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Journal articles on the topic 'Immigration to Finland'
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Ryazantsev, Sergey V., and Gulnara I. Gadzhimuradova. "Russophone immigration to Finland: new forms, trends, and consequences." Sustainable development of the Baltic Sea Region 13, no. 2 (2021): 146–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2021-2-8.
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Until the 1960s, Finland was more often the country of origin than the country of destination. Once a depressed area, it soon turned into a welfare state, becoming one of the most attractive countries for international migrants. Since Finland’s labour market and society are beset with demographic problems, the country gladly accepts labour migrants, particularly those from neighbouring states. Most EU immigrants coming to Finland are Estonians. Immigration from without the EU — from Russia and other former Soviet countries — has, however, an even greater potential. Non-EU immigration falls into several categories — from seasonal labour migration to the relocation of top specialists and entrepreneurs. Currently, family reunification, marriages, and student and labour migration account for most migration from Russia to Finland. This article attempts to study immigration to Finland from neighbouring countries, primarily from Russia. The result of the study is an analysis of principal channels of international migration to Finland. These are family reunification, student migration, top specialist relocation, and the expansion of Russian business. Finland is in dire need of healthcare specialists, researchers, business development and IT specialists, and other professionals. For example, Russia-bordering Finnish regions lack upper and middle-level healthcare specialists. The focus of the study is on the professional and socio-demographic structure of labour migration to Finland and the country’s migration policy on the adaptation and integration of Russian-speaking immigrants. The article gives a general picture of Finland’s migration policy on labour migration from Russia and other countries. In collecting and processing materials, data from official websites of Finland’s Migration Service and Employment Service, the database of Statistics Finland, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, and the Finnish National Agency for Education were used.
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Łobodzińska, Anna. "Immigrants and Immigration Policy in Ageing Finland." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 15, no. 15 (January 1, 2011): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10089-011-0003-z.
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Immigrants and Immigration Policy in Ageing Finland The paper addresses the issue of current immigration to Finland in the context of population ageing. It is estimated that about 40% of the present labour force will have withdrawn from the Finnish labour market by the year 2020. The government of this rapidly ageing country is seeking possible remedies to the problem of a shrinking labour force. The necessity of attracting a new workforce as well as the growing number of immigrants in the ethnically homogeneous Finnish society create a need for more detailed and creative immigration policy. The paper analyzes the age and economic structure of the immigrant population, its participation in the labour market as well as the importance of immigration in contemporary demographic changes in Finland. Another aim of this paper is to outline major issues concerning Finnish immigration policy.
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Silfverberg, Hans. "Immigration and range expansion in Finnish insects." Entomologica Fennica 6, no. 2-3 (September 1, 1995): 163–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.33338/ef.83853.
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During the 20th century many insect species have expanded into Finland and established themselves as part of the fauna. Some species of Coleoptera seem to have been carried here originally by man, but nowadays live outdoors. Many other species seem to have reached Finland on their own, and colonized a minor or major part of the country. Most colonists have come from the south, only a few from the east or north-east. This article lists various kinds of newcomers to Finland.
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Kotavaara, Ossi, Harri Antikainen, and Jarmo Rusanen. "Urbanization and Transportation in Finland, 1880–1970." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 42, no. 1 (June 2011): 89–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00206.
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Analysis based on historical geographical information systems (hgis) databases can be used to trace the relationship between railway infrastructure and population change in Finland from 1880 to 1970. The use of accessibility calculations, statistical analyses, and gis reveals that Finland's population was almost evenly distributed in 1880, when railway development began, but that immigration to cities was well underway by 1970, when motorization by road was rapidly becoming the primary form of transportation.
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Tarvainen, Kyösti. "Population projections for Sweden, Norway, Denmark, and Finland, 2015–2065." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 39, no. 39 (March 1, 2018): 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bog-2018-0010.
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AbstractThe ethnic and religious compositions of Nordic populations have been projected by Eurostat (Lanzieri, 2011), the Pew Research Center (2015), and Statistics Denmark (2015). These studies are updated and complemented in this paper. Lanzieri’s consideration of the native population is supplemented by taking into account assimilation via marriages between natives and foreign-background persons. Immigration to Nordic countries increased significantly in 2015, but, on the other hand, immigration restrictions have been put in place. Therefore, there are no reliable estimates of future immigration. In this situation, the paper’s “what if” projections, incorporating the average 2012–2014 net immigration level, serve as useful reference information. The projected demographic changes are similar in the four Nordic countries. The development is fastest in Sweden; in 2065, the share of the native population is to decrease to 49%, the Western population is projected to fall to 63%, and the Muslim population increase to 25%.
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Heino, Hanna, and Jussi S. Jauhiainen. "Immigration in the Strategies of Municipalities in Finland." Nordic Journal of Migration Research 10, no. 3 (2020): 73–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33134/njmr.345.
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Pulliainen, Erkki. "Brown Bear Immigration into Finland from the East." Bears: Their Biology and Management 6 (1986): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3872801.
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Heikkilä, Elli. "International migration between Finland and the Baltic Sea Region." MIGRATION LETTERS 3, no. 1 (April 16, 2006): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v3i1.31.
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Immigration from the former socialist countries into Western Europe generally increased after the fall of the Iron Curtain. This was also apparent with respect to the Nordic labour markets and Finland where the share of immigrants grew from countries around the Baltic Sea Region. The main immigrant groups come to Finland from Sweden, Russia and Estonia. Immigration from Poland, Lithuania and Latvia has not played such an important role. This paper analyses the volume and integration of immigrants from the selected countries of Baltic Sea Region. Integration can be measured by their performance in the Finnish labour markets.
