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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Immigration and welfare state'
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Gerdes, Christer. "Studying the interplay of immigration and welfare states /." Stockholm : Swedish Institute for Social Research (SOFI), 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-8111.
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Paniagua, Toni A. Stephens John D. "Burden or resource? the positive impact of immigration on the Italian welfare state /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2771.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009.Title from electronic title page (viewed Mar. 10, 2010). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department Political Science Trans-Atlantic Studies." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Delarosa, Yenipher. "Ruling Out David Miller's Argument for Immigration Restrictions." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/honors_theses/10.
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The paper will describe one of David Miller’s arguments for limiting immigration by concluding that immigration is a threat to a successful democratic welfare state. There is a threat to a democratic welfare state when there is lack of trust in a heterogeneous society. Immigration contributes to heterogeneity. The paper will present flaws in Miller’s argument, which include the unacknowledged concepts of ignorance and fear that can lead to mistrust in cultural heterogeneous communities. I will then consider Miller’s response to the critiques. Lastly, I will mention some proposals for increasing trust and addressing the real issues in a multicultural society.
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Bales, Katie. "Respecting asylum seekers : conceptualising and balancing rights and immigration control in the welfare state." Thesis, Northumbria University, 2015. http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/29626/.
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The presence of asylum seekers within the UK and their claims to social welfare and employment rights presents one of the greatest challenges to sovereignty and the traditional constructs of Marshallian citizenship. Yet in an increasingly cosmopolitan world the UK’s obligations stretch beyond responsibility for its own citizens, as evidenced by the case of asylum seekers whom upon the declaration of seeking refuge must be admitted to the State and provided with subsistence to avoid destitution. Accordingly, the UK is bound by a number of international instruments that provide rights outside the legal constructs of UK citizenship which results in conflict between the traditional boundaries of social inclusion centred on citizenship, and those based on universal human rights. Drawing upon a number of primary and secondary sources, including international human rights law and cosmopolitan theory, this thesis analyses the welfare and employment arrangements for asylum seekers in the UK using NGO data to ascertain the impact of policies in practise. It argues that the withdrawal of social rights from the asylum seeking community over the last two decades has resulted in a significant imbalance between the rights and interests of the State and those of asylum seekers. In light of these conclusions, the thesis recommends that the Government adopt a cosmopolitan approach to welfare provision which prioritises human need over immigration status and suggests a number of reforms which will better respect the asylum seeking community. In doing so, it is hoped that the study will contribute to the development of an ethical asylum support system which reflects the humanity of its subjects. Within the current political climate such an exploration is considered crucial as the specific policies of the asylum support system and their impact upon human rights remain relatively unexplored within academic literature.
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MacDonald, Keith D. "An Archaeological Analysis of Canadian Immigration Legislation: From Welfare State Liability to Neo-Liberal Subject." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/19860.
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This study analyzes the three most recent pieces of Canadian immigration legislation: the Immigration Act of 1952, the Immigration Act of 1976, and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act of 2001 (herein referred to collectively as the documents). The intent is to contribute to the archaeology of immigration in Canadian Federal legislation, and more specifically, to the ways that the immigration applicant, immigrant, and the immigration process in Canada, have been constituted over time. This project uses a modified version of Jean Carabine’s (2001) method of Foucauldian discourse analysis to articulate the various meanings and potential effects that are produced in the documents. The work of Michel Foucault and the governmentality approach is then applied to make sense of these findings. Two main conclusions are generated. The first details how elements of state racism and bio-nationalism are apparent in all three acts, and must be regarded as complimentary to one another, as they co-exist and operate together on different planes. The second discusses a shift in the documents from a focus on welfare rationalities, to neo-liberal rationalities, using the example of the shifting portrayal of the immigrant (and immigration applicant) from someone with the potential to become a liability to the welfare state, to a neo-liberal subject.
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Grebäck, Isabelle. "On the border of the welfare state : a discourse analysis of Sweden's response to immigration." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6253.
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This thesis seeks to understand how the restrictive immigration policies – taken by the Swedish Government in 2015 as Europe was facing a huge stream of people seeking refuge – could be justified when research demonstrates that Sweden’s national identity is based on humanitarianism and asserts that Sweden has a great commitment to human rights. The nationalistic act seemed paradoxical – however, previous research displays a disputed understanding of the relationship between the humanitarian discourse and the nationalistic discourse. The thesis uses discourse theory to trace how the Swedish Government through its representation of the decision to tighten immigration constructs and reproduces the Swedish national identity. The empirical analysis displays a shift in the focus of Swedish immigration policy from an international (humanitarian) one to a national one. Even though it is not possible to fully assert an identity change the analysis indicates an identity crisis – the analysis demonstrates how humanitarian values acquires meaning within a nationalistic discourse. The thesis also demonstrates how the Swedish Government represents immigration as a contradiction to the Swedish welfare state. The decision to tighten immigration appears as a measure taken in order to rescue the national identity and its main feature – the welfare.
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Goldschmidt, Tina. "Immigration, Social Cohesion, and the Welfare State : Studies on Ethnic Diversity in Germany and Sweden." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-141582.
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Can social cohesion and solidarity persist in the face of large-scale migration? One particularly contentious hypothesis states that native majorities will be unwilling to support the provision of government-funded welfare to those whom they do not consider to be part of their own sociocultural ingroup, especially when sociocultural or ethnic otherness and socioeconomic disadvantage overlap. Consequently, majorities’ willingness to accept disadvantaged immigrant groups as legitimate and trusted members of the welfare community is central to the social cohesion of societies diversifying through migration. The dissertation consists of a comprehensive summary, followed by four original studies addressing the interplay between migration-induced diversity and social cohesion through the lens of majority attitudes and the micro and macro contexts within which they are embedded. The studies focus on Sweden and Germany, two European societies that host strong welfare states and large immigrant populations. Together, they seek to answer two central questions: First, does social distance between native-born citizens and immigrants lead the former to withdraw support from all redistributive policies, or are some types of welfare more affected than others? Second, how does the migration-induced diversification of societies come to matter for majority attitudes toward the welfare state and, as they are closely related, for majority attitudes toward the trustworthiness of others? Looking at the case of Germany, Study 1 shows that the conflict between diversity and welfare solidarity is not expressed in a general majority opposition to welfare, but rather in an opposition to government assistance benefiting immigrants – a phenomenon sometimes referred to as welfare chauvinism. Study 2 turns to the case of Sweden and investigates three pathways into welfare chauvinism: via the first-hand experience of immigrant unemployment and putative welfare receipt in the neighborhood context; via exposure to immigrant competition at the workplace; and via negative prejudice against immigrants. We find that the direct observation of immigrant unemployment in the neighborhood increases natives’ preference for spending on other Swedes over spending on immigrants, while competition with immigrants at the workplace does not. Using the same Swedish data, Study 3 hypothesizes that ethnically diverse workplaces imply trust-fostering inter-group contact. Yet, like in Study 2, we find a negative relationship between majority Swedes’ exposure to certain immigrant groups in the neighborhood and their trust in neighbors, while diverse workplaces neither seem to increase trust nor to affect the negative neighborhood-level association. Both Studies 2 and 3 show that negative attitudes toward immigrants increase welfare chauvinism and lower trust, even disregarding majority Swedes’ actual experience of immigrant presence or unemployment. Study 4 thus turns to a social force outside the realm of first-hand experience and explores German online news media debates on the welfare deservingness of various sociodemographic groups – among them, immigrants (as refugees in particular). However, rather than observing the persistent and particular stigmatization of immigrants as undeserving recipients or untrustworthy abusers of welfare, we find much more nuanced descriptions in our vast corpus of news stories.At the time of the doctoral defense, the following papers were unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 2: Manuscript. Paper 3: Manuscript. Paper 4: Manuscript.
