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Journal articles on the topic 'Immigration and welfare state'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Soroka, Stuart N., Richard Johnston, Anthony Kevins, Keith Banting, and Will Kymlicka. "Migration and welfare state spending." European Political Science Review 8, no. 2 (March 3, 2015): 173–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773915000041.

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Is international migration a threat to the redistributive programmes of destination countries? Existing work is divided. This paper examines the manner and extent to which increases in immigration are related to welfare state retrenchment, drawing on data from 1970 to 2007. The paper makes three contributions: (1) it explores the impact of changes in immigration on social welfare policy over both the short and medium term; (2) it examines the possibility that immigration matters for spending not just directly, but indirectly, through changes in demographics and/or the labour force; and (3) by disaggregating data on social expenditure into subdomains (including unemployment, pensions, and the like), it tests the impact of immigration on different elements of the welfare state. Results suggest that increased immigration is indeed associated with smaller increases in spending. The major pathway is through impact on female labour force participation. The policy domains most affected are ones subject to moral hazard, or at least to rhetoric about moral hazard.

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2

Jinno, Masatoshi. "Assimilation, Immigration, and the Welfare State." FinanzArchiv 67, no. 1 (2011): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/001522111x574182.

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3

Herrmann, Peter. "Digitalization, immigration and the welfare state." European Journal of Social Work 21, no. 4 (February 3, 2018): 633–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13691457.2018.1434267.

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4

Myers, Gordon M., and Yorgos Y. Papageorgiou. "Immigration control and the welfare state." Journal of Public Economics 75, no. 2 (February 2000): 183–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0047-2727(99)00033-x.

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5

Kymlicka, Will, and Keith Banting. "Immigration, Multiculturalism, and the Welfare State." Ethics & International Affairs 20, no. 3 (September 2006): 281–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2006.00027.x.

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Popular opposition to immigration is rooted in many factors. In this essay, we focus on one specific issue that has become prominent in recent debates—namely, the fear that the welfare state is being undermined by the impact of increasing ethnic and racial diversity. There are actually two concerns here: first, that ethnic and racial diversity as such makes it more difficult to sustain redistributive social policies because it is difficult to generate feelings of national solidarity and trust across ethnic and racial lines, and second, that the “multiculturalism” policies adopted to recognize or accommodate immigrant groups tend to further undermine national solidarity and trust. If either of these hypotheses were true, the very idea of a “multicultural welfare state,” a welfare state that respects and accommodates diversity, would be almost a contradiction in terms. We review the existing evidence and suggest that both hypotheses are overstated. The evidence to date suggests that there is no inherent tendency for either immigrant ethnic diversity or multiculturalism policies to erode the welfare state. We conclude with some speculation about the implications of this evidence for debates about the rights of noncitizens.

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6

Fenwick, Clare. "The political economy of immigration and welfare state effort: evidence from Europe." European Political Science Review 11, no. 3 (August 2019): 357–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s175577391900016x.

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AbstractThis article explores whether immigration plays a role in determining national welfare state effort in 16 European countries. It examines the relationship between stocks of migrants, the foreign-born population, on two different indicators of welfare state effort – social welfare spending as a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP) and a welfare generosity index. The nexus between immigration and welfare is a controversial and highly sensitive political issue, and as such it typically divides opinion. Traditionally, it has been argued that increases in immigration create pressures for governments to reduce levels of social welfare provision. By building on theories and results from the political economy literature, this article provides further evidence on the debate through using a fresh approach to operationalize welfare state effort. The empirical results show that the foreign-born population has a positive and statistically significant relationship with social welfare spending and no statistically significant association with the welfare generosity index. The findings provide no evidence to support the hypothesis that the higher levels of immigration lead to reduced levels of social welfare provision. On the contrary, these findings lend support to the view that increasing immigration leads to welfare state expansion rather than retrenchment, and that European welfare states remain resilient in the face of the globalization of migration.

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7

Kalm, Sara, and Johannes Lindvall. "Immigration policy and the modern welfare state, 1880–1920." Journal of European Social Policy 29, no. 4 (April 12, 2019): 463–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928719831169.