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Criss, Marika K. "Language, immigration, and identity." Journal of Language and Politics 19, no. 2 (November 26, 2019): 270–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.19044.cri.
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Abstract Populism has been on the rise in Europe, especially in the last decade. Finland is no exception, and a populist party ‘The Finns Party’ has gained momentum since the 2011 parliamentary election. The purpose of this paper is to examine the discourses of the Finns Party in their official releases on immigration and language in the 2015 parliamentary election. The socio-politically situated examination draws from Foucauldian Discourse Analysis, especially the concepts of biopower, biopolitics, racism, governmentality and subject position. In addition, language identity, language ideologies, and populism are used to discuss how linguistic identity and ideology are perceived and constructed in the data, especially in terms of discourses of inclusion and exclusion of ethnically Finnish but linguistically non-dominant groups, and immigrants.
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Himmelroos, Staffan, and Mikko Leino. "Does the neighborhood context explain attitudes toward immigration? A study of opinions on immigration in the city of Turku, Finland." Finnish Journal of Social Research 8 (December 15, 2015): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.51815/fjsr.110731.
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The aim of this study is to find out if or to what extent residential context can explain attitudes toward immigration. Although immigration is a global phenomenon, the practical challenges related to integration need to be solved locally. For integration to succeed, the majority population needs to accept the influx of new and different cultures as part of a common society. Against this background, it is important to understand the basis of different opinions on immigration and how they are dispersed in the local community. We make use of large data set (n=2977) on attitudes toward immigration in Turku collected in 2012. It allows us to analyze how attitudes toward immigration vary within different parts of the municipality and whether neighborhood context can explain attitudes toward immigration. We find that the most potent explanation related to residential context is the general sentiment toward immigration in a neighborhood.
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Pekkarinen, Antti, and Larry Huldén. "Nature, particularly the insect fauna of Ladoga and Olonets Karelia." Entomologica Fennica 6, no. 2-3 (September 1, 1995): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.33338/ef.83841.
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The geology, vegetation, entomological studies, postglacial immigration of insects and characteristics of the insect fauna in southern Russian Karelia are reviewed, with examples of eastern and southern plant and insect species recorded in Russian Karelia, but not recorded or recorded to very limited extent in southern Finland. The management of forests and agriculture in Russian Karelia have been, during the Soviet period much less effective, and thus habitats have retained more diversity than in southern Finland. Recent studies indicate that many species considered threatened in Finland occur abundantly in Russian Karelia.
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Mäkinen, Katariina. "Struggles of citizenship and class: anti-immigration activism in Finland." Sociological Review 65, no. 2 (January 25, 2017): 218–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-954x.12392.
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Rimestad, Sebastian. "Tuomas Martikainen: Religion, Migration, Settlement. Reflections on Post-1990 Immigration to Finland." Entangled Religions 3 (January 26, 2016): VII—XI. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/er.v3.2016.vii-xi.
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This contribution offers a review of:Tuomas Martikainen: Religion, Migration, Settlement. Reflections on Post-1990 Immigration to Finland Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2013. 159 pages, € 92,00/$ 125.00,ISBN: 978-90-04-24846-5 (hardback), 978-90-04-25058-1 (e-book)
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Zimelis, Andris. "A Historical Perspective on the Conditions for the Rise of Far-Right Parties in Scandinavia." Economic and Regional Studies / Studia Ekonomiczne i Regionalne 13, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 233–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ers-2020-0016.
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SummarySubject and purpose of work: This article analyzes the factors depicted in the literature as essential for the emergence of far-right parties and assesses the importance of unemployment, immigration and political establishments in the failures of the far-right wing parties in Sweden and Finland in early 2000s.Materials and methods: Multi-methods approach is used in this study including case studies and a novel technique based on Boolean algebra.Results: The findings of this paper lead to the conclusion that the correlation between unemployment rates and the electoral strength of far-right parties is weak and does not support simplistic thesis such as high unemployment leads to extremism. Moreover, despite objectively favorable conditions in terms of high immigration rates, the presence of non-European immigrants in a country does not in itself explain the emergence of far-right parties.Conclusions: The study points to the importance of political factors such as the differences between the mainstream parties and tackling the immigration issue by the Liberal Party in Sweden and the wide ideological span of the coalition government and the role of Finland’s special relationship with the USSR that militated against the emergence of far-right parties in these countries.
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Orlowski, Paul. "Teaching for Civil Society in Finland: A Canadian Perspective on Finnish Educators' Reflections." in education 24, no. 1 (June 21, 2018): 22–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.37119/ojs2018.v24i1.382.
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This article describes a study that took place in Helsinki, Finland in late 2015. A Canadian education professor conducted individual interviews with Finnish educators: six practicing teachers in Helsinki schools, two education professors at the University of Helsinki, and the advisor to the president of Finland’s teachers’ union. Although all five Nordic countries are known to support the social welfare state, Finland was chosen because it is considered to be the most economically left. The study is an exploration of how Finnish educators consider their role and the role of the school regarding civil society and the commons in Finland. The actual research question for the study was, “How do Finnish educators think about the school’s role in supporting the commons and in fostering social cohesion with immigration?” The nine participants were unanimous in their support of the commons and Finland’s generous social welfare state, apparently the result of a collectivist mentality in Finnish society. However, there appears to be growing social, economic, and political discrimination for immigrants and refugees who look different from White Finns. The six teacher-participants expressed uncertainty around how best to deal with these tensions, and were committed to attempting neutrality in their teaching of these social problems, or perhaps even ignoring them altogether. Despite the small sample set, I believe it represents a cross section of views of educators in contemporary Finland. Recent studies mentioned in the literature review support this position. Some comparisons with similar studies in Canada are briefly mentioned. Keywords: teaching for social justice; comparative education; Finnish education; controversial issues; Nordic social democracy.
