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Journal articles on the topic 'Immigration and immigrant politics'
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1
Ehrkamp, Patricia. "Geographies of migration II: The racial-spatial politics of immigration." Progress in Human Geography 43, no. 2 (December 20, 2017): 363–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132517747317.
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This second report on geographies of migration examines scholarship on the racial-spatial politics of immigration in the Global North, which have emerged as important issues in the context of rising nativism, the criminalization of immigrants, and the racist exclusion of immigrants from polities. The report first highlights research that has revealed the entanglements of race, immigration law, and citizenship before turning to ‘new immigrant destinations’ as central contemporary sites where race and belonging are hashed out. The following section examines the effects of anti-immigrant policing and racist politics on the health and well-being of immigrants. Activism and immigrant youth mobilization that challenge anti-immigrant politics and racist exclusions from citizenship are at the center of the arguments I discuss in the penultimate section. I conclude by calling for more geographic analysis of the racial-spatial politics of immigration, as well as of the activism that challenges such politics.
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Jones-Correa, Michael, and Els de Graauw. "The Illegality Trap: The Politics of Immigration & the Lens of Illegality." Daedalus 142, no. 3 (July 2013): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00227.
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The focus on undocumented immigrants in contemporary U.S. immigration debates, often at the expense of other immigration issues, has led to an illegality trap. This situation has serious negative consequences for both U.S. immigration policy and immigrants, including an overwhelming emphasis on enforcement; legislative gridlock and the failure of comprehensive immigration reform; constitutional conflict resulting from tensions between national, state, and local approaches to dealing with undocumented immigration; and the puzzling absence of federal policies addressing immigrant integration. This essay argues for a reframing of “illegality” as a contingent rather than categorical status, building on the insights of Plyler v. Doe and notions of implied contract and attachment to U.S. society. Doing so, we contend, will shift the terms of the immigration debate, enabling more fruitful policy discussions about both immigration and immigrant integration.
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Mahler, Sarah J., and Myer Siemiatycki. "Diverse Pathways to Immigrant Political Incorporation." American Behavioral Scientist 55, no. 9 (July 18, 2011): 1123–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764211407837.
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In both Canada and the United States, immigration is producing major demographic and sociocultural changes. Yet relatively little research has been devoted to the impact of immigration on each country’s political life. Even less attention has been paid to comparing the patterns of immigrant political participation in both countries. This has left underinvestigated a host of important questions about the body politic of Canada and the United States: Measured at national, urban, and community scales, do immigrants in the two countries become integrated into formal politics such as voting and running for elected office? Are they engaged in more informal political activities such as community and ethnic organizing? If so, then how do various immigrant communities mobilize politically, form agendas and alliances, express their voices, and expand their opportunities? As more countries and cities around the world become immigration destinations, there is much to be learned about creating inclusive political systems from the comparative experience of Canada and the United States illustrated in this volume.
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Baker, Susan González. "The “Amnesty” Aftermath: Current Policy Issues Stemming from the Legalization Programs of the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act." International Migration Review 31, no. 1 (March 1997): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839703100101.
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The 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) created two one-time only legalization programs affecting nearly 3 million undocumented immigrants. Legalization has produced important changes among immigrants and in immigration policy. These changes include new patterns of immigrant social and economic adaptation to the United States and new immigrant flows through family ties to IRCA-legalized aliens. The heightened salience of immigration, produced in part by legalization, has also generated a wave of “backlash” policymaking at the state and local levels in high-immigration sites. This article combines data from a longitudinal survey of the IRCA-legalized population with qualitative field data on current immigration issues from key informants in eight high-immigration metropolitan areas. It reviews the political evolution and early implementation of legalization, the current socioeconomic position of legalized aliens, and changes in the immigration “policy space” resulting from legalization. Aldiough restrictive policies have again captured public attention, legalization has also sparked renewed efforts at immigration advocacy, particularly where immigrants who adjust to U.S. citizenship hold the potential for influencing local politics.
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Money, Jeannette. "No Vacancy: The Political Geography of Immigration Control in Advanced Industrial Countries." International Organization 51, no. 4 (1997): 685–720. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081897550492.
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This article examines the domestic political sources of immigration control in advanced market economy countries after World War II. Immigration control can be distinguished from the broader concept of immigration policy by its emphasis on state policies that define the permissible level of resident alien admissions. The analysis is based on the well-established fact that immigrant communities are geographically concentrated. I argue that this geographic concentration creates an uneven distribution of costs and benefits, providing a spatial context for immigration politics. In this context, net public demand for tighter immigration control increases in localities where immigrants concentrate when those areas experience higher unemployment, rapid increases in immigration, higher immigrant proportions, and more generous immigrant access to social services. Each of these conditions aggravates competition between immigrants and natives, and hence native hostility, in these communities while employer support for immigration usually diminishes. Yet national politicians may ignore changes in the demand for immigration control unless these constituencies are also able to swing a national election from one party to another. The larger and less “safe” the local constituencies, the greater their influence in this sense. Evidence from the United Kingdom between 1955 and 1981 is consistent with these propositions.
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Magnusdottir, Gunnhildur Lily. "Immigrant Representation in the Swedish Parliament: Towards Homogeneity or United Diversity?" Social Change Review 14, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/scr-2016-0024.
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Abstract The current study explores how immigrants are represented within the two largest political parties in Sweden, the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party. Apart from exploring the descriptive representation of immigrants in the Swedish parliament, this article explores whether immigrant representation in the two parties in question results in visible diversity in views on immigration and in particular asylum politics. We are predominantly interested in exploring whether immigrant parliamentarians, who might have identities and experiences differing from the majority of the parliamentarians, represent views departing from the general party lines. The theoretical underpinnings of the article are based on an intersectionality approach and historical and feminist institutionalism, specifically the politics of presence, which explores the link between a critical mass in politics and critical acts or substantive representation. The first findings of the study, which have been reached primarily through a qualitative comparative analysis of survey material, are mixed. The number of Social Democratic and Moderate immigrant parliamentarians does not reach the level of foreign-born citizens in Sweden. Nevertheless, there appears to be room for diverse views on immigration and asylum politics that depart from the general party lines in both parties.
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Wüst, Andreas M. "Immigration into Politics: Immigrant-origin Candidates and Their Success in the 2013 Bundestag Election." German Politics and Society 32, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2014.320301.