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This article puts contemporary debates about the relationship between immigration policy and the welfare state in historical perspective. Relying on new historical data, the article examines the relationship between immigration policy and social policy in Western Europe in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when the modern welfare state emerged. Germany already had comparably strict immigration policies when the German Empire introduced the world’s first national social insurances in the 1880s. Denmark, another early social-policy adopter, also pursued restrictive immigration policies early on. Almost all other countries in Western Europe started out with more liberal immigration policies than Germany’s and Denmark’s, but then adopted more restrictive immigration policies and more generous social policies concurrently. There are two exceptions, Belgium and Italy, which are discussed in the article.

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8

Heinelt, Hubert. "Immigration and the welfare state in Germany." German Politics 2, no. 1 (April 1993): 78–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644009308404315.

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9

Eger, Maureen A., and Nate Breznau. "Immigration and the welfare state: A cross-regional analysis of European welfare attitudes." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 58, no. 5 (February 1, 2017): 440–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715217690796.

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A growing body of research connects diversity to anti-welfare attitudes and lower levels of social welfare expenditure, yet most evidence comes from analyses of US states or comparisons of the United States to Europe. Comparative analyses of European nation-states, however, yield little evidence that immigration – measured at the country-level – reduces support for national welfare state programs. This is not surprising, given that research suggests that the impact of diversity occurs at smaller, sub-national geographic units. Therefore, in this article, we test the hypothesis that immigration undermines welfare attitudes by assessing the impact of immigration measured at the regional-level on individual-level support for redistribution, a comprehensive welfare state, and immigrants’ social rights. To do this, we combine data from the European Social Survey with a unique regional dataset compiled from national censuses, Eurostat, and the European Election Database (13 countries, 114 regions, and 23,213 individuals). Utilizing multilevel modeling, we find a negative relationship between regional percent foreign-born and support for redistribution as well as between regional percent foreign-born and support for a comprehensive welfare state. Objective immigration, however, does not increase opposition to immigrants’ social rights (i.e. welfare chauvinism). We discuss the implications of these results and conclude that traditional welfare state attitudes and welfare chauvinism are distinct phenomena that should not be conflated in future research.

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10

Hoffmann, Stanley, and Patrick Ireland. "Becoming Europe: Immigration, Integration, and the Welfare State." Foreign Affairs 83, no. 6 (2004): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20034172.

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11

Kohli, Ravi. "Immigration Controls, the Family and the Welfare State." Child & Family Social Work 7, no. 1 (January 25, 2002): 69–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1365-2206.2002._229e.x.

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12

Gal, John. "Immigration and the Categorical Welfare State in Israel." Social Service Review 82, no. 4 (December 2008): 639–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/595715.

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13

Cohen, Steve. "Anti-semitism, immigration controls and the welfare state." Critical Social Policy 5, no. 13 (June 1985): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026101838500501305.

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14

Lipowicz, Irena. "Book review: Digitalisation, Immigration and the Welfare State." European Journal of Social Security 22, no. 1 (March 2020): 91–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1388262720910544.

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15

Paldam, Martin. "Introduction to symposium ‘Immigration and the welfare state’." European Journal of Political Economy 23, no. 2 (June 2007): 448–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2006.05.003.

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16

Burgoon, Brian. "Immigration, Integration, and Support for Redistribution in Europe." World Politics 66, no. 3 (July 2014): 365–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887114000100.

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Immigration poses individual or collective economic risks that might increase citizen support for government redistribution, but it can also generate fiscal pressure or undermine social solidarity to diminish such support. These offsetting conditions obscure the net effects of immigration for welfare states. This article explores whether immigration's effects are mediated by the economic and social integration of immigrants. Integration can be conceptualized and measured as involving the degree to which immigrants suffer unemployment rates, depend on welfare-state benefits, and harbor social attitudes similarly to the native population. Such integration may alter how immigration reduces solidarity and imposes fiscal and macroeconomic pressures, but does not much alter how immigration spurs economic risks for natives. Where migrants are more integrated by such measures, immigration should have less negative or more positive implications for native support for government redistribution and welfare states than where migrants are less integrated. The article explores these arguments using survey data for twenty-two European countries between 2002 and 2010. The principal finding is that economic integration, more than sociocultural integration, softens the tendency of immigration to undermine support for redistributive policies.