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Perälä, Annu, and Mari K. Niemi. "Asylum Seekers Arrived, Elites Occupied the Air." Nordicom Review 39, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nor-2018-0013.
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Abstract In this study, we examine the choice of interviewees and discussion topics made by Finland’s national broadcasting company YLE during the so-called “asylum-seeker crisis” of 2015 and 2016. The rapid increase in asylum-seekers, combined with deepening political tensions regarding the situation and the entry of a populist anti-immigration party into government, created a challenging environment for the media. This was especially true for YLE, which is committed to political neutrality and cultural diversity. Our data shows that the “crisis” was framed as a crisis hitting Finland and European decision-making rather than as a humanitarian crisis. Despite long-term academic criticism of bias in expert interviewee selection (e.g. the underrepresentation of minority and female interviewees), the media continued to use traditional sources of knowledge. However, in a novel approach for Finland, the media engaged the large-scale involvement of politicians, and especially representatives of the populist Finns Party.
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Lonsky, Jakub. "Does immigration decrease far-right popularity? Evidence from Finnish municipalities." Journal of Population Economics 34, no. 1 (July 7, 2020): 97–139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00148-020-00784-4.
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Abstract Across Europe, far-right parties have made significant electoral gains in recent years. Their anti-immigration stance is considered one of the main factors behind their success. Using data from Finland, this paper studies the effect of immigration on voting for the far-right Finns Party on a local level. Exploiting a convenient setup for a shift-share instrument, I find that a 1 percentage point increase in the share of foreign citizens in a municipality decreases the Finns Party’s vote share by 3.4 percentage points. Placebo tests using pre-period data confirm this effect is not driven by persistent trends at the municipality level. The far-right votes lost to immigration are captured by the two pro-immigration parties. Turning to potential mechanisms, immigration is found to increase voter turnout, potentially activating local pro-immigration voters. Moreover, the negative effect is only present in municipalities with high initial exposure to immigrants, consistent with the intergroup contact theory. Finally, I also provide some evidence for the welfare-state channel as a plausible mechanism behind the main result.
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Morozova, Natalia M., Elena S. Yakovleva, and Arina G. Alymova. "Immigration and Migration Policy in the Nordic Countries." DEMIS. Demographic research 1, no. 1 (2021): 87–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/demis.2021.1.1.10.
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One of the features of the modern system of international relations in terms of increasing globalization is the intensification of migration processes, the complication of the structure of migration flows. Compared to the migration crisis in Central Europe, the situation in Northern Europe looks more optimistic. Nevertheless, as the data of official statistics show, the number of arriving migrants is increasing every year, which creates an additional burden on the social institutions of society and increases tension in the societies. Another problem is the formation of ethnical enclaves on the territory of the recipient countries. For the research the Nordic region countries were selected: Denmark, Sweden, Iceland, Norway, Finland. These states are included in the ranking of the “happiest” countries in the world and attract migrants with high standards of living. But the geographic location makes the Nordic countries a little less attractive for the migrants than the Central European countries. The analysis of the measures implemented within the framework of the migration policy shows that the Northern European states have different approaches to solving the migration issue. The strictest model of migration policy is demonstrated by Denmark and Norway, the softest by Sweden and Finland. Iceland, due to its geographical location, is less exposed to migration problems and demonstrates a very loyal policy towards migrants. Scandinavian countries have long been facing a choice: on the one hand, there has been and still is a need for workforce, and on the other hand, the influx of huge numbers of migrants is a threat to the stability of the state. The migration crisis in Europe, which reached its peak in 2015, forced countries with “soft” migration laws to take measures towards tighter control over migration flows.
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Kivisto, Peter. "Book Review: Religion, Migration, Settlement: Reflections on Post-1990 Immigration to Finland." Biblical Theology Bulletin: Journal of Bible and Culture 45, no. 2 (April 22, 2015): 125–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146107915577101h.
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Saint-Blancat, Chantal. "Tuomas Martikainen, Religion, Migration, Settlement. Reflections on Post-1990 Immigration to Finland." Archives de sciences sociales des religions, no. 168 (December 31, 2014): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/assr.26495.
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Entorf, Horst, and Nicoleta Minoiu. "What a Difference Immigration Policy Makes: A Comparison of PISA Scores in Europe and Traditional Countries of Immigration." German Economic Review 6, no. 3 (August 1, 2005): 355–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0475.2005.00137.x.
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Abstract The purpose of this article is to evaluate the importance of different immigration policies associated with corresponding migration backgrounds, command of national languages and intergenerational mobility, for the PISA school performance of teenagers living in European countries (France, Finland, Germany, United Kingdom and Sweden) and traditional countries of immigration (Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the US). Econometric results show that the influence of the socioeconomic background of parents differs strongly across nations, with the highest impact found for Germany, the UK and US, whereas intergenerational transmission of educational attainment is less likely in Scandinavian countries and in Canada. Moreover, for all countries our estimations imply that for students with a migration background a key for catching up is the language spoken at home. We conclude that educational policy should focus on integration of immigrant children in schools and preschools, with particular emphasis on language skills at the early stage of childhood.
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Seikkula, Minna. "(Un)making ‘extreme’ and ‘ordinary’ whiteness: Activists’ narratives on antiracist mobilisation in Finland." Sociological Review 67, no. 5 (April 5, 2019): 1002–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026119841788.