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This article is about immigrant-origin politicians running for a Bundestag mandate in the 2013 election. Patterns of candidacy, electoral success and failure of the respective candidates and parliamentarians are systematically analyzed. The main finding is that politicians of immigrant origin are serious contenders for seats in the Bundestag, and political parties seem to have quite some interest in their election. It is increasingly the second immigrant generation that is involved politically, and, as the career patterns indicate, it is likely that many of them are going to stay longer in politics. Consequently, a closer look at immigrant-origin candidates and parliamentarians is of merit for both the study of parliamentary representation and of the political integration of immigrants and their descendants.
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Yakushko, Oksana, and Melissa L. Morgan Consoli. "Politics and Research of Immigration: Implications for Counseling and Psychological Scholarship and Action." Journal for Social Action in Counseling & Psychology 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2014): 98–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/jsacp.6.1.98-121.
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Research about and with recent immigrants has expanded within psychology, counseling, and related fields. Such research has a potential to contribute significantly toward social action through affecting cultural understanding and public policies. However, counseling and psychology professionals and researchers often lack understanding of historical and current trends affecting this research. Thus, in this article we discuss the broader contextual influences on the scholarly focus on immigration within the psychological literature, reviewing the issues and debates, both historical and current, that dominate scholarly discussions regarding constructs related to immigration. Specifically, we focus on reviewing divergent perspectives on acculturation, transnationalism and immigrant identity, immigrant mental health issues, measurement strategies, and attitudes toward immigrants. Lastly, the article highlights the intersection of politics and research in immigration scholarship within counseling and psychology. Specific suggestions for social action resulting from this knowledge are presented.
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Bobo, Lawrence D., and Michael C. Dawson. "IMMIGRATION." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 4, no. 1 (2007): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x07070014.
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There is a deep irony about the current political moment. Though having an immigrant background is arguably a core feature of how most Americans understand themselves, the topic of immigration has in recent years risen to a fever pitch of political controversy and polarized views. Of course, the immigrant streams to the United States today differ substantially from those that characterized the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Instead of bringing in millions of South, Central, and Eastern Europeans looking for better opportunities than were available in their homelands, the current immigrant wave has drawn most heavily from those with Latin American and Asian origins. Concomitant to these changes in economic, cultural, and political context as well as in who constitute the new immigrants, are a series of deep questions about civic belonging, the social consequences of immigration, and what appropriate policy responses to recent immigration should be.
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Endoh, Toake. "The politics of Japan’s immigration and alien residence control." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 28, no. 3 (September 2019): 324–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0117196819873733.
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Since the 1990s, the Japanese state has tried to balance easing immigration for some categories of immigrants while tightening restrictions for others through immigration and alien residence control. Using qualitative and data-driven analysis, this paper examines the political implications of Japan’s recent policy of accepting less-skilled migrant workers by providing a systemic explanation of the institutional changes in immigration management. The state uses alien residence control in order to curb the social costs of immigrant integration while pursuing a selective worker acceptance policy. Despite the policy shift, it seems likely that Japan will maintain this essentially illiberal means of temporary labor inclusion with long-term social exclusion.
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Udani, Adriano, and David C. Kimball. "Immigrant Resentment and Voter Fraud Beliefs in the U.S. Electorate." American Politics Research 46, no. 3 (August 7, 2017): 402–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x17722988.
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Public beliefs about the frequency of voter fraud are frequently cited to support restrictive voting laws in the United States. However, some sources of public beliefs about voter fraud have received little attention. We identify two conditions that combine to make anti-immigrant attitudes a strong predictor of voter fraud beliefs. First, the recent growth and dispersion of the immigrant population makes immigration a salient consideration for many Americans. Second, an immigrant threat narrative in political discourse linking immigration to crime and political dysfunction has been extended to the voting domain. Using new data from a survey module in the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study and the 2012 American National Election Study, we show that immigrant resentment is strongly associated with voter fraud beliefs. Widespread hostility toward immigrants helps nourish public beliefs about voter fraud and support for voting restrictions in the United States. The conditions generating this relationship in public opinion likely exist in other nations roiled by immigration politics. The topic of fraudulent electoral practices will likely continue to provoke voters to call to mind groups that are politically constructed as “un-American.”
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Street, Alex. "The Political Effects of Immigrant Naturalization." International Migration Review 51, no. 2 (June 2017): 323–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imre.12229.
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Immigration is transforming the societies of Europe and North America. Yet the political implications of these changes remain unclear. In particular, we lack credible evidence on whether, and how, becoming a citizen of the country of residence prompts immigrants to engage with the political system. This paper used panel data from Germany to test theories of citizenship and immigrant politics. I found that naturalization can promote political integration, but that this is more likely if new citizens have the chance to pick up habits of political engagement during the formative years of early adulthood.
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JAFFE-WALTER, REVA, CHANDLER PATTON MIRANDA, and STACEY J. LEE. "From Protest to Protection: Navigating Politics with Immigrant Students in Uncertain Times." Harvard Educational Review 89, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 251–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/1943-5045-89.2.251.
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With the rise of nationalism and the current contentious debate on immigration in the US, school leaders and educators are faced with difficult questions about how to negotiate sensitive political topics, including debates on immigration. In this article, Reva Jaffe-Walter, Chandler Patton Miranda, and Stacey J. Lee explore how educators grapple with the political policies and discourses surrounding immigration with marginalized students who are the subject of those politics. Drawing on research from two US schools exclusively serving recently arrived immigrant students, the authors explore how educators negotiate the teaching of immigration politics during two different time periods, in 2013 during the Obama era “Dreamer” movement and in early 2017 after the inauguration of Donald Trump. They consider how the unique conditions of each political context inform educators' strategies for “teaching into” political events and supporting their immigrant and undocumented students. Their analysis reveals the unique challenges of engaging marginalized students who are the subject of contentious politics in political discussion and action and supports their call for a deeper consideration of students' identities and experiences of politics within scholarly discussions of critical civic engagement.
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Mora, G. Cristina. "POLITICAL PARTIES, IMMIGRATION, AND PANETHNICITY." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 14, no. 2 (2017): 665–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x17000157.