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17

Xu, Ping. "Compensation or Retrenchment? The Paradox of Immigration and Public Welfare Spending in the American States." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 17, no. 1 (August 20, 2016): 76–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532440016660536.

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By using American state-level data from 1999 to 2008, this article explores how the recent immigrant influx has influenced public welfare spending in the American states. By integrating the race/ethnicity and globalization compensation theory, I hypothesize that immigration will increase welfare spending in states with a bleak job market and exclusive state immigrant welfare policy; in contrast, immigration will decrease welfare spending in states with a good job market and inclusive state immigrant welfare policy. Empirical tests show evidence for both hypotheses, suggesting that the applicability of general political science theories depends on a combination of state policy and economic contexts.

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18

Pedersen, Peder J. "Immigration and welfare state cash benefits: the Danish case." International Journal of Manpower 34, no. 2 (May 3, 2013): 113–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01437721311320645.

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19

Nannestad, Peter. "Immigration as a challenge to the Danish welfare state?" European Journal of Political Economy 20, no. 3 (September 2004): 755–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2004.03.003.

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20

Lanfranconi, Lucia M., Yu-Ling Chang, and Ayda Basaran. "At the intersection of immigration and welfare governance in the United States: State, county and frontline levels and clients’ perspectives." Zeitschrift für Sozialreform 66, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 441–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zsr-2020-0019.

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Abstract The U.S welfare reform of 1996 restricted the eligibility of immigrants and introduced a punitive and devolved workfare system. While previous studies explained state variation in the welfare eligibility rules for immigrants, few studies have examined the intersection of immigration and welfare governance within a state. We choose the Californian welfare-to-work (WTW) program as a case, most likely to be inclusive to immigrants. Analyzing statistics, documents, and interviews at the state, county, and frontline levels, however, we also reveal multiple exclusionary mechanisms at various policy levels, such as complicated processes and insufficient translations. Our analysis of immigrant clients’ interviews helps to understand why many immigrants decide not to apply for welfare and how even WTW participants with an immigration background experience fear and are especially vulnerable to unfair treatments. Thus, the implementation of the punitive workfare regime along with the restrictive immigration regime can contradict the aim of WTW-policy to lead families in poverty to selfsufficiency.

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21

Kolbe, Melanie, and Elif Naz Kayran. "The limits of skill-selective immigration policies: Welfare states and the commodification of labour immigrants." Journal of European Social Policy 29, no. 4 (February 3, 2019): 478–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928718819609.

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Why do some countries have more skill-selective labour immigration policies than others? Despite general agreement that high-skilled immigrants are economically and socially desirable, some countries extensively select high-skilled from low-skilled labour immigrants, while others do not. While most political economy accounts indicate an explicit connection between relative skill selectivity and welfare states, two different hypotheses emerge regarding the direction of this relationship. The fiscal cost hypothesis puts forward that the tension between welfare state generosity and immigration motivates greater selectivity as states try to reconcile fiscal pressures for closure with continuing needs for immigration. The decommodification hypothesis, in contrast, holds that the capabilities of generous welfare states to decommodify their citizens also decrease rationales to be more skill-selective towards labour immigrants. Developing an original measure of skill selectivity in labour immigration policies for 20 developed democracies from 2000 to 2010, we test these two hypotheses. Our results indicate that differences in decommodification levels appear to be substantively and negatively associated with differences in skill selectivity levels, while changes in welfare spending over time, particularly among high-spending countries, rather than differences in spending levels, seem to be positively associated with increasing skill selectivity. This suggests potential tensions between the political responses to economic and demographic changes in the form of immigration policy adjustments and the underlying social logic of modern welfare states. The findings contribute not only to the study of high-skilled immigration, but also advance the current research on the tension between immigration and the welfare state.

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22

Schmitt, Carina, and Céline Teney. "Access to general social protection for immigrants in advanced democracies." Journal of European Social Policy 29, no. 1 (May 31, 2018): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928718768365.