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This article analyses narratives of antiracist mobilisation against anti-immigration racism and the far and extreme right in Finland. The antiracist mobilisation narrative is, first, analysed against the backdrop of critical theorisation of racism and antiracism, which has critiqued conceptions of racism that link the term exclusively to the far and extreme right as too narrow. Second, the analysis builds upon the heuristic distinction between ‘extreme whiteness’ and ‘whiteness as ordinariness’ (or ‘ordinary whiteness’) made in the field of critical whiteness studies. Drawing on empirical data on activists’ narratives on grassroots antiracist engagement in Finland, the article explores the distinct positionalities and perspectives in the antiracist mobilisation narrative. In other words, the article discusses the consequences of grasping racism primarily as anti-immigration propagation and right-wing populism – or, as extreme whiteness – in antiracist activists’ narratives on mobilisation. By locating the aspects of extreme and ordinary whiteness in the mobilisation narrative, the article shows how the antiracist narrative risks reproducing white-normativity. The article argues that to overcome white-normativity, antiracist narratives are required to grasp extreme and ordinary whiteness as interrelated parts of the same power structure.
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Piipponen, Minna, and Joni Virkkunen. "The Remigration of Afghan Immigrants from Russia." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 4 (March 24, 2020): 644–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.84.
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AbstractRussia is one of the world’s largest migrant-receiving countries. The recession of recent years, changes in labor market and immigration policies, and an increase in anti-foreign sentiment have directly affected immigrants’ lives in Russia. This has been reflected not only in how immigrants find employment and housing in the country but also in how they perceive Russia as a country in which to work and live. This article analyzes remigration as a coping strategy of Afghan immigrants in Russia. These immigrants face severe everyday difficulties as irregular migrants and suffer discrimination and uncertainty. Despite their low status and vulnerability, we argue that Afghan immigrants still have agency, evident in how they interpret and live in the Russian anti-immigrant atmosphere. The article is based on stories narrated by Afghan immigrants in Russia and a qualitative content analysis of the asylum application protocols of Afghan asylum seekers in Finland that was produced by the Finnish Border Guard, Police, and the Finnish Immigration Service. A total of 632 Afghan citizens applied for asylum after entering Finland from the Russian Federation along the “Arctic route” between 2015 and 2016.
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Patana, Pauliina. "Changes in local context and electoral support for the populist radical right: Evidence from Finland." Party Politics 26, no. 6 (November 8, 2018): 718–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818810283.
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Immigration, economic hardship, and the European Union (EU) are typically emphasized as key concerns for the electorates of European populist radical right (PRR) parties. At the subnational level, however, these parties perform increasingly well in areas relatively unaffected by ethnic diversity, postindustrial economic decline, or transnationalism. What explains this paradox? Through a novel longitudinal analysis of rich municipal electoral, economic, and demographic data from Finland, this study uncovers the conditions under which immigration, economic hardship, and EU transfers influence support for the PRR. Although levels of ethnic diversity or economic hardship poorly predict support for these parties, they find fertile ground in areas undergoing rapid ethnic changes or economic decline. Growing reliance on EU funds, in contrast, decreases their anti-EU appeals. Thus, by clearly differentiating structural conditions from cyclical effects, this study helps reconcile rival theoretical perspectives on social contact and receptiveness toward immigrants and debates over the economy’s effects on these parties’ performance.
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Askola, Heli. "Wind from the North, don’t go forth? Gender equality and the rise of populist nationalism in Finland." European Journal of Women's Studies 26, no. 1 (December 19, 2017): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506817748341.
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The article considers the future prospects of the struggle for gender equality in light of the growing appeal and electoral success of parties embracing populist nationalism and anti-immigration as their platform. Considering many such parties are known for viewing the promotion of gender equality as unnecessary or even harmful – except when they highlight immigration as a threat to female emancipation – it is important to explore what, if anything, the electoral success of populist-nationalist parties means for the direction of gender equality policies. The article examines this question in the Finnish context. Though the Finnish state’s commitment to gender equality is well-established, questions can be asked about the future prospects of gender equality policies in light of the electoral rise of the populist anti-immigration party Perussuomalaiset (or ‘True Finns’), especially since the party joined government in May 2015. The article scrutinises the recent record of PS in parliament and government, elucidating on the challenges that populist-nationalist parties create for gender equality in (allegedly) ‘women-friendly’ welfare states. The case study particularly focuses on gender equality in the context of balancing work and family and freedom from violence, discrimination and harassment. It raises questions that are of broader relevance to the future of gender equality in Europe, considering the Nordic states have been viewed as models for a gender egalitarian society and frontrunners in the promotion of gender equality within the EU.
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Alho, Rolle. "Trade Union Responses to Transnational Labour Mobility in the Finnish-Estonian Context." Nordic Journal of Working Life Studies 3, no. 3 (September 1, 2013): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.19154/njwls.v3i3.3015.
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This article examines trade union strategies in relation to labor migration in Estonia and Finland, drawing on face-to-face interviews with trade unionists and official union statements. The study considers the national trade union strategies located in two separate but interconnected localities that represent different approaches to market economy. Previous research suggests that the national industrial relations system is a key factor in explaining unions’ labor migration strategies. Unions operating in liberal market economies are claimed to be more open toward immigration and more inclusive toward immigrants than unions in coordinated markets. This study analyzes the extent to which this theory holds in the context of Estonia and Finland—Finland representing a coordinated market economy and Estonia a liberal market economy. Furthermore, the analysis examines how the emergence of a translocal labor market, resulting from the geographical vicinity and linguistic affinity between Finland and Estonia as well as from free mobility within the EU, is reflected in trade union approaches to labor migration. The study finds that Finnish trade union strategies influence labor mobility, whereas Estonian trade unions remain bystanders in the issue.