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AbstractMost studies on panethnicity have focused on the United States, leaving researchers with little understanding of how it becomes institutionalized in areas with different racial politics and histories. Drawing on fifty-two in-depth interviews with Latin American immigrant leaders, political party operatives, and bureaucrats, in addition to fourteen weeks of participant observation, I examine the establishment of panethnic Latino coalitions in the Barcelona, Spain, which has witnessed a sharp increase in Latin American migration. I argue that unlike in the United States, in Spain political parties play a critical role in establishing panethnic coalitions. They do so by enabling the development of panethnic civic organizations that they hope will be politically loyal to them. Latin American immigrant leaders respond to these efforts by cooperating with parties while also resisting political pressure. Specifically, immigrant leaders forge networks with one another that cross party lines, use media to promote the nonpartisan aspects of panethnicity, and construct cultural and instrumental narratives about panethnic unity. These strategies help immigrant leaders weather political shifts and make panethnicity seem to have arisen organically. Panethnicity is forged as a strategic, cultural, and experiential form of community identification precisely through this interaction between parties, immigrant leaders, and media. Implications for understanding how panethnicity becomes institutionalized and avenues for further international research on panethnicity are discussed.
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Jones-Correa, Michael. "Different Paths: Gender, Immigration and Political Participation." International Migration Review 32, no. 2 (June 1998): 326–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839803200202.
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Building on arguments made by Grasmuck and Pessar (1991), Hardy-Fanta (1993), and Hondagneu-Sotelo (1994), among others, this article makes the case for a gendered understanding of immigrant political socialization. Looking at recent Latin American immigrants to New York City, the article argues that immigrant Latino men are more likely to favor continuity in patterns of socialization and organization, and immigrant Latinas are more likely to favor change. This finding helps bridge theoretical and empirical literatures in immigration studies, applying the logic of gender-differentiated decisionmaking to the area of immigrant political socialization and behavior.
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Nteta, Tatishe M. "The Past Is Prologue: African American Opinion toward Undocumented Immigration." Social Science History 38, no. 3-4 (2014): 389–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.30.
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Using data from the 2011 Multi-State Survey on Race and Politics (Parker 2011), I ask if African American1opinion toward undocumented immigration mirrors African American opinion toward immigration from Southern and Eastern Europe in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. I find evidence that contemporary African American opinion does reflect the manner in which a previous generation of African Americans reacted to immigrant newcomers. More specifically, I find that factors associated with past reactions to new immigration, most notably political and economic competition, egalitarianism, the belief that new immigrants are distancing themselves from African Americans, and the belief that restrictive immigration policies were fueled by racism, continue to predict contemporary African American opinion on undocumented immigration. Taken together, I take my findings as evidence that the past may be prologue in accounting for black opinion toward the newest wave of immigration.
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Vitale, Tommaso. "Conflitti urbani nei percorsi di cittadinanza degli immigrati. Una introduzione." PARTECIPAZIONE E CONFLITTO, no. 3 (March 2013): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/paco2012-003001.
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Immigration is a main political topic. In Western Europe social conflicts, party systems and political parties have been restructured around an emerging cleavage between integration and demarcation. At the urban level, conflict among immigrant groups and native ones and contention between immigrants and the local authorities are major political dynamics. Main literature has explained why do we observe clashes between immigrants and natives in some locations, but not in others; and what accounts for change in immigrant conflict within locales over time. Not a lot has been written about the outcomes of these conflicts and their impact on citizenship. An emerging literature is measuring important effects in terms of political inclusion, but other effects on civic and social citizenships remain partially unexplored. Empirical researches collected for this special issue stress the dimension of agency of immigrant contentious politics, and show the heuristic value of new approaches in the theory of action, taking into account recognition as well as institutional and normative constraints.
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Lin, Ching-Hsuan, and Angela R. Wiley. "Enhancing the practice of immigrant child welfare social workers in the United States." International Social Work 62, no. 2 (November 21, 2017): 595–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872817742697.
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Responding to the needs of growing immigrant populations, many US social service sectors have recruited bilingual and bicultural practitioners, including immigrants. However, little is known about the immigrant social workers. This article explores the practice context of immigrant child welfare social workers in the United States. First, acculturation theory is applied to frame the experiences of US immigrants. Second, we explore professional development of practitioners working with immigrant families. Third, we discuss the intersectionality connecting immigration and social work professionalization. We conclude that the immigration and acculturation experiences of immigrant social workers are unique strengths for working with immigrant populations.
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Shin, Adrian J. "Primary Resources, Secondary Labor: Natural Resources and Immigration Policy." International Studies Quarterly 63, no. 4 (June 17, 2019): 805–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz033.
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AbstractThis article argues that substantial natural resource wealth leads to more restrictive low-skill immigration policy in advanced democracies. High-value natural resource production often crowds out labor-intensive firms that produce tradable goods. When these proimmigration business interests disappear due to deindustrialization, also known as the Dutch Disease, the proimmigration coalition weakens in domestic politics. Without strong business pressure for increased immigration, policy-makers close their doors to immigrants to accommodate anti-immigrant interests. Using a newly expanded dataset on immigration policy across twenty-four wealthy democracies, I find that oil-rich democracies are more likely to restrict low-skill immigration, especially when their economies are exposed to foreign competition in international trade. The results supplement the voter-based theories of immigration policy and contribute to an emerging literature on the political economy of natural resources and international migration.
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Joppke, Christian. "Why Liberal States Accept Unwanted Immigration." World Politics 50, no. 2 (January 1998): 266–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388710000811x.
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This article explores why liberal states accept unwanted immigration, discussing the cases of illegal immigration in the United States and family immigration in Europe. Rejecting the diagnosis of state sovereignty undermined by globalization, the author argues that self-limited sovereignty explains why states accept unwanted immigration. One aspect of self-limited sovereignty is a political process under the sway of interest-group politics (“client politics,” as Gary Freeman says). The logic of client politics explains why the United States accepts illegal immigration. The case of family immigration in Europe suggests two further aspects of self-limited sovereignty: legal-constitutional constraints on the executive, and moral obligations toward historically particular immigrant groups. However, these legal and moral constraints are unevenly distributed across Europe, partially reflecting the different logics of guest worker and postcolonial immigration regimes.
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Grødem, Anne Skevik. "Family-oriented policies in Scandinavia and the challenge of immigration." Journal of European Social Policy 27, no. 1 (October 28, 2016): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928716673315.