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Immigration has become a central socio-political issue in most advanced democracies. While research mainly focuses on immigrant-specific policies in the area of immigration, integration and citizenship, we still know very little about the incorporation of immigrants into mainstream social policies. By analysing cross-national differences in the inclusion of immigrants into general social protection across 27 rich democracies on the basis of comparative indicators from the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX) dataset, we seek to address this gap in a quantitative study. A cross-national comparison of these indicators shows a particularly large variation in the inclusiveness of the access to social protection for immigrants across countries. By drawing on the welfare state and integration regime literature, we assess the power of two contrasting perspectives, namely, the post-national welfare state and the welfare chauvinism models, in explaining this large cross-national variation in immigrants’ access to social security and social housing. Our overall findings suggest that both the welfare chauvinist and the post-national welfare state models comprise two theoretical perspectives that turn out to be fruitful to interpret cross-national variation in immigrants’ access to social protection. According to the welfare chauvinism model, we find robust evidence that left-wing cabinets are particularly reluctant to open general social protection schemes to immigrants. By contrast and in line with expectations derived from the post-national welfare state model, countries with an overall generous welfare state and countries facing large immigration flows tend to provide immigrants with more generous access to social protection.

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23

Eggebo, H. "The Problem of Dependency: Immigration, Gender, and the Welfare State." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 17, no. 3 (September 1, 2010): 295–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxq013.

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24

Tarbuck, Phil. "Book Review: Immigration Controls, the Family and the Welfare State." Probation Journal 49, no. 1 (March 2002): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026455050204900115.

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25

Collado, M. Dolores, Iñigo Iturbe-Ormaetxe, and Guadalupe Valera. "Quantifying the Impact of Immigration on the Spanish Welfare State." International Tax and Public Finance 11, no. 3 (May 2004): 335–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/b:itax.0000021975.20256.ff.

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26

Römer, Friederike. "Generous to all or ‘insiders only’? The relationship between welfare state generosity and immigrant welfare rights." Journal of European Social Policy 27, no. 2 (May 2017): 173–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928717696441.

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Two sharply contrasting accounts exist for the relationships between welfare generosity and immigrant social rights. The dualization hypothesis argues that due to fiscal pressures and welfare chauvinism, generous welfare states are more likely to exclude immigrants from access to welfare benefits. The generosity hypothesis argues that on the contrary, in generous welfare states, an immigrant will be granted greater access to benefits for material, institutional and cultural reasons. Using newly collected data from the Immigration Policies in Comparison (IMPIC) project that covers 18 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) states over 30 years (1980–2010) the two hypotheses are tested using pooled time series analyses. Both a composite index of welfare generosity and social welfare expenditures are used as explanatory variables. Furthermore, the analyses include a number of controls from the welfare state literature, as well as a measure for overall immigration policy restrictiveness. The results broadly support the generosity hypothesis. By contrast, the analyses yield no support for the dualization hypothesis. The index of welfare generosity is positively and significantly associated with immigrant access to benefits, while social welfare expenditures are positively signed but not significant. A number of sensitivity analyses confirm the robustness of the results. Ultimately, this study demonstrates that generous welfare states are more likely to grant immigrants access to welfare benefits, and less generous welfare states are more likely to exclude immigrants from access.

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27

Jakubiak, Igor. "Migration and Welfare Systems – State of the Art and Research Challenges." Central European Economic Journal 1, no. 48 (September 30, 2017): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ceej-2017-0004.

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Abstract Immigration is one of the heavily discussed subjects in modern academic and political debate. In recent decades, fiscal effects of international migration remained the centre of interest. The goal of this paper is to review and synthesise the available literature, devoted to the relationship between immigration and welfare systems, in order to present the state of the art in this area and draw conclusions for further research. Despite extensive literature, it is difficult to find an unambiguous answer to the question, whether immigrants are a burden or an asset to the state with redistributive policies. Moreover, some of the assumptions and approaches widely used in presented articles appear too simplistic or even unfounded.

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28

Sianturi, Binsar Bonardo, and Devina Yuka Utami. "IMMIGRATION EXAMINATION IN IMMIGRATION CHECKPOINT AS AN IMPROVEMENT OF INDONESIAN'S SOCIETY WELFARE." Journal of Law and Border Protection 3, no. 1 (June 28, 2021): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.52617/jlbp.v3i1.207.