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Sadi-Nakar, Merav. "Beyond insiders and outsiders welfare-immigration intersections as worthiness regimes /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1432777041&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Rodriguez, Justicia David. "Tax compliance & the welfare state: the role of education, ideology and immigration in tax morale." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Rovira i Virgili, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/667720.
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Aquesta tesi contribueix a la literatura que estudia la moral tributària amb tres estudis organitzats en capítols:
El Capítol 1 analitza dos canals a través dels quals l'educació influeix en la moral tributària. Els resultats indiquen que l'educació formal té un impacte positiu en la moral tributària dels individus que són beneficiaris nets del sistema de benestar i un impacte negatiu en la dels que en són contribuents nets. A més, els resultats indiquen que els individus més educats exhibeixen una moral tributària més elevada en països amb una major qualitat dels serveis públics, un sistema impositiu més just i una qualitat institucional més elevada.
El Capítol 2 analitza els canals a través dels quals les ideologies influeixen en la moral tributària dels ciutadans. Aquest estudi aconsegueix establir un vincle causal entre ideologia i moral tributària utilitzant variables instrumentals. Els resultats indiquen que la moral tributària disminueix quan la diferència ideològica entre els ciutadans i els governs augmenta, i que els ciutadans situats ideològicament a la dreta del govern exhibeixen una menor moral tributària en comparació als que estan situats a l'esquerra. A més, un canvi de govern de dretes a un govern d'esquerres té un efecte negatiu en la moral tributària.
El Capítol 3 analitza si la creença que els immigrants representen una amenaça per a la sostenibilitat de l'estat del benestar afecta la moral tributària. Els resultats revelen nivells més baixos de moral tributària entre els ciutadans que creuen que els immigrants suposen una pressió pel sistema de benestar del seu país. Considerant que les percepcions dels ciutadans no estan relacionades amb els nivells reals d'immigració ni amb el seu impacte econòmic real, els resultats obtinguts suggereixen que la creença que la immigració erosiona el sistema de benestar podria esdevenir una profecia autocomplida.Esta tesis contribuye a la literatura que estudia la moral tributaria con tres estudios organizados en capítulos: El Capítulo 1 analiza dos canales por los que la educación influye en la moral tributaria. Los resultados indican que la educación formal tiene un impacto positivo en la moral tributaria de los individuos que son beneficiarios netos del sistema de bienestar y un impacto negativo en la de los que son contribuyentes netos. Además, los resultados indican que los individuos más educados exhiben un moral tributaria más elevada en países con una mayor calidad de los servicios públicos, un sistema impositivo más justo y una calidad institucional más elevada. El Capítulo 2 analiza los canales por los que las ideologías influyen en la moral tributaria de los ciudadanos. Este estudio establece un vínculo causal entre ideología y moral tributaria utilizando variables instrumentales. Los resultados indican que la moral tributaria disminuye cuando la diferencia ideológica entre los ciudadanos y el gobierno aumenta, y que los ciudadanos situados ideológicamente a la derecha del gobierno exhiben una menor moral tributaria en comparación a los que están situados a la izquierda. Además, un cambio de gobierno de derechas a uno de izquierdas tiene un efecto negativo en la moral tributaria. El Capítulo 3 analiza si la creencia de que los inmigrantes representan una amenaza para la sostenibilidad del estado de bienestar afecta la moral tributaria. Los resultados revelan niveles más bajos de moral tributaria entre los ciudadanos que creen que los inmigrantes suponen una presión para el sistema de bienestar de su país. Considerando que las percepciones de los ciudadanos no están relacionadas con los niveles reales de inmigración ni de su impacto económico real, los resultados obtenidos sugieren que la creencia de que la inmigración erosiona el sistema de bienestar podría convertirse en una profecía autocumplida.
This thesis contributes to the literature on tax morale with three studies organized in chapters: Given the insights from the psychological and political science literature about the role of education in the formation of social values, Chapter 1 analyzes two channels through which education shapes tax morale. The results indicate that education has a positive impact on tax morale for those individuals that are net beneficiaries of the welfare state, and a negative impact for those that are net contributors. Furthermore, the results indicate that the more highly educated because of their better knowledge on public affairs exhibit higher levels of tax morale in countries that have better quality public services, a fairer tax system and higher quality institutions. Based on the predictions from a theoretical model, Chapter 2 analyzes the channels through which ideological stances influence citizens willingness to pay taxes. A causal link between ideology and tax morale is established by using instrumental variables estimation with heteroskedasticity-based instruments. The results indicate that tax morale decreases with ideological differences between citizens and their governments. Citizens ideologically to the right of the government exhibit a lower willingness to pay taxes than those to the left. Therefore, an electoral change from a right-wing to a left-wing government reduces tax morale, an effect that becomes stronger with public sector size. Finally, Chapter 3 analyzes whether the belief that immigrants represent a threat to welfare sustainability affects citizens' willingness to pay taxes. The results robustly reveal lower levels of tax morale among those citizens who believe that immigrants are a strain on their country's welfare system. Considering that citizens' perceptions are unrelated to real levels of immigration and its real economic impact, the obtained results suggest that the belief that immigration erodes the welfare system could become a self-fulfilling prophecy.
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Maslanik, Jeffrey D. "Refugees Welcome: a Multilevel Analysis of Refugee Labor Market Integration in the Swedish Welfare State." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3555.
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To explore the complexities of refugee labor market integration in Sweden, the research performed a multi-level analysis of refugee labor market integration: from the perspective of civil society (meso-level) and from that of the refugee (micro-level). Sweden was ideal for this task because historically, it has been Europe’s most generous welfare state and during the height of the crisis, received the highest number of refugees of any European Member State (163,000 or 1,600 per 100,000 people).
The research was guided by two primary research questions: First, how have the roles of the state and civil society adjusted over time in relation to the process of integrating refugees, especially since the founding of the first integration policy in 1975? Second, how are resources actually provided by each element of society, and accessed by the refugees themselves? Analytically, the research first performed a historical institutional breakdown, separating Sweden’s integration policy by sociopolitical and economically significant junctures: 1970-1990, 1990-2010, and 2010-present day. Subsequently, seventy first-person, semi-structured interviews were conducted with political-elites, civil society representatives, and refugees from different sending countries, who arrived no earlier than 2000. The findings suggest that while civil society is becoming more systematic in its operations, its utility remains under-utilized. Next, meeting human capital requirements (e.g., country specific and post-secondary education and training) does not guarantee employment. Instead, given the alteration of its labor market, it seems social capital may play a more significant role in determining employment outcomes for refugees. In other words, it seems difficulties in accessing employment for refugees are more attached to institutional constraints than they are human capital itself. Finally, given the visible segregation and low refugee labor market participation, the research supports the assumption that a highly accessible and comprehensive welfare state may not be the most efficient socioeconomic orientation for integrating refugees.