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RÄISÄNEN, P. E., H. SOINI, T. VASANKARI, P. W. SMIT, J. P. NUORTI, J. OLLGREN, P. RUUTU, and O. LYYTIKÄINEN. "Tuberculosis in immigrants in Finland, 1995–2013." Epidemiology and Infection 144, no. 2 (July 2, 2015): 425–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0950268815001508.
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SUMMARYIncreasing immigration from high tuberculosis (TB) incidence countries is a challenge for surveillance and control in Finland. Here, we describe the epidemiology of TB in immigrants by using national surveillance data. During 1995–2013, 7030 (84·7%) native and 1199 (14·4%) immigrant cases were identified. The proportion of immigrant cases increased from 5·8% in 1995 to 32·1% in 2013, consistent with increasing immigrant population (2·1–5·6%) and decreasing incidence of TB in the native population (from 12·1 to 3·5/100 000). TB cases in immigrants were significantly younger, more often female, and had extrapulmonary TB more often than native cases (P< 0·01 for all comparisons); multidrug resistance was also more common in immigrants than natives (P< 0·01). Immigrant cases were born in 82 different countries; most commonly in Somalia and the former Soviet Union/Russia. During 2008–2013, 433Mycobacterium tuberculosisisolates from immigrants were submitted for spoligotyping; 10 different clades were identified. Clades were similar to those found in the case's country of birth. Screening immigrants from high-incidence countries and raising awareness of common characteristics and symptoms of TB is important to ensure early diagnosis and to prevent transmission.
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Lee, Catherine, and Torsten H. Voigt. "DNA Testing for Family Reunification and the Limits of Biological Truth." Science, Technology, & Human Values 45, no. 3 (July 17, 2019): 430–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0162243919862870.
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As nation-states make greater efforts to regulate the flow of people on the move—refugees, economic migrants, and international travelers alike—advocates of DNA profiling technologies claim DNA testing provides a reliable and objective way of revealing a person’s true identity for immigration procedures. This article examines the use of DNA testing for family reunification in immigration cases in Finland, Germany, and the United States—the first transatlantic analysis of such cases—to explore the relationship between technology, the meaning of family, and immigration. Drawing on our analyses of archival records, government documents, and interviews with immigration stakeholders, we argue that DNA testing is not conclusive about the meaning of family. While the technology may facilitate decision making for both would-be immigrants and state officials, our study shows hesitancy among the latter to let DNA testing make the final determination. We introduce the concept of social validity—whether the interpretation of test results matches social or political meanings in a given local context—in order to make sense of the complexities and challenges of DNA testing in practice. We show that DNA testing is not just a technology of belonging or a way to claim citizenship rights. It may also enable exclusion and denial of rights.
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Ebot, Mathias E. "Gender Caring: The Everyday Construction of Black African Parents in Finland." Finnish Yearbook of Population Research 49 (December 31, 2014): 143–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.23979/fypr.48428.
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The Nordic countries are now firmly ensconced in academia as gender-friendly welfare states. They are seen as pioneering countries with respect to changes in family life and gender relations and thus present an interesting forum for family research. This paper explores how gender caring relates to gender, religion and parenting in Sub-Saharan African families in the context of immigration to Finland. A constructionist perspective is employed to illuminate how guidelines or scripts established in these parents’ cultures are actively used and how they in turn influence their gender relations. Gender caring is conceptualized as an ethic of reciprocity, solidarity and obligation to ensure interdependence and strong bonds among black African parents. The article draws on in-depth interviews conducted with twelve couples mainly in the Helsinki area (which includes Helsinki, Espoo, Vantaa and Kauniainen).
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Sacramento, Octávio, Kati Turtiainen, and Pedro Gabriel Silva. "Policies of Refugee Settlement and Integration in Europe: the Cases of Portugal and Finland." European Journal of Migration and Law 21, no. 4 (November 26, 2019): 409–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12340059.
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Abstract Though geographically distant from each other, Portugal and Finland present an interesting comparison concerning the policies and devices of asylum. Both provide an informed and critical appraisal of the current international response to the refugee issue, especially considering the European Union. The Finnish situation evidences a long-standing integrated resettlement frame, associated with the inclusive and pluralistic character of Nordic immigration policies, in spite of the growing threat of regression under the emergent xenophobic pressure. Unlike Portugal, where a finely-tuned response system is still lacking in spite of the existence of an assumed political will and commitment to receive increasing numbers of refugees.
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Laaksonen, Salla-Maaria, Mervi Pantti, and Gavan Titley. "Broadcasting the Movement and Branding Political Microcelebrities: Finnish Anti-Immigration Video Practices on YouTube." Journal of Communication 70, no. 2 (April 2020): 171–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/joc/jqz051.
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Abstract This paper examines how the video-sharing platform YouTube was utilized by networks of anti-immigration activists that began emerging in Finland during the so-called refugee crisis in 2015. By combining network analysis with qualitative analysis, we identified three central strategies of video activism: movement building through documentation, discursive controversy generation, and personal branding practices. These strategies are firmly supported by the affordances of YouTube and by the way in which the platform enables the building of varying scales of media presence. Consequently, our findings highlight the increasingly common practice of microcelebrity branding in online political communication. This notion demonstrates the affinities between fragmented and contingently mobilized anti-immigration movements and the personalizing and performance-oriented logics of social media presence, in particular when explored from a post-movement perspective. In the algorithmic environment of YouTube, microcelebrity is a political and a platform-specific genre that occupies the post-movement political space by generating sustainable algorithmic visibility.
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Virkkunen, Joni, and Minna Piipponen. "African Immigrants in Russia." DEMIS. Demographic research 1, no. 1 (2021): 45–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/demis.2021.1.1.5.