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The traffic of people in and out of the country's territory is something that cannot be stopped by any countries in the world, include Indonesia. Various factors such as economic, cultural, and social become stimulants of traffic, which then called immigration. The principle of selective policy is the principle applied in the implementation of immigration in Indonesia, which it’s implementation is carried by Directorate General of Immigration, under the Ministry of Law and Human Rights of the Republic of Indonesia. The selective policy is the basis of the implementation of immigration examination that carried out in immigration checkpoints located at airports, seaports, land border, and other immigration checkpoints, which only people who are useful and do not endanger the unity of the nation can be allowed to enter the territory of the Unitary State of Republic of Indonesia. Immigration checks are also carried out strictly on Indonesian citizens to minimize the possibility of becoming non-procedural labor which can lead to the criminal act of human trafficking. In order to increase security for achieving the welfare of the Indonesian people, the Directorate General of Immigration needs to improving the quality of its human resources which leads to advances in policy and regulation making, systems and technology, and also the technicality of immigration services.

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29

Josifidis, Kosta, Novica Supic, and Emilija Beker Pucar. "LABOUR MIGRATION FLOWS: EU8+2 VS EU-15." Journal of Business Economics and Management 15, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/16111699.2013.841283.

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The aim of this paper is to determine whether, and to what extent, the migrations from the EU-8+2 to the EU-15 were motivated by differences in earnings and productivity and to what extent by differences in welfare state generosity during the period of the transitional arrangements. On these grounds, a distinction emerges between “favourable” and “unfavourable” migrations on one hand and immigration net winners and losers on the other hand. The obtained results represent an empirical ground for the discussion on the thesis according to which more generous welfare state regimes will be more susceptible to the influx of unfavourable immigrants during the upcoming period of the free movement of labour, while the less generous welfare state regimes will be a magnet for the favourable immigration influx within the EU-27.

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30

Runst, Petrik. "Does Immigration Affect Demand for Redistribution? – An Experimental Design." German Economic Review 19, no. 4 (December 1, 2018): 383–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/geer.12133.

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Abstract Does increasing immigration lower the electorate’s demand for welfare state benefits? Results from a novel experiment suggest that such a shift in demand is unlikely to occur in the overall population. However, high income individuals lower their demand for redistribution when primed with information on immigration as they pay a large share of overall taxes. Taste effects, where voters do not desire transfer payments to ethnically different groups, seem to play a minor role. Low education individuals, on the other hand, demand more redistribution when primed. Immigration and demand for welfare are not correlated on average. However, if political systems are more responsive to highly educated voters, increased levels of immigration may lead to less redistribution.

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31

Brochmann, Grete. "Immigration, the Welfare State and Working Life – the Case of Norway." European Review 16, no. 4 (October 2008): 529–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798708000458.

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Today Western European welfare states find themselves in a paradoxical situation: parts of working life are in need of labour that is difficult to find nationally – and internationally. While this is partly due to inflexible policies, it is also due to competition for labour among Western countries. At the same time, asylum seekers are constantly arriving, often to be joined by family members. The authorities are confronted with a mismatch between the supply of, and demand for, immigrants. The receiving countries do not get the labour they want, while many of those who actually come cannot be incorporated productively for various reasons. This situation illustrates the squeeze facing today’s welfare states – in this article exemplified with the Norwegian case – between the logic of humanitarian responsibilities and the concerns of the national economy.

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32

Semanda, Freya. "Book Review: Cross-Border Welfare State, Immigration, Social Security and Integration." European Journal of Social Security 16, no. 2 (June 2014): 184–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/138826271401600208.

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33

Fietkau, Sebastian, and Kasper M. Hansen. "How perceptions of immigrants trigger feelings of economic and cultural threats in two welfare states." European Union Politics 19, no. 1 (October 6, 2017): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116517734064.

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Better understanding of attitudes toward immigration is crucial to avoid misperception of immigration in the public debate. Through two identical online survey experiments applying morphed faces of non-Western immigrants and textual vignettes, the authors manipulate complexion, education, family background, and gender in Denmark and Germany. For women, an additional split in which half of the women wore a headscarf is performed. In both countries, highly skilled immigrants are preferred to low-skilled immigrants. Danes are more skeptical toward non-Western immigration than Germans. Essentially, less educated Danes are very critical of accepting non-Western immigrants in their country. It is suggested that this difference is driven by a large welfare state in Denmark compared to Germany, suggesting a stronger fear in welfare societies that immigrants will exploit welfare benefits.