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Jeannet, Anne-Marie. "Immigration and public opinion in Europe : the case of the 2004 enlargement." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:acb77b39-d90d-427b-afa6-bfe6a406a8e3.
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After the enlargement of the European Union in 2004, large numbers of Central and Eastern Europeans moved to work in Western Europe. The aim of this thesis is to use the case of migration after the enlargement to further our understanding of the relationship between immigrant group size and natives’ attitudes. Recent scholarly debates raise questions about how immigration affects European societies and the political durability of European welfare states. This research puts forward two questions: Does an increase in Eastern European immigration after the enlargement explain differences in civic attitudes in Western Europe? And second, does this relationship (if any) depend on national contextual factors? The relationship between immigration and three categories of public attitudes are examined: attitudes towards immigration, attitudes towards welfare and attitudes of trust. This thesis draws on ethnic competition theory, which postulates that group competition over resources provokes the natives to perceive immigration as a threat to their own or their group’s interests. To test this theory, this study uses data from the European Social Survey from 2002 to 2010 to build multi-level pooled time series models. The results find only partial support for ethnic competition theory. When a greater proportion of E-8 migrants live in the country, individuals tend to have more positive views about immigration. The results also show that this positive relationship is weakened when national economic conditions are more precarious. Additionally, the results do not find that E8 migration is negatively related to Western European attitudes regarding trust or welfare. This implies that as more immigrants arrive, Europeans can potentially acknowledge immigration’s economic and cultural benefits. Moreover, these results challenge pessimistic scholarly predictions that immigration erodes trust and support for welfare in Europe. This thesis offers two academic contributions. First, it considers the case of E8 migration, which has been ignored by existing comparative attitudinal studies about immigration. Second, focusing on post-enlargement migration helps this thesis to overcome common empirical obstacles such as cross-country differences in immigrant composition and admission criteria.
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Borja, Ruena, and Ana Brunes. "A critical look at immigrants who could have been disqualified from supplemental security income as a result of welfare reform." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1998. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1808.
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Slavnic, Zoran. "Existens och temporalitet : om det samtida flyktingskapets komplexitet." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2000. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-65808.
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In the beginning of the 1990's Swedish immigration policy, which bad been considered liberal and generous, became increasingly restrictive. A number of domestic as well as international factors led to new restrictions that particularly affected Bosnians with Croatian passports who applied for asylum. They were the first refugee group subject to new policy regulations and practices called 'temporary protection' (TUT). They also became the object of experimentation with diverse ideas concerning the development of a new immigration policy that emphasized the notion of 'repatriation' as opposed to 'integration'. This study consists of five articles that analyse these complex social processes from different methodological angles, trying to connect micro issues with macro ones, global issues with national issues, and local phenomena with practices affecting the individual. The introductory article deals with the experience of leaving one's country though the narrative of a single woman. During her period of immigration, she had been exposed to different national interests, discriminatory legislation and a variety of refugee experiences. These experiences included persecution, flight and emigration that were related to conditions of immigration, refuge and exclusion. The second article shows how the refugees coped with the labyrinth of temporality caused by the new Swedish refugee and immigration policy. This policy had been developed against the backdrop of EU harmonisation and insisted on temporary protection and repatriation. The third article is a comparative analysis of immigration processes in two different municipalities: Malmö and Karlskrona. This article shows that such different institutional contexts create different coping strategies among refugees. For example, Malmö as a large municipality with a long history of immigration is different from Karlskrona, which is a smaller town without such experiences with foreigners. Also, in Malmö there was no specific refugee camp whereas there was one in Karlskrona. The fourth article deals with the impact of the Swedish welfare state's austerity policy on the reception of local refugees. As a consequence of these changes, special relationships among refugees developed. These included both friendship and animosity as well as conflict and solidarity. Such relationships challenge the conventional wisdom that assumes that differences in ethnicity will only lead to conflicts among different groups. The fifth article examines the limits of this conventional wisdom. For example, while conflicts among different ethnic groups from the former Yugoslavia persist, solidarity among these groups has also developed as they respond to the difficulties of immigration and social exclusion. In order to analyse the complexity of a process that includes the global, local and individual levels, I developed a multifaceted theoretical approach. This thesis addresses four aspects of a refugee's status: essentialization, thera- peutization, 'problem' that refugees cause for international state system and exclusion. In this connection, my main conclusion is that the social position of being a refugee in particular, as well as processes of social inclusion in general, can only be understood if we move beyond essential and biological explanations and beyond culturalization and therapeutization. Instead, we must focus on social and structural explanations.digitalisering@umu
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Pequito, José Pedro Ferreira Lourenço. "Políticas de imigração, estado de bem-estar e população imigrante em Portugal." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/1149.
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Mestrado em Economia e Política SocialA realidade das migrações é actualmente complexa e envolve situações de carácter absolutamente distinto. Uma parte significativa das migrações conhecidas continua a dar-se entre os países menos desenvolvidos. Entre os países da Europa Ocidental, e particularmente no caso Português, a questão assume relevância política quando há necessidade de regular os fluxos, estabelecer critérios para entrada no país (ou numa região económica, social ou política) e, partindo da realidade empírica de que a integração não é um processo simples e automático, estabelecer formas de a facilitar, definindo um conjunto de direitos a conferir aos que a esse país (região) acedem, direitos (e obrigações) contextualizados nas regras de convivência estabelecidas por e para os nativos nessa sociedade (de destino). Este trabalho procura primordialmente avaliar a relação entre o Estado e as políticas de imigração, analisando para tal, por um lado, o conceito de Estado e os Regimes de Bem-estar actualmente existentes, e por outro, as políticas de admissão e integração de imigrantes existentes nesses mesmos Estados. Posteriormente é avaliada a situação relativa a Portugal, procurando identificar uma relação entre o Regime de Bem-estar do país e a sua política de imigração.
The reality of the migration phenomenon is nowadays complex and involves rather distinct situations. A significant part of today’s known migrations happen within developing countries. Within western countries, as well as in Portugal, the issue becomes particularly relevant when States are required to regulate the flows, to establish the terms for allowing access of foreigners (to the national territory) and, assuming that the integration doesn’t happen without creating social disturbance, to establish ways to facilitate such integration processes, defining the set of rights and obligations applicable to immigrants, in the context of the rules that apply for the native citizens. This work aims primarily to evaluate the relationship between State and immigration policies by analyzing the concept of State and Welfare State in one hand, and in the other hand the policies of admission and integration of immigrants that apply in these States. Finally it evaluates the situation in Portugal, trying to identify a relationship between the Welfare regime of the country and its immigration policy.
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Boyles, Julie. "Women's Actions and Reactions to Male Migration: A Case Study of Women in San Juan Guelavía, Oaxaca, Mexico." PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/659.