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The social political debate on immigration as a challenge to the welfare states has been remarkably silent on gender and family issues. This article argues that immigrants’ use of welfare benefits targeted at families may be particularly problematic, because such benefits embody certain normative tensions that other social policies do not. It is suggested that tensions may be particularly high in Scandinavia, given the Scandinavian countries’ long-term commitment to facilitating employment for women. What happens when immigrants in the Scandinavian countries use policies targeted at families to maintain gender-complimentary family practices and home-based motherhood? Will such practices be met by reforms that streamline benefits around the principle of universal employment? The article highlights policy arrangements that have been described as detrimental to immigrant women’s employment in Norway, Sweden and Denmark, and reviews whether they have been reformed in recent years and, where relevant, what arguments have been used to motivate reforms. The analysis shows that many of the relevant benefits recently have been reformed to become less accommodating of home-based care work. However, politics clearly matter, and it is not given that immigrants’ use of benefits will always be a trump card. Also, dynamics vary according to how controversial the welfare arrangement in question was before it was highlighted as an immigrant issue. A third finding is that even when benefit arrangements that have been highlighted as particularly detrimental to immigrant women’s employment are targeted, politicians often downplay the integration issue when arguing for reform.
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Vanderkooy, Patricia, and Stephanie J. Nawyn. "Identifying the Battle Lines." American Behavioral Scientist 55, no. 9 (August 19, 2011): 1267–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764211407838.
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Services designed to facilitate immigrant integration and civic-political engagement in the United States are highly privatized compared to those in Canada, where state funding provides the bulk of funding for immigrant needs, leading to a political context in which social welfare for immigrants is thin but opportunities to challenge state policies are perhaps greater. However, the decoupling of federal immigration policies from local integration presents challenges to local actors attempting to influence legislation at the federal level. This article is an exploration of the tensions between local and national organizing for comprehensive immigration reform (CIR) in the United States, with a particular focus on the effects of these tensions among local immigrant community organizations in Miami, Florida. The authors present data gathered from the Immigrant Participation and Immigration Reform project, a national effort to increase the civic engagement of individual immigrants, to build the capacity of immigrant organizations in civic engagement, and to build local-to-national relationships for the purposes of passing CIR. The authors compare two levels of engagement: local community organizing and national collaborations. Using ethnographic data from local and regional organizations in Miami, the authors explore the tensions organizers felt between local and national engagement with immigration legislation and how organizers responded to those tensions.
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Bohn, Henning, and Armando R. Lopez-Velasco. "IMMIGRATION AND DEMOGRAPHICS: CAN HIGH IMMIGRANT FERTILITY EXPLAIN VOTER SUPPORT FOR IMMIGRATION?" Macroeconomic Dynamics 23, no. 5 (July 20, 2017): 1815–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1365100517000463.
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First generation immigrants to the United States have higher fertility rates than natives. This paper analyzes to what extent this factor provides political support for immigration, using an overlapping generation model with production and capital accumulation. In this setting, immigration represents a dynamic trade-off for native workers as more immigrants decrease current wages but increase the future return on their savings. We find that immigrant fertility has surprisingly strong effects on voter incentives, especially when there is persistence in the political process. If fertility rates are sufficiently high, native workers support immigration. Persistence, either due to inertia induced by frictions in the legal system or through expectational linkages, significantly magnifies the effects. Entry of immigrants with high fertility has redistributive impacts across generations similar to pay-as-you-go social security: initial generations are net winners, whereas later generations are net losers.
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Doerr, Nicole. "How right-wing versus cosmopolitan political actors mobilize and translate images of immigrants in transnational contexts." Visual Communication 16, no. 3 (June 26, 2017): 315–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470357217702850.
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This article examines visual posters and symbols constructed and circulated transnationally by various political actors to mobilize contentious politics on the issues of immigration and citizenship. Following right-wing mobilizations focusing on the Syrian refugee crisis, immigration has become one of the most contentious political issues in Western Europe. Right-wing populist political parties have used provocative visual posters depicting immigrants or refugees as ‘criminal foreigners’ or a ‘threat to the nation’, in some countries and contexts conflating the image of the immigrant with that of the Islamist terrorist. This article explores the transnational dynamics of visual mobilization by comparing the translation of right-wing nationalist with left-wing, cosmopolitan visual campaigns on the issue of immigration in Western Europe. The author first traces the crosscultural translation and sharing of an anti-immigrant poster created by the Swiss People’s Party (SVP), a right-wing political party, inspiring different extremist as well as populist right-wing parties and grassroots activists in several other European countries. She then explores how left-libertarian social movements try to break racist stereotypes of immigrants. While right-wing political activists create a shared stereotypical image of immigrants as foes of an imaginary ethnonationalist citizenship, left-wing counter-images construct a more complex and nuanced imagery of citizenship and cultural diversity in Europe. The findings show the challenges of progressive activists’ attempts to translate cosmopolitan images of citizenship across different national and linguistic contexts in contrast to the right wing’s rapid and effective instrumentalizing and translating of denigrating images of minorities in different contexts.
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Quiroz-Becerra, M. Victoria. "Illegal, alien or immigrant: The politics of immigration reform." Latino Studies 9, no. 2-3 (July 2011): 357–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/lst.2011.29.
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Davies, Garth, and Jeffrey Fagan. "Crime and Enforcement in Immigrant Neighborhoods." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 641, no. 1 (May 2012): 99–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716212438938.
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Immigration and crime have received much popular and political attention in the past decade and have been a focus of episodic social attention for much of the history of the United States. Recent policy and legal discourse suggests that the stigmatic link between immigrants and crime has endured, even in the face of evidence to the contrary. This study addresses the relationship between immigration and crime in urban settings, focusing on areal units where immigrants tend to cluster spatially as well as socially. The authors ask whether immigration creates risks or benefits for neighborhoods in terms of lower crime rates. The question is animated in part by a durable claim in criminology that areas with large immigrant populations are burdened by elevated levels of social disorder and crime. In contrast, more recent theory and research suggest that “immigrant neighborhoods” may simply be differentially organized and function in a manner that reduces the incidence of crime. Accordingly, this research investigates whether immigrants are associated with differences in area crime rates. In addition, the authors ask whether there are differences in the effects of immigration on neighborhood crime rates by the racial and ethnic makeup of the foreign-born populations. Finally, the authors examine the effects of immigration on patterns of enforcement.
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Muraleedharan, Vishnu. "Immigrant Integration: the Role of NGO’s in Lithuania for Upholding Immigrant Assimilation." European Integration Studies 1, no. 14 (October 22, 2020): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.eis.1.14.26371.
