b1.
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How can one detect and understand change in the face of apparent continuity? This is the question which has been asked by some scholars of institutionalism. One way of answering this is to make analytical room for incremental change as an endogenous source of institutional transformation. Put bluntly, one does not always need spectacular exogenous events, such as wars and revolutions, to explain institutional change. The present thesis is a qualitative case study of Japan’s immigration policy towards economic migrants since the 1980s. Its aim is to uncover a causal mechanism behind the policy development by drawing on a model of institutional change put forward by James Mahoney, Wolfgang Streeck and Kathleen Thelen. At first, the inquiry may seem ill-founded for Japan is neither an immigration country nor an immigrant-receiving country. Indeed, the country still lacks an immigration policy to speak of, and immigrants continue to be called gaikokujin (foreigners) as opposed to imin (immigrants). A closer examination of the recent policy development, however, shows that the content and practice of Japanese immigration policy simply belie its self-description. Since 2012 the Japanese government has admitted highly-skilled migrants as potential permanent residents using a points-based system and has incorporated foreigners into the resident register system for Japanese citizens in order to facilitate their integration into Japanese society. The central claim of the present research is that Japanese immigration policy has become increasingly settlement-oriented as an unexpected consequence of earlier policy decisions and that the change has been endogenously effected without dismantling the pre-existing institution of immigration management. In making this claim, I particularly draw attention to the way in which a cumulative effect of minor changes eventually transformed the basic nature of the policy institution.
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Generoso, Borglund Jennifer. "Kärleksinvandring via Sverige : Hur man kringgår Danmarks stränga invandringspolitik." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för livsvetenskaper, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-6352.
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This essay examines migration paths through Sweden. There has been a debate in August 2010 that Sweden is regarded as a backdoor for non European immigrants to come over Denmark. It has been discovered through Denmark’s statistics and is regarded as negative by the Danish government. Denmark and Sweden are two countries that are socio- , economically- and culturally similar, but went in two different directions, especially with immigration policy. Denmark created a strict immigration policy. It means that immigrants need to fulfill several requirements to be accepted in Denmark. This creates a difficulty for citizens in Denmark who wants to marry a non European Immigrant. The strict immigration policy cannot guarantee hundred percent that their spouse can stay in Denmark. This leads to that spouses move from Denmark and settle in Sweden to be able to live together. This kind of migration is today referred to as Love refugees.
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Schenk, Caress Rene. "A Typical Country of Immigration? The Russian Immigration Regime in Comparative Perspective." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1274997400.
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CERUTTI, PIERCARLO. "Gli immigrati e la casa. Il caso milanese." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/87.
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La ricerca indaga il rapporto tra la popolazione immigrata e la casa, attraverso una ricognizione della condizione attuale nel Comune di Milano. L'indagine prende in considerazione sia gli aspetti economici e di mercato delle abitazioni che le politiche pubbliche attuate in Italia. Si affronta l'intreccio di trend sociodemografici che caratterizzano la società postmoderna quali l'invecchiamento della popolazione e l'urbanizzazione, così come gli aspetti di impoverimento di ampi strati della società, tra cui gli immigrati. Si evidenziano i tratti della situazione milanese, in particolare delle sue implicazioni territoriali e si portano tre casi studio di interventi abitativi in tre distinti momenti storici, quali esempi di buone pratiche.The research studies the relationship between the immigrants and the housing in the context of the Municipality of Milan. It takes into account both of the economic aspects and the creation of a modern real estate market and the limits of the welfare system, in particular of the social housing. The research continues with the analysis of some main trends of contemporary post-modern society, such as the urbanization, the ageing and the impoverishment of parts of the population. The research focuses on Milan, in particular on the spatial effects of these aspects and it presents three case study of the history of Milan considered best practices of welfare.
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Gamberini, Elisa. "Immigrati: diritti e integrazione in Italia e in Germania." Bachelor's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2014. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/7486/.
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L'elaborato tratta le realtà degli immigrati, i loro diritti e le politiche di integrazione in Italia e in Germania. Oltre a sfatare alcuni miti, il testo si focalizza soprattutto sulle cause delle difficoltà di integrazione e sul ruolo fondamentale che gli immigrati svolgono per entrambi i paesi.
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Gerken, Christina. "Immigrant Anxieties: 1990s Immigration Reform and The Neoliberal Consensus." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1180034821.
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Meushar, Yerushalmit. "Extending cross-cultural models to immigrant absorption processes." Thesis, Anglia Ruskin University, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.248380.
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Engren, Jimmy. "Railroading and Labor Migration : Class and Ethnicity in Expanding Capitalism in Northern Minnesote, the 1880s to the mid 1920s." Doctoral thesis, Växjö universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1636.