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While the Russian migration literature captures well social and economic realities of Central Asian labour migrants, it takes only an infrequent notice of other less visible groups of immigrants. One of such groups, African immigrants, is estimated to consist of about 40,000 individuals, mainly from North and Sub-Saharan Africa. This paper looks at the African immigrants in Russia. After identifying the African immigrants, the article focuses on refugees and economic migrants in more detail. Who are the African immigrants in Russia? How do they see Russia and Finland as the countries of immigration? The study is based on scholarly literature of African immigration to Russia and asylum interview documents of the African asylum seekers in Finland. The most prominent group of Africans in Russia are immigrants distributing advertisements at metro stations in large cities such as Moscow. However, these immigrants struggling with their poor status are only part of the Africans in Russia. The highly educated African diaspora and businessmen trained in the Soviet Union, as well as the staff of the delegations, live well- off lives in Russia and there is little interaction between the above-mentioned “new” immigrant groups. In this article, we focus especially on the “new” immigrants who arrived in Russia after the break-up of the Soviet Union and their stories of everyday insecurity. International crime and human trafficking enable asylum seekers to move around in Europe today. At the same time, it puts several groups of people, such as women, children and the low-skilled, particularly vulnerable to various forms of exploitation during the journey.
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Baudou, Evert. "Kossinna Meets the Nordic Archaeologists." Current Swedish Archaeology 13, no. 1 (June 10, 2021): 121–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.37718/csa.2005.07.
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The author discusses Montelius's, Aspelin's and Kossinna's ethnohistoric research and the development up to 1951.The starting point is a letter written by Kossinna in 1896 to Montelius in Stockholm. Kossinna's Siedlungsgeschichte and his tribal principle that cultural areas or cultural groups embodied a "Valk", are based on Montelius's paper from 1884/88 on the immigration ofthe ancestors of the Scandinavian peoples. Stringent European critics pointed out that Kossinna's method lacks any viable basis in theory. In spite of this the Scandinavian archaeologists continued the ethnohistoric tradition. In Finland there was marked criticism during the 1930s
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Martikainen, Tuomas. "Religious diversity beyond the cosmopolis: Immigration and the religious field in the City of Turku, Finland." Religion 39, no. 2 (June 2009): 176–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.religion.2009.01.005.
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Koivula, Aki, Ilkka Koiranen, Arttu Saarinen, and Teo Keipi. "Social and ideological representativeness: A comparison of political party members and supporters in Finland after the realignment of major parties." Party Politics 26, no. 6 (January 7, 2019): 807–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818819243.
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This study provides a new frame of reference for understanding intraparty dynamics by analyzing party members’ representativeness with respect to party supporters regarding socioeconomic status and the ideological spectrum in a multiparty system, namely that of Finland. The analysis is based on a unique member-based survey of Finland’s six major political parties ( N = 12,427), which is combined with supporter data derived from a nationally representative survey ( N = 1648). The clearest difference was found between supporters’ and members’ social status as members were generally in clearly higher social positions. However, there is a wider gap between parties when comparing supporters and members in terms of social status. Findings show that political opinions on income equality are still a key difference between traditional mass parties at the different levels of party strata, while incongruence within parties is relatively low. In contrast to the traditional parties, the newer parties, namely the Finns and the Greens, are ideologically close to their supporters in terms of attitudes concerning immigration and environment. Together, these findings provide an interesting landscape of the last decade’s changes in the Finnish political spectrum and contribute to the ongoing discussion on the changing forms of political parties.
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Heinemann, Torsten, Ursula Naue, and Anna-Maria Tapaninen. "Verifying the Family? A Comparison of DNA Analysis for Family Reunification in Three European Countries (Austria, Finland and Germany)." European Journal of Migration and Law 15, no. 2 (2013): 183–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12342030.
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Abstract This article explores and compares the legal frameworks and regulatory practices of the use of DNA analysis for family reunification in Austria, Finland, and Germany. Based on a document analysis, we first provide an overview of the international legislation for family reunification and analyse the situation in the European Union. We show that the three countries have significantly different legislative practices in place to regulate parental testing in immigration contexts and to verify family relations. We outline the key societal and political implications that are associated with these country specific forms of legislation and regulatory practices and highlight the ambivalent role of DNA analysis in family reunification.
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XIA, Belle Selene. "The Challenges of Aging Population: Demographic Development of Labor Force and Immigration Policy." Chinese Journal of Urban and Environmental Studies 04, no. 02 (June 2016): 1650016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2345748116500160.
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Given that the amount of elderly population in Finland is growing fast, the author takes a look at the economic policies that aim at combating the challenges brought by aging population in developed countries. The degree of urbanization of a capital city can be determined by the level of demographic changes over time. In this study, the author uses the urban data to analyze the determinants of demographic changes, which have a significant impact on regional policies and regulations. The results reveal important insights on the implications of migration and employed labor force on the regional economy. It is acknowledged that factors such as quality of human capital, labor mobility and housing facilities are integral parts of demographic development. One of the important predictors of demographic changes is labor mobility. The results of ARIMA-models show how the number of employed labor force will change in future in the capital region. New research opportunities are opened in the policy control of inbound and outbound migration to the capital city as well as in the strategic implications of income gap on the regional economy.
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Zanfrini, Laura. "How Europe can Benefit from Immigration-Related “Diversity” – a Policy Paper." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 22, no. 3 (August 1, 2016): 295–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2016-0021.