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Migration and migrant movement are one of the most contested phenomena in the contemporary world due to the large-scale displacement of the people across the globe due to socio-political unrest in the form of wars, internal rebellions, and political upheaval. It led to the scenario of people’s movement across the borders in search of better living conditions and safety. However, the aspect of immigration and immigrant integration and assimilation is not a conducive process, and the immigrants must overcome a lot of socio-political hurdles and hardships for the assimilation and integration into the host society. Regarding the actors facilitating immigrant integration, one of the significant actors is the NGOs, which facilitates the integration of the immigrants into society. These facilitate through the mechanisms of advocacy measures. In this scenario, this article tries to find out how the NGO’s facilitates immigrant integration and assimilation in Lithuania and what are the mechanisms they employ for immigrant integration and assimilation. The task includes analyzing the qualitative interview conducted with NGO Europos Namai, who are voicing for the rights of immigrants and envisaging measures for migrant integration through their lobbying, education, awareness, cultural integration, and media mechanisms. By analyzing the interview and data sets on immigration in Lithuania, this paper aims to find out how does the NGOs act as a facilitating force for political debates, communication, political decision making, and to create a favourable environment for immigration integration into the Lithuanian society. The primary interpretation is that the third sector organizations play a significant role in the migrant integration into the society, and these possible findings could be made useful for other regions and countries where they are migrant influx and still lack conducive mechanisms for immigrant integration.
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Finley, Laura, and Luigi Esposito. "The Immigrant as Bogeyman: Examining Donald Trump and the Right’s Anti-immigrant, Anti-PC Rhetoric." Humanity & Society 44, no. 2 (April 7, 2019): 178–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160597619832627.
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This article examines the rhetoric used by President Trump and his administration with respect to immigrants and immigration policy. We argue that Trump’s anti-immigrant rhetoric can be understood as (1) a response against current norms associated with political correctness, which include a heightened sensitivity to racially offensive language, xenophobia, and social injustice, and (2) a rejection of the tendency to subordinate patriotism, U.S. sovereignty, and national interests to a neoliberal political economy that emphasizes “globalism” and prioritizes “free trade” over the interests of working Americans. In order to highlight how much of Trump’s anti-immigrant rhetoric is developed as a response to political correctness and the neoliberal tendency toward globalism, we employ the concept of “collective action frames” to suggest that Trump’s (and much of the Right’s) efforts to legitimize their strict agenda on immigration relies on frames related to (1) crime and the threat immigrants pose to Americans’ safety, (2) the notion that immigrants and free trade deals lower Americans’ wages and compromise their job security, and (3) the claim that Democrats and other liberals are driven by a politically correct orthodoxy that hurts American workers by being “weak on immigration” and supportive of “open borders.” The article concludes with recommendations for fighting the normalization of scapegoating immigrants.
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Čepeliauskaitė, Gabrielė. "The Analysis of Effective Immigrant Integration Policy in Lithuania: Practice and Problems." Public Policy And Administration 17, no. 3 (October 29, 2018): 421–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.17.3.21956.
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Immigrant integration policy is one of the most important issues in political discourse and is likely to remain so in the future. The article investigates the effectiveness of immigrant integration policy formation in Lithuania. According to theoretical insights, the general idea of integration includes the national reorganization of social and political areas for the inclusion of new immigrants, when legal, social, cultural and political rights are deliberately expanded for the immigrants in the host country. The analysis of legal documents reveals that the EU-level European Migration Agenda (2015) sets common priorities focusing on highly skilled workers, when at the same time Immigration Policy Guidelines (2008) determines general directions and principles of immigrant integration at the national level. It is necessary to highlight the point that the document does not set a specific goals, objectives, measures or evaluation criteria of immigration policy. The quantitative Eurostat (2016), European Migration Network (2017) and Statistics Lithuania (2004–2017) data analysis showed that among the EU member states Lithuania's attractiveness for immigrants is low and the implementation of immigration policy can not create a counterweight to the aging population and large emigration. In conclusion, the Immigration Policy Guidelines (2008) provided at national level are not sufficiently specific and clear to ensure effective integration of immigrants in Lithuania.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.17.3.21956
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Hayduk, Ron. "Migration and Inequality." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 12, no. 1 (June 25, 2020): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v12.i1.7026.
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Migrants are omnipresent in cosmopolitan societies. Propelled from their homelands by poverty, violence, and environmental disasters—and the promise of better opportunities and security—migrants have found their way into metropolitan regions. At the same time, we see steep increases in economic inequality. These changes, which are intrinsically connected to the rise of neoliberal polices, have pushed immigration to the top of the political agenda for both the political right and left in many nations. The right seeks to erect walls, restrict immigration, and deport the undocumented. The left seeks amnesty, sanctuary policies and other measures to advance human rights in response to the migration crisis. Yet neither approach addresses the underlying causes of migration nor growing inequalities that together animate populist revolts on both the left and right across the globe.
In this paper, I employ a framework that foregrounds capitalist accumulation at the center of these processes. Focusing on urban areas in the US, I highlight the ways economic, social and political structures contribute to growing inequalities between immigrants and the native born -- as well as sharp inequalities within each group -- which, in turn, affect patterns of immigrant incorporation, politics and options for reform. The paper examines US immigration and immigrant policy, assessing their impacts on inequality and immigrant incorporation processes and outcomes. I conclude by pointing to contemporary social movements and evolving political alignments, which have the potential to achieve more egalitarian outcomes capable of sustaining social cohesion in metropolitan regions, as well as more stable and robust democratic systems across borders. Given that immigrants and their offspring comprise nearly one in four people in the U.S., addressing such inequalities is theoretically important and a pressing political concern.
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Stockemer, Daniel, Arne Niemann, Doris Unger, and Johanna Speyer. "The “Refugee Crisis,” Immigration Attitudes, and Euroscepticism." International Migration Review 54, no. 3 (October 23, 2019): 883–912. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0197918319879926.
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Between 2015 and 2017, the European Union (EU) was confronted with a major crisis in its history, the so-called “European refugee crisis.” Since the multifaceted crisis has provoked many different responses, it is also likely to have influenced individuals’ assessments of immigrants and European integration. Using data from three waves of the European Social Survey (ESS) — the wave before the crisis in 2012, the wave at the beginning of the crisis in 2014, and the wave right after the (perceived) height of the crisis in 2016 — we test the degree to which the European refugee crisis increased Europeans’ anti-immigrant sentiment and Euroscepticism, as well as the influence of Europeans’ anti-immigrant attitudes on their level of Euroscepticism. As suggested by prior research, our results indicate that there is indeed a consistent and solid relationship between more critical attitudes toward immigrants and increased Euroscepticism. Surprisingly, however, we find that the crisis increased neither anti-immigrant sentiments nor critical attitudes toward the EU and did not reinforce the link between rejection of immigrants and rejection of the EU. These findings imply that even under a strong external shock, fundamental political attitudes remain constant.