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In the 1880s, capitalism as a social and economic system integrated new geographic areas of the American continent. The construction of the Duluth & Iron Range Railroad (D&IR), financed by a group of Philadelphia investors led by Charlemagne Tower and later owned by the US Steel was part of this emerging political economy based on the exploitation of human and material resources. Migrant labor was in demand as it came cheap and, generally, floated between various construction-sites on the “frontier” of capitalism. The Swedish immigrants were one part of this group of “floaters” during the late 1800s and made up a significant part of the force that constructed and worked on the D&IR between the 1880s and the 1920s. This book deals with power relations between groups based on class and ethnic differences by analyzing the relationship between the Anglo-American bourgeois establishment and the Swedish and other immigrant workers and their children on the D&IR and in the railroad town of Two Harbors, Minnesota. The Anglo-American bourgeois hegemony in Minnesota, to a large extent, dictated the conditions under which Swedish immigrants and others toiled and were allowed access to American society. I have therefore analyzed the structural subordination and gradual integration of workers and, in particular, immigrant workers, in an emerging class society. The book also deals with the political and the cultural opposition to Anglo-American bourgeois hegemony that emerged in Two Harbors and that constructed a radical public sphere during the 1910s. In this process, new group identities based on class and ethnicity emerged in the working class neighborhoods in the wake of the capitalist expansion and exploitation, and as a result of worker agency. Building on traditions of political insurgency an alliance of immigrant workers, particularly Swedes, Anglo skilled workers and parts of the local petty bourgeoisie rose to a position of political and cultural power in the local community. This coalition was held together by the language of class that became the basis of a local multi-ethnic working class identity laying claim to its own version of Americanism. The period of preparedness leading up to the Great War, the war itself, and its aftermath, produced a reaction from the Anglo American bourgeoisie which resulted in a profound change in the public sphere as a coalition between “meliorist middle class reformers”, represented primarily by the YMCA and local church leaders and the D&IR and its program of welfare capitalism launched a broad program to counter socialism locally, and to forge new social bonds that would cut across class lines and ethnic boundaries. By this process, the ethnic working class in Two Harbors was offered entry into American society by acquiring citizenship and by their inclusion in a broader civic community undifferentiated by class. But this could only be realized by the workers’ adoption of an Anglo-American national identity based on identification with corporate interests, a new local solidarity that cut across class lines and a white racial identity that diminished the significance of ethnic boundaries. By these means the Swedish immigrants, or at least a portion of them, became Americans on terms established by the D&IR and its class allies.
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Gáborová, Miroslava. "Talianska imigračná politika po roku 2001." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-75318.
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The first chapter illustrates the short Italian immigration policy's history until 2001. Second chapter is dedicated to political trends in the 1990's and helps to understand the generation of new political subjects and a new form of political communication. Main targets and instruments of tightened immigration policy by centre-right governments are presented in the third chapter. The fourth chapter clarifies immigration policy's application in practice and the impact of the most important subjects and society's elements involved upon immigrants' position in Italian society and their insertion into the labour-market. The fifth chapter pays a special attention to immigration in Campania and to its regional policies and is focused on specific aspects of this region and a function of the third sector.
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Fridell, Mara. "Exclusion and immigrant incorporation : the politics of citizenship /." Connect to title online (Scholars' Bank) Connect to title online (ProQuest), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/6200.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2007.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 313-354). Also available online in Scholars' Bank; and in ProQuest, free to University of Oregon users.
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Monogan, James E. Rabinowitz George. "The long-term consequences of immigration politics." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2010. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2940.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2010.Title from electronic title page (viewed Jun. 23, 2010). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Herrera, Ricardo. "Transnational Immigration Politics in Mexico, 1850-1920." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/311468.
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The current historiography on Mexican immigration from 1850 through 1920, has neglected to seriously study the forgotten migration of American citizens, not big capitalists as those have been well documented, seeking their American Dream in Mexico. Thus, my work seeks to understand how a very unstable international border dominated by constant Indian raids and filibuster attempts, led to transnational migration. A direct consequence of transnationalism is that it created a xenophobia mentality among the masses, and in some instances, a fetishism for anything foreign, especially among elites and the new breed of young politicians under President Diaz. I focus my analysis on the wave of American citizens, mostly former Civil War veterans, who in the 1860s decided to go to Mexico because President Benito Juarez offered them generous incentives such as tax exemptions and large land grants for colonization purposes, if they decided to join his military efforts to rid his country of the French invaders. Beyond just those white American immigrants, the dissertation also looks at the experience that black colonists encountered in a country that proudly boasted that it welcomed anyone, regardless of their skin color, so long as they adhered to the law. So I argue, that after analyzing the experience of several ethnic groups, such as the Italian immigrants in Cordoba, Veracruz, or the colonies of those immigrants seeking religious freedom such as the Mormons and Mennonites in northern Mexico, that indeed, Mexico was the Land of God and Liberty. This was the popular term used by runaway slaves from Texas in the 1850s and by many African Americans from Alabama who sold everything they had in 1895 to pay for their transportation cost to Mexico in search of a better life not found in the United States.