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Using a mixed methods, interdisciplinary case study approach, this research project explores the benefits, risks, and challenges of male migration for women who reside in San Juan Guelavía, Oaxaca, Mexico. In a unique approach in the field of migration studies, this project considers not only women whose husbands have migrated--absent husbands--but also the impact of male migration on women whose husbands have returned as well as women whose husbands have never left--anchored husbands. Women with returned husbands and even women with anchored husbands feel the threat, worry, and fear that male migration could, at an unknown point in the future, fragment their family. This case study approach looks at how women's work responses are differentiated by husbands' migration status, by age, and by husband's control over women's activities. Women with absent husbands tend be income-producing women as well as women ages 35 to 50 far more than women 35 and under and 50 and over. With motherhood as a cultured priority of rural Mexican women, women's income-producing opportunities are primarily limited to options within the home or in venues that can accommodate their children until the children enter school. Although this case study showed little or no connection between male migration and educational attainment, substantial policy-worthy findings suggest that the lack of value that residents of San Juan Guelavía place on the local public high school curriculum negatively impacts educational attainment of children beyond middle school. Women's traditional and cultural emphasis of marriage for their daughters as well as their reluctance to expose daughters to the negative influences of the city sway the decisions that women make for their daughters.
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Kemnitz, Alexander. "Immigration, unemployment and domestic welfare /." Tübingen : Mohr Siebeck, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0708/2006502650.html.
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Mazzolari, Francesca. "Essays on welfare and immigration /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3170250.
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Hauser, Harald. "Rethinking the welfare state : towards an alternative to the American welfare state /." Thesis, This resource online, 1991. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-08142009-040446/.
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Kehrberg, Jason E. "CHANGING AMERICA: THE IMPACT OF IMMIGRATION ON WELFARE ATTITUDES AND WELFARE REFORM." UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/polysci_etds/6.
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The purpose of my dissertation is to further our understanding of why some states restricted immigrant access to welfare in the 1990s while other states granted immigrants access to social programs. With the passage of the Personal Responsibility Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA), many states diverged from equal access to welfare programs, such as Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF), for immigrants arriving after 1996. Very little scholarly work examines the variance in immigrants’ access to welfare programs. Current research studying welfare attitudes and policy has largely failed to investigate whether and how the influx of immigrants over the last three to four decades has decreased public support for welfare programs and resulted in policies that both decrease benefit levels and restrict access to programs based on citizenship. This is a serious shortcoming because immigration since the 1970s represents the largest population shift since the early 20th century, a change that has increased the size of the underclass and transformed the cultural and racial makeup of theUnited States. Accordingly, in my dissertation, I will examine how changes to the American political environment, immigration levels and the increasing number of immigration media stories, trigger authoritarian attitudes that in turn form a breeding ground supporting restrictive welfare programs. The results from the individual-level analysis provide strong evidence that authoritarians prefer less welfare spending, fewer immigrants, and a waiting period before immigrants can access welfare programs. In addition, authoritarians view immigrants as a threat due to their perceived failure to socially conform to American society. Building on these individual-level results, I find that states with large authoritarian populations are more likely to adopt restrictive welfare policies.
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Gigliotti, Katherine M. "Immigration and Welfare: Policy Changes Brought by the 1996 Welfare Reform Law." Thesis, Boston College, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/381.
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Thesis advisor: Timothy DuketThe United States of America's official seal is inscribed with the quote “E Pluribus Unum.” Translated from the Latin, this phrase means “From Many, One.” Modern America is in fact one nation, built from many; many cultures, religions, and citizens from many different origins comprise the American polity. America is a nation of immigrants. The first immigrants to this country were fleeing religious persecution. Others have come escaping a life of poverty or political repression. Whatever the reason, immigrants come to America in hope of a better life. Despite America's strong immigrant tradition, the issue of membership in the American polity has been a contentious issue throughout our history. Chinese Exclusion, and the National Origins Quota System are merely two policies implemented with the express purpose of keeping foreigners out of America. Over time, anti-immigrant sentiment in America has been fueled by nativism and the desire to allow economic prosperity to benefit American citizens. While nativism has played an important role in determining American immigration policy, many modern-day arguments for a restrictive immigration policy are based on economic considerations. It is often claimed that immigrants take jobs away from citizens. Economic research has shown that modern-day immigrants tend to be lower skilled and have a lower economic performance than natives. As a result, the presence of a large number of immigrants does create greater job competition and lower wages for citizens in low-paying jobs. The desire to keep jobs available for American citizens has been a primary cause of existing restrictions on immigration
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2003
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Sociology
Discipline: College Honors Program
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McEwen, Nicola. "State welfare nationalism : the territorial impact of welfare state development in Scotland and Quebec." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390745.
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Boström, Anders. "”FAREWELL TO WELFARE” : Constructing consequences of immigration on Flashback." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-188469.
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Immigration has since long remained a contentious issue of debate. Researchers have illustratedconnections between standpoints opposed to immigration and certain views on welfare, which may beused to legitimize racism. Such perspectives on immigration and welfare have been shown to beprominent in certain contexts on the internet, like the Swedish web forum Flashback. The aim of thisthesis is to analyze discourses on Flashback about immigration, as well as discourses on Flashback regarding immigration‟s consequences for Swedish welfare. The intention is to contribute to an understanding of racist discourse on this platform specifically. The study is based on a discourse analytical approach and deals with a data set of Flashback posts to analyze constructions of immigration in relation to Swedish welfare. The findings suggest that racist discourse on Flashback islargely comprised of discursive constructions mutually reinforcing each other in a chain of feedback loops. This implies a form of circular reasoning in racist discourse on Flashback.
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Zwergius, V. "The three worlds of welfare and the Greek welfare state : an analysis of the extent to which Esping-Andersen's welfare state classification model can be used to classify the Greek welfare state." Thesis, Swansea University, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.636738.
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This thesis is about comparative social policy. In particular it assesses the capacity of Esping-Andersen's (1995) typology to accommodate the Greek welfare state. The study has four main aims: to make public as comprehensive an account of the Greek welfare state as possible; to establish, based on empirical evidence. If Esping-Andersen's typology can be used to classify and define the Greek welfare state; to publish a working definition of the Greek welfare state based on my research findings and to consider the pre-requisite for the successful inclusion of complex welfare states like Greece in future attempts at classification models. The study adduces original data gathered by the use of qualitative research methods. To place Esping-Andersen's typology in its context the following concepts are analyzed in the study: the welfare state; the difficulties connected to finding one comprehensive definition of a welfare state doing justice to the diversity found among welfare studies; and finally how such difficulties have led to the use of the welfare state typology as a means to classify, compare and define welfare states. Following this exposition Esping-Andersen's model is analyzed and the reasons why it is important to test the extent to which it can be used to define the Greek welfare state explored. The study proceeds to provide a detailed account of both the formal and informal workings of the Greek welfare state which enables the application of the model to Greece. This leads to a discussion of the nature and definition of the Greek welfare state which includes an analysis of the application of Esping-Andersen's model as well as other typological efforts to define Greece. The study concludes with a definition of the Greek welfare state which draws attention to institutions that must be part of future typological effort to include Greece.
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Yuen, Ho-yin, and 袁浩然. "Rawlsian justice and welfare-state capitalism." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/208012.