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Gündal, Burçak, and Sıddıka Öztekin. "Implementation of U.S. Immigration Policies." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 3, no. 3 (May 19, 2017): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v3i3.p164-170.
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Immigration and refugees are sets of global flows of people who are seeking information, technology, economic stability, and military, political, and social asylum. Immigrants and refugees, which is one of the categories of migrants, represent only one of many global exchanges in an increasingly independent world. As the number of immigrants increases, the national, demographic, and socio-economic composition of the foreign residents in a host country are impacted by the immigration and immigrant policies of the receiving country. Immigration is inseparably part of the American national identity and always will be, and the United States would not continue to grow without immigration. In setting immigration policy in the United States, policymakers must be sensitive to both the U.S. vulnerabilities and the effects of American policies on the countries of origin. Since the post 9/11 period in the United States, immigration, immigration policy and implementation have been debated issues. Especially after Donald Trump was elected, the debate about migrants and immigration issues has increased even more. The purpose of this study is to show the development of immigration in American history, the positive and negative effects of immigrants on American economy and social life, and the question of the effects of social inclusion policies on the immigrant problem.
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Gündal, Burçak, and Sıddıka Öztekin. "Implementation of U.S. Immigration Policies." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 8, no. 1 (May 19, 2017): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v8i1.p164-170.
Full textAbstract:
Immigration and refugees are sets of global flows of people who are seeking information, technology, economic stability, and military, political, and social asylum. Immigrants and refugees, which is one of the categories of migrants, represent only one of many global exchanges in an increasingly independent world. As the number of immigrants increases, the national, demographic, and socio-economic composition of the foreign residents in a host country are impacted by the immigration and immigrant policies of the receiving country. Immigration is inseparably part of the American national identity and always will be, and the United States would not continue to grow without immigration. In setting immigration policy in the United States, policymakers must be sensitive to both the U.S. vulnerabilities and the effects of American policies on the countries of origin. Since the post 9/11 period in the United States, immigration, immigration policy and implementation have been debated issues. Especially after Donald Trump was elected, the debate about migrants and immigration issues has increased even more. The purpose of this study is to show the development of immigration in American history, the positive and negative effects of immigrants on American economy and social life, and the question of the effects of social inclusion policies on the immigrant problem.
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Gratton, Brian. "Race or Politics? Henry Cabot Lodge and the Origins of the Immigration Restriction Movement in the United States." Journal of Policy History 30, no. 1 (December 19, 2017): 128–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030617000410.
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Abstract:This article addresses the origins of the immigration restriction movement in the late 19th century United States, a movement that realized its aims in the early 20th. It critiques the dominant scholarly interpretation, which holds that the movement sprang from a racism that viewed the new immigrants of this period as biologically inferior. It argues first that activists did not have at hand a biological theory sufficient to this characterization and did not employ one. It argues second that the movement arose as an adroit political response to labor market competition. The Republican Party recognized the discontent of resident workers (including those of older immigrant origin) with competition from new immigrants. The Party discerned ethnic differences among new and old immigrants and capitalized on these conditions in order to win elections. Ethnocentrism and middle-class anxiety over mass immigrant added to a movement that depended on bringing working class voters into the Party.
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Carter, Niambi, and Tyson King-Meadows. "Perceptual Knots and Black Identity Politics: Linked Fate, American Heritage, and Support for Trump Era Immigration Policy." Societies 9, no. 1 (January 29, 2019): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc9010011.
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Since the 2016 U.S. presidential election, much ado has been made about how racial anxiety fueled White vote choice for Donald Trump. Far less empirical attention has been paid to whether the 2016 election cycle triggered black anxieties and if those anxieties led blacks to reevaluate their communities’ standing relative to Latinos and immigrants. Employing data from the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey, we examine the extent to which race consciousness both coexists with black perceptions of Latinos and shapes black support for anti-immigrant legislation. Our results address how the conflation of Latino with undocumented immigrant may have activated a perceptional and policy backlash amongst black voters.
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Mandel, Maud S. "One Nation Indivisible: Contemporary Western European Immigration Policies and the Politics of Multiculturalism." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1995): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.4.1.89.
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Since World War II, policies with regard to immigrant populations have changed dramatically and repeatedly throughout Western Europe. From 1945 to 1955, Western European nations absorbed an enormous number of refugees uprooted during the war. Until the 1970s, governments did not limit migration, nor did they formulate comprehensive social policies toward these new immigrants. Indeed, from the mid-1950s until 1973, most Western European governments, interested in facilitating economic growth, allowed businesses and large corporations to seek cheap immigrant labor abroad. As Georges Tapinos points out, “For the short term, the conditions of the labor market [and] the rhythm of economic growth . . . determined the flux of migrations” (422). France, Britain, Germany, Belgium, and the Netherlands welcomed the generally young, single male migrants as a cheap labor force, treating them as guest workers. As a result, few governments instituted social policies to ease the workers’ transition to their new environments. Policies began to change in the 1960s when political leaders, intent on gaining control over the haphazard approach to immigration that had dominated the previous 20 years, slowly began to formulate educational measures and social policies aimed at integrating newcomers.
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Hochman, Oshrat, and Gema García-Albacete. "Political Interest among European Youth with and without an Immigrant Background." Social Inclusion 7, no. 4 (December 27, 2019): 257–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v7i4.2312.
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Our article investigates political engagement among youth with and without an immigration background. Tapping to current debates on intergenerational assimilation processes in Europe, we look at differences in levels of political interest between immigrants, children of immigrants and natives. In particular, we argue that such differences are a function of respondents’ identification with the receiving society. We predict that among respondents with an immigrant background higher levels of national identification will be positively correlated with political interest. Among natives, political interest will not depend on levels of national identification. These expectations reflect the ideas of the social identity perspective according to which group identification increases adherence to group norms and adherence to norms is stronger among individuals who suffer from identity uncertainty. We test our model in four European countries: England, Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden, using data from the CILS4EU project. Our findings indicate that interest in the politics of the survey country differs between respondents with and without an immigrant background. Respondents with an immigrant background who also have a strong national identification are more likely to report a political interest than natives. Respondents with an immigrant background who have a low national identification, are less likely to report a political interest than natives. The findings also reveal that political discussions at home and associationism positively predict political interest whereas girls show significantly lower odds to be politically interested.