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AbstractThis article is based on a selection of the findings and insights emerging from “DIVERSE,” diversity improvement as a viable enrichment resource for society and economy, a research-project realized with the aim of contributing to “reinvent” the European migrants’ integration model, in order to sustain both the positive interethnic coexistence and the long-term development of European societies. Implemented from January 2014 to June 2015 in 10 EU countries – Estonia, Finland, Germany, Hungary, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Spain, and Sweden –, characterized by very different migration experiences, the project had identified three major levers to maximize migrants’ potential contribution: (1) enhancing the recognition of migrants’ skills, knowledge and competences (here after: SKC); (2) promoting the awareness of the advantages provided by the implementation of diversity management (here after DM) practices; (3) improving migrants’ civic and voluntary involvement. After a presentation of the theoretical premises on which the project was based (Sections 1–2) and the description of the project activities (Section 3), the article will focus on both the major impacts and the critical insights emerged in relation of each lever (Section 4); finally, it will develop some policy implications in order to make these levers crucial components of a wider strategy aimed at benefiting from immigration-related “diversity,” reinforcing both the economic competitiveness and the social cohesion of European society (Section 5).
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Aharoni, Sarai B., and Élise Féron. "National populism and gendered vigilantism: The case of the Soldiers of Odin in Finland." Cooperation and Conflict 55, no. 1 (May 30, 2019): 86–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836719850207.
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Based on a discursive analysis of various media reports published in 2015–2018 by and about the Finnish right-wing street patrolling organization Soldiers of Odin (SOO), we explore the gendered dimension of contemporary vigilantism. We find that street patrolling as a practice of vigilantism, is justified in this case by using representations of the cityspace as a place of friction between locals and newcomers and of the street as a locus for enacting gendered and racial/ethnic identities. Our findings suggest that SOO’s vigilant practices exhibit a mixture of traditional and new features of masculinity. We argue that the activities of anti-immigration groups such as the SOO in Finland demonstrate a feminist security dilemma concerning the way securitization of public gender-based violence is used to enhance militarized performance of white masculinity. We identify four recurring themes that are used by group members to portray themselves as part of a legitimate social movement: protective masculinity, militarized masculinity, supplement of the state, and indigenous masculinity.
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Yeasmin, Nafisa. "Implementation of the EU Immigration Policy in the Barents Euro-Arctic Region: Towards a Framework for Policy Analysis." Yearbook of Polar Law Online 5, no. 1 (2013): 603–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116427-91000138.
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Abstract Finland and Sweden along with other countries in the Barents region wish to increase migration, in-line with their labour demands and demographic changes. These states have reformed their economic and immigration policy so that migrants may contribute to their national economies. However, they receive far fewer numbers of immigrants than envisaged. There is a need for increased cooperation within Barents Region on immigration issues, including integration of migrants for utilizing its natural resources properly. The European Union is an important actor in the Barents Region. The European Commission has been a member of the Barents Euro-Arctic Council (BEAC) since the beginning of regional cooperation. Two out of four states are EU members, with Norway being part of the European Economic Area,1 meaning that many EU regulations are relevant for all Nordic countries, including Norway. EU policies can be also seen as models and examples of best practice. Moreover, EU-Russia cooperation and Northern Dimension may play a major role in agenda-setting for regional cooperation and major changes in EU-Russia relations (like a visa-free agreement) would have major influence on the situation in the region. This paper aims to investigate whether there is coherence in immigration policy and its implementation between Barents Region and the European Union, how the EU places itself within the existing actors and governance frameworks of BEAR, and which role it wants to take up in relation to the migration policy in the region. Finally, this paper aims to highlight the main barriers to implement the existing policies in practice.
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Tiilikainen, Marja. "Looking for a Safe Place." Journal of Religion in Europe 8, no. 1 (February 19, 2015): 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748929-00801004.
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This article explores human security from the perspective of those who live under the securitization and governance of Islam, i.e. Muslims themselves. I focus on one hand on the insecurities and threats that have been identified by Somali Muslims in the diaspora, and on the other hand on their means for managing insecurity and creating a sense of safety. The challenges, opportunities and experiences of the Somali diaspora are linked to the histories of immigration and race in different settlement countries, and also to global discourses and policies on Islam and Muslims. The experiences of Canadian Somalis will serve as a mirror on the situation in Europe, in particular the Nordic country of Finland, where both similarities and differences may be found.
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Horsti, Karina. "Witnessing the experience of European bordering: Watching the documentary Under den samme himmel in an immigration detention centre." International Journal of Cultural Studies 22, no. 1 (December 13, 2017): 86–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367877917743606.
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This article draws on theories of bordering and mediated witnessing to examine a documentary film that mediates migrants’ experiences of bordering in Europe. My analysis of Under den samme himmel/Days of Hope shows how the film captures the multiplicity of bordering practices, from geographical to socio-cultural borderings. The analysis is informed by watching and discussing the film in an immigrant detention facility in Finland with people who experienced and eye-witnessed experiences similar to those depicted in the film. This creates a sense of co-presence of the experiential landscapes in the border zones, and the film invites viewers to consider borders not as lines in the landscape, but as zones and as a form of practice that has consequences.
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Kokotkiewicz, Martyna. "Immigrants in Finland as a Problem Discussed in Leena Lehtolainen’s Minne Tytöt Kadonneet." Folia Scandinavica Posnaniensia 16, no. 1 (December 1, 2014): 66–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/fsp-2015-0005.