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Rawls emphasizes in his later writings that his theory of justice as fairness is not a defense of welfare-state capitalism. He argues that welfare-state capitalism cannot be an acceptable regime for justice as fairness because its ideal institutional description fails to satisfy the two principles of justice in various ways. Against Rawls, I argue in this thesis that his rejection of welfare-state capitalism is not justified.
I begin by clarifying an ambiguity regarding what arrangements and policies according to Rawls are essential to satisfy the two principles of justice through closely studying the institutional arrangements of property-owning democracy and liberal socialism—the two regimes thought by Rawls as capable of fully satisfying the two principles of justice. After that, I show that the fundamental reason behind Rawls’s rejection of welfare-state capitalism is his assumption that welfare-state capitalism does not aim to realize justice as fairness. I argue that this assumption held by Rawls is not justified because the essential institutional features of welfare-state capitalism can be compatible with the arrangements and policies necessary to satisfy the principles of justice. I also argue that if Rawls’s assumption regarding the aim of welfare-state capitalism cannot stand, he should not rule out welfare-state capitalism as an acceptable regime for justice as fairness. Finally, I examine different arguments that provide alternative reasons to justify Rawls’s rejection of welfare-state capitalism. I argue that all of them are unsuccessful because they either are based on problematic interpretations of the two principles of justice or fail to conclusively rule out welfare-state capitalism.
By showing that welfare-state capitalism can be an acceptable regime for justice as fairness, this thesis proves that a just society does not need to be the one that entitles every citizen to a substantive right to own real capital. Also, in the process of arguing for welfare-state capitalism, this thesis also indirectly contributes to the recent debates between Rawlsians on the left and right over the proper interpretations of the first principle of justice and the Difference Principle.published_or_final_version
Politics and Public Administration
Master
Master of Philosophy
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Arent, Stefan. "Challenges of Reforming the Welfare State." Doctoral thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2014. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-155127.
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In the first part of this doctoral thesis we analyse changes in old-age income risk in Germany using micro-simulation model due to changes in employment patterns and institutional reforms. We focus on the statutory pension scheme and we analyse the old-age income risk of individuals as well as of households with respect to the skill level. Our findings help to clarify the risk of post-retirement poverty for specific household constellations We find that the risk of old-age poverty will increase for almost all new pensioners in 2020-2022 compared to new pensioners in 2004-2006. Due to the characteristics of a PAYG pension system, political decision-makers have to improve labour market participation, e.g. by support the improvement of skill level.
Moreover we take a closer look at the impact of the Hartz-Reforms on wages. We use panel data to estimate the effect of the structural break on wages and find strong evidence that the decrease in unemployment benefit lowered wages. Our findings show that the Hartz-Reform induced wage restraint and may also be partly responsible for the favourable labour market situation in Germany.
After analysing the effect of institutional reforms on old-age income and wage, we examine whether households adjust their savings behaviour to a change in their individual unemployment, income and health expectations. We use survey panel data on German household savings and expectations. The findings suggest, in contrast to the theory of textbook models, that a higher unemployment expectation significantly decreases the (short-term) saving rate. This result may be due to labour market legislation after the Hartz-Reforms.
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MacCulloch, Robert. "The structure of the welfare state." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.339057.
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Danielson, John Taylor. "Migration, Nationalism, and the Welfare State." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/613316.
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Immigration and its impact on aggregate welfare state preferences and welfare state reform has been the subject of numerous academic and political debates. Despite prolonged attention to these issues, however, empirical research has yielded mixed results concerning what effect, if any, immigration has the structure and generosity of the welfare state. This issue is further exacerbated by the absence of concerted conceptual cross-germination between the various theoretical literatures that examine immigration's effect on various social, economic, and political outcomes, making it difficult to identify the mechanisms through which immigration may shape the welfare state. To address these issues, I draw on social psychological research, theories of the welfare state, research on radical right-wing parties, and case studies from the United States to argue that changes in both the volume and characteristics of immigrants entering Western Europe might: 1) undermine the cross-class alliances necessary for maintaining the welfare state, 2) reduce public support for welfare programs, and 3) provide politicians on the far-right with a symbolic resource that can be used to justify cutting/restructuring welfare state programs believed to benefit immigrants. Empirical examinations of these arguments using a wide range of data sources indicate that immigration may be directly and indirectly related to welfare state spending. With regard to the former, the data indicate that the influx of migrants from less-developed countries into social and Christian democratic countries has contributed to rising program demand and corresponding increases in expenditures on more reactive welfare state programs (i.e., unemployment benefits). With regard to the indirect impact of immigration on the welfare state, analyses of voting and public opinion data demonstrate that changes in immigration have contributed to the electoral success of predominantly neoliberal, far-right, nationalist parties and contributed to rising levels of anti-immigrant sentiment over time. These factors, in turn, resulted in: 1) declines in popular support for those social and Christian democratic parties that are dedicated to the maintenance and/or expansion of the welfare state, and 2) reductions in average levels of support for welfare state programs designed to address issues of unemployment, making the welfare state more vulnerable to future retrenchment.
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Maegusuku-Hewett, Tracey Anne. "UK immigration policy and the welfare of children seeking asylum." Thesis, University of South Wales, 2008. https://pure.southwales.ac.uk/en/studentthesis/uk-immigration-policy-and-the-welfare-of-children-seeking-asylum(8529b7b8-c2bb-46f0-b0a7-4f5a1622df6a).html.
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The wellbeing and rights of children who come to the UK either as dependents of adult asylum seekers or as unaccompanied children seeking asylum in their own right are obscured by a political discourse that is focussed on problematizing immigration control and a 'managed migration' agenda. In response there is an emerging body of predominantly NGO commissioned and England based literature that tends to focus upon the incongruence of immigration control with children's psychosocial wellbeing and rights. As important as this literature is in the agitation for policy change, there is a dearth of literature that encompasses a more complex and holistic picture of children's lives to include, not only the stressors that children face, but sources of resilience that bolster children as they negotiate forced migration and resettlement. Following the Immigration and Asylum Act (1999), Wales has become 'home' to dispersed children and families, and unaccompanied children who arrive of their own volition. The cultural landscape of Wales may bring distinctive experiences associated with language, culture, belonging and exclusion. Furthermore, there is a paucity of research that examines the transference and 'fit' of central government immigration policy within devolved Wales. This thesis addresses these lacunae and adopts a case study approach to explore how children experience forced migration and residence in Wales within the confines of the asylum system. Subsidiary research questions examine the wider macro issues of the applicability of UK asylum policy at the devolved level of governance. The final component of the research centres upon an exploration of ecological psychosocial sources of resilience that bolster young refugees in make sense of their experiences, and in their negotiation of forced migration and resettlement in Wales.
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Lindh, Arvid. "Attitudes towards the Market and the Welfare State : Incorporating attitudes towards the market into welfare state research." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-88490.