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Vuk, Mateja, Dalibor Doležal, and Ena Jovanović. "The Impact of Characteristics of Immigrant Offenders on Attitudes Towards Immigrant Crime." Drustvena istrazivanja 30, no. 1 (March 19, 2021): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5559/di.30.1.03.
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Minority threat theory and existing research show that public attitudes towards certain types of offenders (e.g. ethnic and racial minorities) are often more punitive. Research also reveals that a significant proportion of the public associates the increase of immigration with higher crime rates. Negative attitudes, as well as an overall anti-immigration sentiment, have been increasing internationally. Therefore, we hypothesise that the public will have more negative and punitive attitudes towards immigrant offenders than towards citizens. Using a sample of students from the University of Zagreb, this research tested the above-mentioned hypothesis and explored whether factors like immigration status, ethnic identity, type of offense, and the age of the hypothetical offender impact student attitude on immigrant crime. To test this proposition, we used online surveys with factorial vignettes. The results show that participants ask for harsher sentences for undocumented immigrants, but immigrant status and the national origin of the immigrant are not associated with the perception of recidivism, dangerousness, or criminal typicality of offender.
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Hinojosa Ojeda, Raul, and Edward Telles. "Trump Paradox: How Immigration and Trade Affected White Voting and Attitudes." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 7 (January 2021): 237802312110019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23780231211001970.
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Donald Trump presented immigration and trade as the cause of the diminished prospects of white working-class voters, the core of his political base. The authors’ research—the first that examines actual immigration and trade exposure with attitudes and Trump voting—demonstrates that white voting for Trump was unrelated to immigration levels and, paradoxically, strongest in counties with low levels of trade. Anti-immigrant and antitrade attitudes more consistently and strongly explain voting for Trump and Republicans in 2016 and 2018 than actual immigration and trade. The authors also find descriptive support that over four years, Trump’s false narrative unraveled as his support declined in those counties most exposed to immigration and trade. Although Trump elaborated a white nationalist narrative on the basis of anti-immigrant and antitrade politics that was widely accepted as truth, the authors show that virtually no aspects of Trump’s simple narrative have any factual basis in actual reality.
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Hajnal, Zoltan. "Immigration & the Origins of White Backlash." Daedalus 150, no. 2 (2021): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01844.
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Abstract The success of Donald Trump's anti-immigrant campaign surprised many. But I show that it was actually a continuation of a long-standing Republican strategy that has targeted immigrants and minorities for over five decades. It is not only a long-term strategy but also a widely successful one. Analysis of the vote over time shows clearly that White Americans with anti-immigrant views have been shifting steadily toward the Republican Party for decades. The end result is a nation divided by race and outcomes that often favor Whites over immigrants and minorities.
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Ayón, Cecilia, and David Becerra. "Mexican Immigrant Families Under Siege: The Impact of Anti-Immigrant Policies, Discrimination, and the Economic Crisis." Advances in Social Work 14, no. 1 (September 4, 2013): 206–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/2692.
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Latino immigrants have historically faced many challenges living in the United States (U.S.). The economic crisis combined with new anti-immigration policies and harsh enforcement strategies may exacerbate the stress and anxiety Latino immigrant families already endure as a result of discrimination and financial hardships. The purpose of this study was to understand the current challenges Latino immigrant families encounter within an anti-immigrant social-political environment. Fifty-two first generation immigrants participated in focus group sessions, which lasted between 90 and 120 minutes. The findings reveal that the economic crisis, anti-immigration policies, and enforcement strategies have deleterious effects on Latino immigrant families’ well-being. Participants stated that their limited English proficiency status and racial profiling were the basis for discriminatory practices they endured. Discrimination is experienced through instances of micro-aggression, as well as horizontal discrimination and institutional discrimination. Implications for social policy, social work practice, and research are discussed.
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Winders, Jamie. "Seeing Immigrants." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 641, no. 1 (March 30, 2012): 58–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716211432281.
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Since the 1990s, immigrant settlement has expanded beyond gateway cities and transformed the social fabric of a growing number of American cities. In the process, it has raised new questions for urban and migration scholars. This article argues that immigration to new destinations provides an opportunity to sharpen understandings of the relationship between immigration and the urban by exploring it under new conditions. Through a discussion of immigrant settlement in Nashville, Tennessee, it identifies an overlooked precursor to immigrant incorporation—how cities see, or do not see, immigrants within the structure of local government. If immigrants are not institutionally visible to government or nongovernmental organizations, immigrant abilities to make claims to or on the city as urban residents are diminished. Through the combination of trends toward neighborhood-based urban governance and neoliberal streamlining across American cities, immigrants can become institutionally hard to find and, thus, plan for in the city.
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Soroka, Stuart, Matthew Wright, Richard Johnston, Jack Citrin, Keith Banting, and Will Kymlicka. "Ethnoreligious Identity, Immigration, and Redistribution." Journal of Experimental Political Science 4, no. 3 (2017): 173–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2017.13.
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AbstractDo increasing, and increasingly diverse, immigration flows lead to declining support for redistributive policy? This concern is pervasive in the literatures on immigration, multiculturalism and redistribution, and in public debate as well. The literature is nevertheless unable to disentangle the degree to which welfare chauvinism is related to (a) immigrant status or (b) ethnic difference. This paper reports on results from a web-based experiment designed to shed light on this issue. Representative samples from the United States, Quebec, and the “Rest-of-Canada” responded to a vignette in which a hypothetical social assistance recipient was presented as some combination of immigrant or not, and Caucasian or not. Results from the randomized manipulation suggest that while ethnic difference matters to welfare attitudes, in these countries it is immigrant status that matters most. These findings are discussed in light of the politics of diversity and recognition, and the capacity of national policies to address inequalities.
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Sandovici, Maria Elena, Tor Georg Jakobsen, and Zan Strabac. "Political Nationalism and Attitudes towards Immigration: The Interaction of Knowledge and Policy." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 19, no. 2 (2012): 115–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181112x639041.