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34

Johansson, Jesper. "Swedish Employers and Trade Unions, Labor Migration and the Welfare State—Perspectives on Swedish Labor Migration Policy Debates during the 1960s and the 2000s." Nordic Journal of Working Life Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.19154/njwls.v4i1.3554.

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This article uses a political economy approach and explores the nexus between labor migration and the welfare state and how its specificities have been viewed and presented by organized interests of employers and trade unions in Swedish labor migration policy debates during the 1960s and the 2000s. The analysis demonstrates that the Swedish Employers’ Confederation (SAF) and its organizational successor the Swedish Confederation of Enterprise (SN) have preferred a market-liberal labor migration policy. Over time, a liberal immigration policy has been viewed by employers as an important policy solution to extend levels of economic growth, increase firm competitiveness, and maintain funding for generous welfare state services. However, since the 1960s the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO) has preferred a state-coordinated and regulated labor migration policy. In LO’s perspective, a regulated immigration policy is a fundamental precondition for guaranteeing workers’ rights, and for minimizing potential negative effects for the functioning of the Swedish labor market model and for a prosperous Swedish welfare state.

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35

CRAIG, GARY. "‘Cunning, Unprincipled, Loathsome’: The Racist Tail Wags the Welfare Dog." Journal of Social Policy 36, no. 4 (August 8, 2007): 605–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279407001201.

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AbstractBritain's stance towards ethnic minorities has been janus-faced: developing an increasingly repressive and restrictive stance towards immigration, and – supported by a strident media – portraying minorities and migrants as undermining British culture and values, ‘sponging’ on the welfare state. Immigrants have been characterised as ‘cunning’, ‘loathsome’, ‘unprincipled’ and likely to ‘swamp’ British culture. Domestic policies of successive governments apparently balanced this stance with ‘community’-based initiatives, from race relations policies, community relations policies to present community cohesion policies. These have not fundamentally addressed the racism inherent in immigration policy and practice. The consequence is that the welfare of Britain's minorities – measured by outcomes in every branch of welfare provision – has largely been disregarded by the British state. Despite some liberal initiatives aimed at improving the lot of Britain's minorities, the racism inherent in policy and practice persists.

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36

Jones, Erik. "Europe's Threatened Solidarity." Current History 111, no. 743 (March 1, 2012): 88–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2012.111.743.88.

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37

Mårtensson, Ulrika. "Introduction: ‘Public Islam’ and the Nordic Welfare State: Changing Realities?" Tidsskrift for Islamforskning 8, no. 1 (February 23, 2014): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/tifo.v8i1.25322.

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This is not a stand-alone article but the introduction to the special issue ‘Public Islam and the Nordic Welfare State: Changing Realities?’ The introduction surveys the emergence of the Nordic welfare state model with the Reformation and its development to the present day, focusing on religion, welfare and institutional order, and how national identities correspond and change with the institutional orders, as they develop. Included in this survey is the academic debate about de-secularization, actualized in the European and Nordic contexts by immigration of Muslims. It is argued that the Nordic states are moving towards an increasingly secularized institutional order and national identity, which in itself explains why Muslims are publicly perceived as a potentially problematic group.

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38

Hawes, Daniel P., and Austin Michael McCrea. "Give Us Your Tired, Your Poor and We Might Buy Them Dinner: Social Capital, Immigration, and Welfare Generosity in the American States." Political Research Quarterly 71, no. 2 (November 9, 2017): 347–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917738576.

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A long-standing debate persists regarding how social capital relates to diversity and inequality in the American states. Putnam argues social capital leads to greater equality and tolerance; however, others find that it increases racial inequality. We build on Soss, Fording, and Schram’s Racial Classification Model (RCM) and theorize that social capital enhances social trust and empathy in homogeneous contexts and favors paternalistic and punitive social controls in diverse contexts. We test this using the case of immigration and welfare generosity following the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) of 1996. Using state-level data from 1997 to 2009, we find that under conditions of low immigration, social capital is associated with increased social trust and empathy; however, as immigration increases, social capital pivots toward favoring mechanisms of social control. Specifically, social capital increases Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) cash benefit levels, but only when immigration levels are low. In high-immigration contexts, social capital is associated with decreased welfare generosity.