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Haugen, Andreas. "Adapting to Democracy: Voter Turnout Among Immigrants from Authoritarian Regimes." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-437702.
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Voting in an election is the most basic and fundamental form of political participation in a democracy. Citizens are given the opportunity to elect legislators that take political decisions on their behalf. As immigration is increasing globally, many immigrants find themselves with this opportunity for the very first time immigrating from authoritarian regimes. Are immigrants from authoritarian regime able to adapt to their new political setting, or is there an observable difference in voter turnout based on the regime-type of the immigrant’s native country? There exist three branches of theories within the theoretical framework of political resocializa-tion: the theory of exposure, the theory of transferability and the theory of resistance. Previous research on the adaptability of immigrants from authoritarian regimes is often single case stud-ies that only analyse one of the three branches or analyse different forms of political participa-tion and have produced somewhat contradicting results. With empirical evidence remaining the relationship between voter turnout and regime-type is yet to be fully comprehended. By using data from the European Value Survey, this study tests all three theories of political resocializa-tion in 34 countries, to further generate insight into this matter. The results show that immigrants from authoritarian regimes are not less likely to vote in the national election of their new host country. The amount of exposure to the new host country, or whether the immigrant spent his “formative years” in the authoritarian regime are not statisti-cally significant to voting. Age, marital status, education and income are shown to be more statistically significant predictors to voter turnout, compared to regime-type.
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Minns, Christopher. "Immigrant assimilation in early 20th century America." Thesis, University of Essex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.341267.
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Amanor-Boadu, Yvonne. "A comparison of immigrant and non-immigrant women’s decision making in abusive relationships." Diss., Kansas State University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/1849.
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Doctor of PhilosophyDepartment of Family Studies and Human Services
Sandra M. Stith
Male-to-female intimate partner violence (IPV) remains a significant social problem as research into its prevalence, incidence, severity, and resulting health consequences has documented. Just as we are beginning to understand some of the pieces of this problem in the United States, researchers and domestic violence advocates have called for expanding that understanding by exploring the range of risks involved in leaving a relationship with a violent man or in seeking help. In addition to the risk of personal physical harm, women in relationships with violent men may also consider the risk of harm to others, and the financial, social and legal risks to leaving (Hamby, 2008). Others have called for a better understanding of IPV through the examination of experiences of IPV within specific groups or subpopulations, such as with immigrant women (Menjívar & Salcido, 2002). This study uses Hamby’s (2008) holistic risk assessment, Choice and Lamke’s (1997) 2-part decision-making model, and a comparison between immigrant and non-immigrant women, to expand our understanding of the decisions women make about leaving their relationship and to seek help. With a sample of 1,307 women in the United Stated, similarities and differences between immigrant and non-immigrant women in the predictors to leaving and help seeking were determined through logistic regression analysis. Results indicate support for a holistic risk assessment such as Hamby’s (2008), and demonstrate significant differences between immigrant and non-immigrant women in their risks and barriers to leaving and help seeking. Nevertheless, examinations of the predictors to leaving and help seeking demonstrate many areas of similarity between immigrant and non-immigrant women in the ways they make decisions about leaving a relationship with a violent man or seeking help. Domestic violence advocates and therapists who work with women in relationships with violent men are encouraged to explore more fully the impact of the risks of harm to others, and the financial, social and legal risks to leaving or staying, and are further encouraged to expand their ideas of what women need once they leave, given the barriers that may make leaving more difficult for them.
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Couper, Michael Patrick. "Immigrant adaptation in South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003118.
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Although the immigrant flow to South Africa has been relatively small compared to that of other immigrant receiving countries, when considered in terms of the size of South Africa's population and the fact that immigrants are restricted to the White population group, the role of immigrants in this society is considerable. Despite this, few comprehensive studies of the experiences of immigrants in South Africa have been attempted. The aim of this study is to examine the adaptation of immigrants from various countries according to a number of dimensions. Adaptation is conceived of as a dynamic and multidimensional process. A mail survey of seven immigrant groups in South Africa was undertaken during 1985. A total of 3,520 completed questionnaires were obtained from respondents representing British, German, Dutch, Italian, Portuguese, British African and Portuguese African immigrants. The relationships among dimensions of subjective adaptation (satisfaction, identification and acceptance) and objective adaptation (social, cultural, economic, religious and political adaptation) are examined. The role of settlement and citizenship intentions are also investigated, as are various factors (country of origin, length of residence, etc.) that affect immigrant adaptation in South Africa. Multivariate analyses are undertaken to explore the nature of the relationships among these variables. Following these analyses a model of immigrant adaptation in South Africa is proposed. This model is intended to serve as a framework to guide future research on the adaptation of immigrants in South Africa.