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Social policy and its associated institutions are central political arenas for societal compromise and conflict. The capacity to attract strong support from a wide constituency of citizens is, therefore, a defining feature of welfare policy legitimacy. While there is much research measuring attitudes towards state-organized welfare, the overall aim of this thesis is to incorporate attitudes towards the market into this research field. This aim is carried out through four empirical studies that add a market component to the analysis of different topics covered in current welfare state research. The articles in this thesis either compare attitudes across countries or deploy Swedish public opinion as a test case. Newly designed or previously underutilized survey measures are used that explicitly cover attitudes towards the market. Latent class analysis, structural equation modeling, and multilevel analysis are used to study how attitudes vary both within and across countries. Citizens’ perceptions and evaluations of the market are found to be shaped by their everyday life experiences within the market structure. Moreover, citizens’ trust in the performance of market institutions is found to be important in structuring their welfare policy preferences. In addition, attitudes towards the market appear to be influenced by the institutional context: citizens living in countries with more ambitious welfare states are less inclined to support market distribution of social services, and class differences in political welfare attitudes tend to be larger in countries with more encompassing welfare states. Collected findings thus suggest that citizens living in countries with more generous welfare states are more inclined to think that the legitimate scope of the market nexus should be negotiated and calibrated via social policy. By incorporating attitudes towards the market in relation to welfare state support, this thesis contributes to increasing our understanding of the political and moral mindset of citizens in advanced political economies. Public attitudes towards the welfare state are to a significant degree formed by perceptions and evaluations of the market and its actors. In order to further our knowledge about preferences regarding the role of the state in modern society, and to stay in tune with ongoing policy developments, future socio-political research is well advised to bring the main alternative to the state – the market and its actors – into the analytical framework.
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Bolukbasi, H. Tolga. "From budgetary pressures to welfare state retrenchment? : economic and monetary union and the politics of welfare state reform." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102789.
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This study examines the relationship between economic and monetary integration culminating in Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and welfare state trajectories focusing on the cases of Belgium, Italy, and Greece in the 1990s. The conventional wisdom on this relationship expected that EMU would lead to across-the-board downsizing of the European welfare states through imposing macroeconomic austerity in general and budgetary restraint in particular. The study questions the validity of this prediction which is represented by the austerity hypothesis. Based on an analysis of social expenditure data in the run-up to EMU the study reveals that spending levels remained largely stable and therefore that the welfare states of the EMU-candidates largely escaped radical retrenchment. Avoiding significant and systematic expenditure retreat was possible not only in the face of powerful fiscal pressures but also during a period when policymakers had the opportunity to justify even the most draconian measures in the name of achieving EMU membership. Hence the study addresses the following puzzle: How could Europe's welfare states largely avert across-the-board downsizing during the 1990s despite fiscal pressures they faced on the road to EMU? Through an examination of episodes of welfare reform in three critical cases (Belgium, Italy, and Greece) which needed to go through drastic budgetary cutbacks for EMU membership, the study shows that the Maastricht criteria did compel successive governments in these member states to propose radical welfare reforms, vindicating the conventional wisdom's expectations. In episodes of welfare reform, however, governments discovered that their reform capacities were largely limited due to domestic opposition from an alliance of entrenched interests. The convergence period was marred with recurrent mass mobilization of unions against welfare reforms which forced governments to scale back their original ambitions or scrap them altogether. This shows that the expectations of the conventional wisdom that EMU would actually lead to massive retrenchment of Europe's welfare states, however, are not borne out by the evidence on welfare state trajectories in the 1990s.
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McCutcheon, Terry Travis. "Executive federalism and the Canadian welfare state." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ30002.pdf.
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Connelly, Dana D. "State Child Welfare Policy: Causes and Consequences." UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/msppa_etds/11.
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On any given day almost 400,000 children in the United States are living in an out-of-home care placement due to government intervention. Federal law allows for substantial variance in state child welfare policy on a number of topics. These policy decisions, however, are understudied both in terms of the forces driving them and also the impacts the policies have on actual outcomes for children in care.
Utilizing a unique panel data set comprised of thirteen child welfare policies that vary both between states and over time we examine how well redistributive theory (constituent, institutional, paternalistic and resource pressures) explains state policy decisions from 2004-2010. The results provide very little confidence that redistributive pressures are driving state variance, though there are some noteworthy patterns. Within the four categories of explanatory variables, it would seem that child welfare policies are much more sensitive to changes in the social factors associated with a paternalistic response (unmarried birth rate and program utilization) and resource pressures than to constituent or institutional characteristics.
Subsequently, a series of hazard models were conducted for each possible discharge outcome, using child level data from the 2010 AFCARS foster care dataset, with primary interest in the influence of policy and state level factors. Policy-level predictors primarily had negative impacts on discharge outcomes for children. Exceptions include better outcomes for children in states with higher generosity of access, increased rates of adoption and aging out with higher ASFA timeline compliance, and more discharges to reunification and adoption with more flexible adoption policy. State level factors consistently showed strong influences on child outcomes. While increased unemployment was associated with worse child outcomes, all other state level factors considered were associated with positive discharge outcomes for children in out-of-home care.
This research broadens the theoretical application of redistributive theory to a new policy arena and adds an additional layer of state level explanatory variables to the much-studied outcomes for children in out-of-home care. It establishes that children and families do not exist in a vacuum and that child welfare research must take broader state and policy factors into account for a complete picture.
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Lakomaa, Erik. "The economic psychology of the welfare state." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Economic Research Institute, Stockholm School of Economics (EFI), 2008. http://www2.hhs.se/efi/summary/774.htm.
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Tengnäs, Alexander. "Where the Swedish Welfare state is today." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för ekonomi, teknik och naturvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-32958.
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Smuthkalin, Worawut. "Political regimes and welfare state development in East Asia how state leaders matter to social policy expansion in Taiwan, Thailand, and China /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium access full-text, 2006. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?3235349.