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39

Rapp, Carolin. "Shaping tolerant attitudes towards immigrants: The role of welfare state expenditures." Journal of European Social Policy 27, no. 1 (November 4, 2016): 40–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928716672181.

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This article contributes to the ongoing discussion on how tolerance may be fostered in Western European countries and to the question of how contextual factors such as welfare state expenditures may contribute to this formation. Tolerance is understood as a basic democratic principle that helps civil societies cope with rising levels of diversity stemming from increased immigration and individualism. Within the tolerance literature, it is commonly agreed upon that a comprehensive welfare state is capable of bridging class divides and overcoming social categorization. However, over the past decades, European welfare states experienced an ongoing influx of immigrants, challenging their general purpose and increasing notions of ‘welfare chauvinism’. Drawing on insights from both tolerance and welfare state solidarity literature, we implement hierarchical analyses based on Eurobarometer data to assess the potential influence of welfare state universalism on political and social tolerance in 15 Western European countries. Moreover, we demonstrate that this relationship is highly conditional on the degree of ethnic heterogeneity within a country.

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Chen, Anthony S. "RACE, IMMIGRATION, AND PATTERNS OF INCORPORATION IN THE EARLY AMERICAN WELFARE STATE." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 10, no. 2 (2013): 555–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x1300026x.

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Thanks to the work of numerous scholars, it is now well understood that African Americans were incorporated into the early twentieth-century welfare state—as it was then constituted—on a decidedly unequal basis. If African Americans were not altogether excluded by design from some programs, government officials were frequently less generous in determining the scope and extent of the benefits received by them compared to those received by Whites.

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Wenzel, Uwe, and Mathias Bös. "Immigration and the modern welfare state: The case of USA and Germany." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 23, no. 4 (October 1997): 537–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.1997.9976610.

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Borjas, G. J., and L. Hilton. "Immigration and the Welfare State: Immigrant Participation in Means-Tested Entitlement Programs." Quarterly Journal of Economics 111, no. 2 (May 1, 1996): 575–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2946688.

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Sciortino, Giuseppe. "Immigration in a Mediterranean Welfare State: The Italian Experience in Comparative Perspective." Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis: Research and Practice 6, no. 2 (August 2004): 111–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1387698042000273442.

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Tamura, Yuji. "Disagreement over the immigration of low-income earners in a welfare state." Journal of Population Economics 19, no. 4 (April 29, 2006): 691–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00148-006-0070-2.

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Sindiawaty, Olyvia, and Mercy Marvel. "Implementation of Normative Intelligence Policy In Immigration View." Journal of Law and Border Protection 1, no. 2 (December 25, 2019): 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.52617/jlbp.v1i2.176.

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Intelligence Policy has often been heard in the realm of law, especially with government agencies held in Indonesia. One of them is the immigration agency, which is under the auspices of the Ministry of Law and Human Rights. The implementation of the policy is still minimal, although in fact it is contained in article 1 of Law No. 6 of 2011 number 30, as well as article 74. There are still many that need to be addressed, both in the applicable legal rules and with implementation in the field. The fact that sometimes the Immigration Officer is sometimes mixed in its own definition of intelligence and oversight. Are they the same or different and how to distinguish the two. Recognizing the fact that immigration is increasingly compacted by traffic activities in and out of foreigners and citizens and their supervision, a qualified intelligence is needed in maintaining the upholding of the country's sovereignty. It is an obligation, especially for immigration to safeguard the country as stated in the immigration function, is part of the affairs of the state government in providing Immigration services, law enforcement, state security, and community welfare development facilitators. Therefore, immigration should take part in enforcing supervision and security of the state in the field of law. Immigration intelligence which is under the auspices of the Directorate of Intelligence and immigration enforcement should need to be developed more thoroughly as a whole. So, it is hoped that in the future the Indonesian state will have total sovereignty over the country and its own people.

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Huber, Gregory A., and Thomas J. Espenshade. "Neo-Isolationism, Balanced-Budget Conservatism, and the Fiscal Impacts of Immigrants." International Migration Review 31, no. 4 (December 1997): 1031–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839703100410.