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The issue of immigration is highly salient to citizens of industrialised democracies. Globalisation and the emergence of an international human rights regime, among other reasons, led to high levels of immigration to industrialised countries in recent decades. Immigrant-receiving states have shown only limited ability to control the size and composition of their immigrant population. Immigration has therefore emerged as a prominent political issue in practically all economically developed countries, and there are raising concerns over anti-immigration sentiments and nationalist tendencies that seem to be taking hold among modern publics. We argue that anti-immigration attitudes are not merely a response to increased immigration, but rather that these attitudes mirror governments’ nationalistic and anti-immigration stance. In addition, people who are interested in politics are expected to be more influenced by their governments’ policies than those who show less interest. We use data from the European Social Survey and the Comparative Manifesto Project to test these claims. Results from our multilevel models show that people living in countries where the government is right wing are more opposed to immigration than people living in countries where the government exhibits less right-wing tendencies. The effect of government policy positions is also found to be conditioned by political interest at the individual level.
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ELLIS, MARK. "UNSETTLING IMMIGRANT GEOGRAPHIES: US IMMIGRATION AND THE POLITICS OF SCALE." Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie 97, no. 1 (February 2006): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9663.2006.00495.x.
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Greenwood, Michael J., and Paul A. Young. "Geographically Indirect Immigration to Canada: Description and Analysis." International Migration Review 31, no. 1 (March 1997): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839703100103.
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This article is concerned with geographically indirect immigration to Canada over the period 1968–1988. A geographically indirect immigrant is an individual legally admitted to Canada whose country of last permanent residence differs from country of birth. Records maintained by Employment and Immigration Canada on every immigrant legally admitted over the period were used in the study. Relative to geographically direct immigrants, geographically indirect immigrants tend to be older, more educated, and more highly skilled. Moreover, if they were not born in an English or French speaking country, indirect immigrants are more likely to speak English and/or French capably than direct migrants born in such countries. The study also contains bivariate logit estimates of a model of geographically indirect Canadian immigration. This model suggests that indirect migrants tend to be influenced by personal characteristics (age, sex, marital status, occupation, language ability), as well as by various characteristics of the country of birth (distance from Canada, income level, political conditions).
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Huber, Gregory A., and Thomas J. Espenshade. "Neo-Isolationism, Balanced-Budget Conservatism, and the Fiscal Impacts of Immigrants." International Migration Review 31, no. 4 (December 1997): 1031–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839703100410.
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A rise in neo-isolationism in the United States has given encouragement to a new fiscal politics of immigration. Growing anti-immigrant sentiment has coalesced with forces of fiscal conservatism to make immigrants an easy target of budget cuts. Limits on legal alien access to social welfare programs that are contained in the 1996 welfare and immigration reform acts seem motivated not so much by a guiding philosophy of what it means to be a member of American society as by a desire to shrink the size of the federal government and to produce a balanced budget. Even more than in the past, the consequence of a shrinking welfare state is to metamorphose legal immigrants from public charges to windfall gains for the federal treasury.
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Misra, Supriya, Simona C. Kwon, Ana F. Abraído-Lanza, Perla Chebli, Chau Trinh-Shevrin, and Stella S. Yi. "Structural Racism and Immigrant Health in the United States." Health Education & Behavior 48, no. 3 (June 2021): 332–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10901981211010676.
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Immigration has been historically and contemporarily racialized in the United States. Although each immigrant group has unique histories, current patterns, and specific experiences, racialized immigrant groups such as Latino, Asian, and Arab immigrants all experience health inequities that are not solely due to nativity or years of residence but also influenced by conditional citizenship and subjective sense of belonging or othering. Critical race theory and intersectionality provide a critical lens to consider how structural racism might uniquely impact the health of racialized immigrants, and to understand and intervene on the interlocking systems that shape these shared experiences and health consequences. We build on and synthesize the work of prior scholars to advance how society codifies structural disadvantages for racialized immigrants into governmental and institutional policies and how that affects health via three key pathways that emerged from our review of the literature: (1) formal racialization via immigration policy and citizenship status that curtails access to material and health resources and political and civic participation; (2) informal racialization via disproportionate immigration enforcement and criminalization including ongoing threats of detention and deportation; and (3) intersections with economic exploitation and disinvestment such as labor exploitation and neighborhood disinvestment. We hope this serves as a call to action to change the dominant narratives around immigrant health, provides conceptual and methodological recommendations to advance research, and illuminates the essential role of the public health sector to advocate for changes in other sectors including immigration policy, political rights, law enforcement, labor protections, and neighborhood investment, among others.
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Czymara, Christian S. "Propagated Preferences? Political Elite Discourses and Europeans’ Openness toward Muslim Immigrants." International Migration Review 54, no. 4 (December 24, 2019): 1212–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0197918319890270.
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Immigration is among the most vividly discussed topics in Europe’s national parliaments in recent years, often with a particular emphasis on the inflow of Muslims. This article examines the link between articulations of national political parties (political elite discourses) and natives’ attitudes toward immigrants in Europe. It provides a nuanced view of this relationship by (i) distinguishing more (inclusionary) from less (exclusionary) immigration-friendly political elites and (ii) isolating natives’ openness toward two specific groups: Muslim immigrants and ethnically similar immigrants. Combining the European Social Survey with party manifesto data and other sources, the analysis reveals that political elite discourses perform better in explaining natives’ attitudes compared to national demographic or economic aspects. Native Europeans’ attitudes toward Muslim immigrants are more hostile in countries where political elites are more exclusionary and more welcoming where political elites are more inclusionary. In contrast, Europeans’ views on ethnically similar immigrants seem largely unaffected by exclusionary political elites. These findings suggest that political elites can play an important role in fostering or impeding immigrant integration by shaping public opinion, particularly toward more marginalized immigrant groups.
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Hwang, Jackelyn. "Gentrification in Changing Cities." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 660, no. 1 (June 9, 2015): 319–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716215579823.
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This article examines how the rise of immigration and its associated racial and ethnic changes relate to gentrification. In the decades following the 1965 Hart-Celler Act, gentrification has occurred more in cities with high levels of immigration and in neighborhoods with higher levels of immigrants. These relationships, however, vary by the ways in which a city is racially segregated and by the extent to which its immigrant population has been incorporated. Using crime data, surveys, and new gentrification measures, this article compares Chicago, a highly segregated city and predominantly Hispanic immigrant destination, with Seattle, a predominantly white city with high levels of Asian immigration. The findings show that immigration and its correlates have distinct and evolving relationships with neighborhood changes that are embedded in the racial and immigrant histories of each city, and that gentrification perpetuates racial and ethnic inequality in both cities.