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Phaahla, Letuku Elias. "Social forces, state pensions, and welfare state-building in South Africa and Mauritius." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97063.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study traces the development of the welfare state in Mauritius and South Africa from the early 1900s until the present, with specific reference made to the non-contributory old-age pension scheme. It seeks to understand the intersections between big capital, the state and broad-based social forces in heralding different welfare outcomes in the two countries. Mauritius has retained its long-standing traditions as a social democratic welfare state stretching back to the late 1950s. In contrast, the current welfare model of South Africa continues to be the embodiment of the liberal welfare state, similar to that of the ancien regime set up in 1928, even though it has maintained a generous social grants system since the advent of democracy in 1994. As a result it is important to unravel patterns of historical evolution that are responsible for different welfare outcomes in seemingly identical socio-political contexts. Similarly, it is important to scratch below the surface of these historical patterns of evolution to account for these disparate welfare frameworks which, nonetheless, exhibit identical outcomes in the social security sector in terms of their unfaltering commitment to old-age pensions. To this end the dissertation employs the comparative historical analysis approach in a bid to draw cross-national parallels between the social processes that unfolded and consequently underpinned development paradigms over time. This study suggests that accounting for the divergent policy outcomes is the disproportionate powers being wielded by neoliberal market forces within the main arteries of the South African economy, which hindered the state from defining the policy direction of its welfare framework to dovetail with expansive social reforms. This restraint was compounded by the left as a 'labour aristocracy', whose alliance with the political ruling class compromised their ability to champion the pro-poor agenda with as much vigour as they would have if they had pursued an independent course. This is a far cry from the welfare trajectory of Mauritius, in which a mutual understanding between the state, cross-class movements and capitalist market forces bridged contesting class interests by reconciling market economics with social fundamentals. Unlike in South Africa, the independence of the working classes in Mauritius – whose mobilising traditions cut across the class spectrum – has added special impetus to the social reform movement, having served as the bulwark against welfare retrenchments and/or less egalitarian reforms in the past. That the universal pension scheme and the state’s commitment to the pro-poor cause remain intact in Mauritius is a result of these pro-active class contestations. On the other hand, the absence of the balance of power struck between social actors and the economic élite in South Africa propelled a class compromise that allowed for the dominance of pensions to come at the cost of extensive social reforms. Such outcomes would not have come into effect in South Africa had the playing field for all relevant stakeholders been level, as in Mauritius.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie volg die ontwikkeling van die welsynstaat in Mauritius en in Suid-Afrika vanaf die vroeë 1900’s tot op hede, met spesifieke verwysing na die nie-bydraende ouderdomspensioenskema. Dit poog om die snypunte tussen groot kapitaal, die staat en breë-basis maatskaplike kragte wat gelei het tot verskillende welsynuitkomstes in die twee lande te begryp. Mauritius het sy langdurige tradisie as ’n sosiale demokratiese welsynstaat, wat sedert die 1950’s bestaan, behou. In kontras gaan die huidige welsynmodel in Suid-Afrika voort as die beliggaming van die liberale welsynstaat, soortgelyk aan die ancien regime wat in 1928 ingestel is, selfs al het dit ’n vrygewige stelsel van maatskaplike toelae sedert die vestiging van demokrasie in 1994 onderhou. As gevolg hiervan is dit belangrik om die patrone van historiese evolusie te ontsyfer wat verantwoordelik is vir verskillende welsynuitkomstes in blykbaar identiese sosiaal-politiese kontekste. Eweneens is dit belangrik om onder die oppervlak van hierdie historiese patrone van evolusie te krap om hierdie uiteenlopende welsynraamwerke te verklaar wat nietemin identiese uitkomstes in die maatskaplike sekuriteitsektor vertoon in terme van hulle onwrikbare verbondenheid tot ouderdomspensioene. Ten einde dit te bereik gebruik hierdie proefskrif die benadering van vergelykende historiese analise in ’n poging om dwarsliggende nasionale ooreenstemmings te vind tussen die maatskaplike prosesse wat gelei het tot die skep van ontwikkelingsparadigmas oor tyd en hulle gevolglik onderskraag het. Hierdie studie stel voor dat die verklaring vir die uiteenlopende beleidsuitkomstes berus in die ongelyke magte wat binne die belangrikste kanale van die Suid-Afrikaanse ekonomie deur neoliberale markkragte beheer word, wat die staat daarvan weerhou het om ’n beleidsrigting vir sy welsynraamwerk te definieer wat by die breedvoerige maatskaplike hervormings pas. Hierdie remming word vererger deur die linkersy as ’n ‘arbeidsadelstand’, wie se alliansie met die politieke regerende klas hulle vermoë gekompromitteer het om die pro-arm agenda met soveel lewenskrag voor te staan as wat dit moontlik sou gewees het as hulle ’n onafhanklike koers ingeslaan het. Hierdie verskil hemelsbreed van die welsyntrajek in Mauritius, waar ’n wedersydse begrip tussen die staat, bewegings wat klas oorskry, en kapitalistiese markkragte kompeterende klasbelange oorbrug het deur die markekonomie met maatskaplike grondbeginsels te rekonsilieer. Anders as in Suid-Afrika het die onafhanklikheid van die werkersklas in Mauritius – wat se mobiliserende tradisies oor die klasspektrum heen sny – besondere impetus gevoeg by die maatskaplike hervormingsbeweging, aangesien dit gedien het as verskansing teen welsyninkortings en/of minder gelykmakende hervormings in die verlede. Dat die universele pensioenskema en die staat se verbondenheid tot die pro-arm saak in Mauritius onaangetas bly, is as gevolg van hierdie proaktiewe klasstryd. Andersins het die afwesigheid van ’n magsbalans tussen maatskaplike akteurs en die ekonomiese elite in Suid-Afrika gelei tot ’n klaskompromis, wat toegelaat het dat die oorheersing van pensioene gekom het ten koste van breedvoerige maatskaplike hervormings. Sulke uitkomstes sou nie in Suid-Afrika ingetree het nie as die speelveld vir al die relevante belanghebbers gelyk was, soos in Mauritius.
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Vamstad, Johan. "Governing Welfare : The third sector and the challenges to the Swedish Welfare State." Doctoral thesis, Sundsvall : Department of Social Science, Mid Sweden University, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-39.
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Behling, Felix. "Welfare beyond the welfare state : the employment relationship in Germany and the UK." Thesis, University of Essex, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.528851.
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Eyre, A. "Religion and welfare : A sociological study of church and state welfare in Liverpool." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234535.
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Taylor, Tiffany. "Dirty Jobs: How Welfare-to-Work Caseworkers do the Dirty Work of Welfare." NCSU, 2008. http://www.lib.ncsu.edu/theses/available/etd-06202008-164126/.
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How do caseworkers do the dirty work of welfare reform? I examine this question in a case study of a county welfare office in rural North Carolina. Historically welfare has faced threats to its survival. To survive, welfare to work agencies need to appear effective to tax payers, state and federal politicians, and local communities. Caseworkers do the daily work to make this possible, but to do this work they have to convince themselves first. Caseworkers take the goals and rules given to them by federal, state, and county officials and they embrace and enforce these rules, but only sometimes. Caseworkers routinely bend the rules, but in ways that benefit the county more than the clients. This creates some ideological dilemmas for the caseworkers and to solve these tensions, caseworkers focus their attention on redefining themselves as a helper through a âtough loveâ parenting style. Caseworkers, they say, are trying to teach clients that âthe real world has rulesâ and that there are consequences for not following these rules. Doing this dirty work has negative consequences for both the caseworkers and the clients.
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Wong, Chack-kie. "Ideology, welfare mix and the production of welfare : a comparative study of child daycare policies in Britain and Hong Kong." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1991. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1792/.
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This is a study of the inter-relationship between welfare ideology, welfare mix and the production of welfare. It has been hypothesized that the welfare ideology of a state is likely to affect its choice of welfare mix and the kind of social relations produced in the wider society. In this study, normative theories of the welfare state were reformulated by an analytical framework into theoretical models of the welfare state as pre-test patterns for comparison with practical policies under study. Child daycare provisions in Britain and Hong Kong were chosen as the data to test the hypothesis. A multiple-case-embedded design was used in organizing this comparative study. It was found that practising ideologies are more predictive than idealized ideologies of state social policy. It was also found that state social policy in the realm of child daycare was related to its ideology : state ideology affects the choice of a mix of welfare sectors and the form welfare is organised in the production of social relations in the two societies studied. Nevertheless, the inter-relationship between state ideology, welfare mix and welfare production is constrained by three intervening variables. They are bureau-professional autonomy, interplay between opposing ideologies and flexibility of ideology in the interpretation of state welfare because of a changing environment. When the findings were examined from another perspective, welfare sector and welfare production were seen to carry ideological meanings. This implies that a transaction of welfare goods and services is not only a transaction of material or tangible social services, but it is also an ideological transaction of different social principles which underlie the welfare sectors. This has led to the development of a theory of the ideological production of welfare as an explanation of the relationship between ideology and welfare sectors in the division of care and welfare responsibilities in a society. Based on this theory, the limitations of instrumental theories about the welfare mix were discussed. In conclusion, in the light of wider social and economic changes within capitalism, an integrative strategy concerning the welfare mix in particular and welfare in general has been proposed which duly recognizes the importance of ideology in maintaining social relations in a society as well as the social context which these social relations underlie.