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A rise in neo-isolationism in the United States has given encouragement to a new fiscal politics of immigration. Growing anti-immigrant sentiment has coalesced with forces of fiscal conservatism to make immigrants an easy target of budget cuts. Limits on legal alien access to social welfare programs that are contained in the 1996 welfare and immigration reform acts seem motivated not so much by a guiding philosophy of what it means to be a member of American society as by a desire to shrink the size of the federal government and to produce a balanced budget. Even more than in the past, the consequence of a shrinking welfare state is to metamorphose legal immigrants from public charges to windfall gains for the federal treasury.

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R. Wagle, Udaya. "Linking population heterogeneity with poverty." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 34, no. 1/2 (March 4, 2014): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-04-2013-0046.

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Purpose – This paper aims to examine how population heterogeneity contributes to poverty in 17 high-income Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development countries during 1980-2005. Design/methodology/approach – The operational strategy involves linking poverty with heterogeneity directly as well as indirectly through welfare state policies as a latent variable in a structural equation framework. Findings – Findings support the widely held poverty-reducing roles of welfare state policies. Ethno-racial and religious diversities are found to positively contribute to welfare state policies and, through them, lower poverty, whereas immigration assumes opposite roles. Research limitations/implications – Data limitations on population and especially ethno-racial and religious heterogeneity caution against definitiveness. Originality/value – The findings are useful in understanding the heterogeneity connection of welfare state policies and poverty.

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Halfmann, Jost. "Immigration and Citizenship in Germany: Contemporary Dilemmas." Political Studies 45, no. 2 (June 1997): 260–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00080.

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The paper starts from a paradox of contemporary German politics: after the unification of the two Germanies the ethnocultural grounding of German citizenship has lost its historical meaning; at the same time violent conflicts and heated debate over the rights to full membership for immigrants in the German state have developed. After a theoretical discussion of the notions of nation state, citizenship, and immigration, the development of the contemporary paradox of citizenship is sketched historically using two pairs of distinctions: nationhood v. statehood and political v. social (state-mediated) inclusion. The paradox of ‘ethnicized’ conflicts over Germans v. foreigners is interpreted as a discrepancy between membership in the state on the one hand and membership in the welfare state system on the other – a discrepancy which currently is ‘overdetermined’ by the socio-economic consequences of unification.

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Martinsen, Dorte Sindbjerg, and Gabriel Pons Rotger. "The fiscal impact of EU immigration on the tax-financed welfare state: Testing the ‘welfare burden’ thesis." European Union Politics 18, no. 4 (July 5, 2017): 620–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116517717340.

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Putri, Rima Sari Indra. "STRENGTHENING THE FUNCTION OF IMMIGRATION AS A COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT FACILITATOR IN STRATEGIC PLAN OF THE DIRECTORATE GENERAL OF IMMIGRATION YEAR 2020-2024." Jurnal Ilmiah Kajian Keimigrasian 3, no. 1 (March 24, 2020): 37–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.52617/jikk.v3i1.112.

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Year 2020 is the beginning of years for The Directorate General of Immigration to start its strategic planning for the next 5 (five) years compiled as document of Directorate General of Strategic Plan of 2020-2024. The Directorate General's Strategic Plan comply The Ministry of Justice and Human Rights Strategic Plan which sets to document of RPJMN-IV determined in accordance to the Vision and Mission of the Elected President. Reflected by the Vision, Mission and also the Government's Strategic/ National Priorities for the next 5 (five) years, President Jokowi hoped for development acceleration especially in aspects of human resource and regional development. Some methods are by inviting as much investment as possible and implementing bureaucratic reforms in governance. Sinergyzing with the Vision of the President, the Directorate General of Immigration formulated the direction with a change in its focus. Formerly, in year 2015-2015, focus of immigration policies are to strengthen immigration public service and law enforcement while for the next 5 years the focus is aimed to be slightly change to the effort to strengthen state security and facilitate public welfare development. Therefore this paper will describe efforts planned to be taken to strengthen immigration function as facilitator of public welfare development. Based on the description as mentioned before, the Research Question for this paper is : “How will the function of immigration as the facilitator of public welfare development will be directed in the strategic planning of the Directorate General of Immigration for 2020-2024?". The aim is to study and analyze immigration policy and its strategic objectives. This study uses descriptive qualitative method with the using of primary and secondary data gathered by the author.

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