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Armato, Jessica A. "Welfare reform at the state level a study of state waivers during the first three years of the Clinton administration and other developments /." Instructions for remote access. Click here to access this electronic resource. Access available to Kutztown University faculty, staff, and students only, 2000. http://www.kutztown.edu/library/services/remote_access.asp.
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Thesis (M.P.A.)--Kutztown University of Pennsylvania, 2000.Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2928. Typescript. Abstract precedes thesis as preliminary leaves. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 67-70).
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Poitiers, Niclas Frederic. "Essays in Education, Fertility, and the Welfare State." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/667315.
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In countries in the developed world, income inequality is increasing, while technological and societal changes open labour market opportunities for women. At the same time they are undergoing an important demographical transition with decreasing fertility and increasing population ageing. All these trends affect the decisions that different generations make over the life-cycle. In this thesis, I investigate the role that these trends play for education, fertility, and pensions.
In the second chapter of this thesis, I investigate how income inequality is affecting education attainment. An important difference between countries with low and high levels of social mobility is the extent of upward mobility of children from low income families. This is mainly explained by the probability of high school dropout. I develop a model with three levels of education in which children facing a credit constraint choose which level of education to attain. I find in an empirical exercise that in the U. S. the opportunity cost of education is more important in explaining the high school dropout rate of men than the return on education. The model and the empirical results imply that a policy that reduces the opportunity cost of education and is paid by higher taxation on graduates, reducing the return on education, could decrease dropout rates.
In the third chapter, I analyse the decline in fertility in Germany. Decomposing the decline in completed fertility in Germany of the cohorts of women born between 1930 and 1965, I observe two distinct stages: In the first stage the decline in fertility is due to a decrease in intensive fertility (number of children per women with at least one child), whereas in the second stage the decline is due to a decrease in extensive fertility (increase in childlessness). Based on an event study approach, I argue that there are high opportunity cost of having children for women in terms of working time independent of their education level. Based on these findings, I develop an overlapping generations model with childlessness and quantity/quality trade-off driven by the time cost of children. In a calibration exercise, this model is able to generate the decline in intensive fertility as well as the increase in childlessness that I observe in the data with an decrease in the gender wage gap.
The forth chapter of my thesis is a joint work with Gianko Michailidis on the effect of population ageing and income inequality on public education and pensions. We developed an overlapping generations model with public and private education, a pay-as-you-go pension system, endogenous fertility, and probabilistic voting on pensions and education spending. In this model, an increase in income inequality increases public education and pensions spending per enrolled student and retiree, respectively, and decreases the participation in public education and fertility. An increase in the share of retirees in the economy decreases the per student spending on public education and pensions, while decreasing the participation in public education and the fertility rate. Empirical evidences from OECD countries confirm our theoretical predictions regarding education spending.
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Engelhardt, Carina [Verfasser]. "Income, Inequality and the Welfare State / Carina Engelhardt." Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1158670591/34.
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Fleckenstein, Timo. "Institutions, ideas and learning in welfare state change." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.495701.
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Jeong, Hanbeom. "GLOBALIZATION AND THE POLITICS OF THE WELFARE STATE." UKnowledge, 2010. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/gradschool_diss/27.
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The theoretical argument of this study is that economic globalization, by default, exerts a downward pressure on the social policies of states largely through the operations of transnational corporations. However, since globalization’s effect on social policy is conditional on endogenous political forces such as regime type, democratization, electoral competition and political participation, its proclivity to retrench the welfare state is averted by the preferences of political actors and institutions to expand social spending. This argument found consistent empirical support via a series of cross-section regressions that estimated the interactive effects of economic globalization and various measures of domestic political institutions and affiliations for a sample of 120 countries from 1970 to 2002. Case studies of South Korea, Chile and Spain provided additional qualitative evidence for the study’s theoretical argument.
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Chapman, Ray. "The Danish welfare state as a cultural system." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.420840.
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Urmetzer, Peter Carleton University Dissertation Sociology and Anthropology. "Attitudes and the welfare state: does class matter?" Ottawa, 1994.
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Arruda, Rodrigo Vieira das Neves de. "Welfare State do Século XXI: o capitalismo solidário." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/21584.
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Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq
The present study aims to analyze the end of the Wellfare State, and the emergence of the Neoliberal model and the withdrawal of various obligations of the State towards citizens, the legal order and government plans in the most several countries. Moving on to the Brazilian case, it can be seen that the Federal Constitution of 1988 was against Neoliberalism as far as social rights are concerned, establishing a series of devices that assure citizens of the basics necessary for their dignified existence. Thus, the present work verifies that a new model of state is needed that can reconcile the market freedom of the neoliberal model with the social rights of Welfare State, in order to comply with the constitutional precepts. To do so, it starts from the Concept of State, as well as its origins and evolution, from the absolutism to the Neoliberalism, passing through the Classic Liberal State and the Welfare State or Social State. Subsequently, the Social Constitutions, the Economic and Social Order in the Constitution of 1988, the principle of solidarity in the Constitution, solidarity capitalism in the economic view are discussed. Finally, the Brazilian oil sector, with its regulation and its importance in the development of the proposal of Solidary Capitalism
O presente estudo tem como objetivo analisar o fim do Estado do Bem-Estar Social (Wellfare State), e o surgimento do modelo Neoliberal e a retirada de diversas obrigações do Estado para com os cidadãos, do ordenamento jurídico e dos planos de governo nos mais diversos países. Adentrando no caso brasileiro, verifica-se que a Constituição Federal de 1988 foi na contramão do Neoliberalismo quanto aos direitos sociais, estabelecendo uma série de dispositivos que assegurem aos indivíduos todo o básico necessário para a sua existência digna. Assim, o presente trabalho verifica ser necessário um novo modelo de Estado que consiga compatibilizar a liberdade de mercado do modelo neoliberal com os direitos sociais do Welfare State, de modo a se cumprir com os preceitos constitucionais. Para tanto, parte-se do Conceito de Estado, bem como suas origens e evolução, desde o Absolutismo até o Neoliberalismo, passando pelo Estado Liberal Clássico e o Welfare State ou Estado Social. Posteriormente, são abordadas as Constituições Sociais, a Ordem Econômica e Social na Constituição de 1988, o princípio da solidariedade na Constituição, o capitalismo solidário na visão da economia. Por fim, apresenta-se o setor petrolífero brasileiro, com sua regulação e sua importância no desenvolvimento da proposta de Capitalismo Solidário
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Yen, Wei-Ting Yen. "Unstable Income and the Welfare State in Asia." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1533388469470047.
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