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Abstract Leena Lehtolainen belongs to the most appreciated Finnish authors of crime fiction. One of the significant features of her works is that she discusses some most alarming social issues in them. The problem concerning immigration and its different aspects can definitely be considered as an example of such an issue. Since the problem of cultural antagonisms, racial hatred and xenophobia has been widely discussed by many other Scandinavian authors of crime fiction as well, it is worth analyzing how Lehtolainen herself approaches the problem. The aim of this article is to discuss some aspects concerning the problems of immigrant societies in Finland, basing on one of Leena Lehtolainen’s novels, Minne tytöt kadonneet, which main subject could be described as a collision of two completely different cultures and attitudes to the reality. Its aim is not, however, to discuss any formal aspects of the text, since such a kind of detailed analysis cannot be the subject of one article only. That is why the article concentrates on the plot of the novel and its possible relations to some actual problems the Finnish society faces. Taking it all into consideration it may be seen as an introduction to a wider analysis of Leena Lehtolainen’s works.
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Strielkowski, Wadim, Liudmila S. Kiseleva, and Anna Yu Sinyova. "Trends in International Educational Migration: A Case of Finland." Integration of Education 24, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 32–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/1991-9468.098.024.202001.032-049.
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Introduction. Our paper is focused on the study of the current trends in educational migration in the context of Finland. We aim at identifying the factors that attract and keep educational immigrants in the host country. We suggest that educational immigrants are the most attractive category of immigrants due to their high adaptability and insertion into the labor markets in their resp ective countries of education. Materials and Methods. The research employs traditional methods of empirical analysis such as understanding and interpretation of the contents of documents, methods of graphical presentation of the data, analysis of Russian and foreign scientific literature, as well as the method of comparison of Russian and foreign theory and practice. The empirical basis of this study includes the results of a remote online survey using the Google Forms application. The sample of respondents is represented by the individuals residing in Saint Petersburg (Russia) and having in their profiles on the social media VKontakte a mention of the period of study in Finland. Results. We find that Finland pursues a successful systematic national policy to attract educational immigrants. This approach is designed to compensate for the unfavorable social and demographic situation in the country. Over the past ten years, there has been a tendency in Finland to increase the number of educational immigrants from Asian countries. The majority of foreign students are enrolled in the undergraduate programs of polytechnic universities and at the Master’s programs of classical universities. There is a significant predominance of female immigrants in all areas of study in Finl and. Discussion and Conclusion.Our results are of practical interest for the Russian government structures responsible for developing strategic guidelines for immigration education policy, as well as for organizations responsible for the development of interstate cooperation in the field of education and science. Heads and staff of international cooperation departments of higher education institutions dealing with the social adaptation of educational immigrants might take into account the identified difficulties of students in adaptation. The results of the study might also be of some interest to the representatives of the scientific community involved in educational migration.
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Helén, Llpo, and Anna-Maria Tapaninen. "Closer to the Truth: DNA profiling for family reunification and the rationales of immigration policy in Finland." Nordic Journal of Migration Research 3, no. 3 (September 1, 2013): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/njmr-2013-0006.
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Keskinen, Suvi. "Antifeminism and White Identity Politics: Political antagonisms in radical right-wing populist and anti-immigration rhetoric in Finland." Nordic Journal of Migration Research 3, no. 4 (December 1, 2013): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/njmr-2013-0015.
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Christensen, Henrik Serup, Staffan Himmelroos, and Kimmo Grönlund. "Does Deliberation Breed an Appetite for Discursive Participation? Assessing the Impact of First-Hand Experience." Political Studies 65, no. 1_suppl (July 9, 2016): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321715617771.
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Various deliberative practices have been argued to constitute viable supplements to traditional representative decision making. At the same time, doubts have been raised as to whether ordinary citizens want to be involved in such demanding forms of political participation. This question has been difficult to resolve since few citizens have had the chance to take part in genuine deliberative practices. For this reason, we examine how participation in a deliberative mini-public affected attitudes towards discursive participation as a supplement to representative decision making. Moreover, we investigate how group composition and individual-level factors affect these developments. Our data come from an experimental deliberative forum on the issue of immigration arranged in Finland in 2012. The results suggest that the participants grew more positive towards the use of deliberative practices regardless of individual socio-demographic resources, whereas the effects of prior political engagement depend on the composition of the group the participants were assigned to.
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Malmberg, Mikko, and Isabel Awad. "(In/exclusion) Humor and diversity in Finnish public radio: ‘If all immigrants were as funny as you guys, nobody would have any problems’." European Journal of Cultural Studies 22, no. 2 (February 12, 2019): 213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549418823060.
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Similar to the rest of Europe, multicultural programming in Finland has become risky for public broadcasting. Programs aimed at encouraging social inclusion may not attract sufficiently large audiences and may be attacked by ever louder anti-immigration voices. This article focuses on what seems to be an exception in this respect: Ali and Husu. Hosted by immigrants from Iran and Somalia – a stand-up comedian and a politician – this popular talk show aired on Finnish public radio between 2013 and 2016. Through interviews with the producers and the analysis of a selection of episodes, we examine Ali and Husu’s daring and unapologetic ethnic/racial humor as well as its combination of funny and serious talk. Our findings underscore specific ways in which multicultural programming can use humor strategically to engage relatively large and diverse audiences in discussions meant to humanize immigrants and challenge social prejudices, while minimizing right-wing criticism and unintended readings.
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Raunio, Mika, and Minna Säävälä. "Workaholic or easygoing?" Finnish Yearbook of Population Research 51 (April 27, 2017): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.23979/fypr.56873.
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Growing immigration creates linguistically and culturally diverse working environments. National cultural characteristics are common concepts in everyday discourse in culturally heterogeneous workplaces as well as in academic research on work environments and management. By analysing empirical interview data from two arenas of productive activity in Finland, we show how national cultural characteristics are understood differently depending on the structural positioning of the arena in the local–national–transnational–global continuum. The data consists of a total of 53 in-depth interviews of foreign-born and Finnish-born experts working in high tech industries and research organizations, and white-collar and blue-collar workers in metal industries. Results illuminate how national interactive specificity is interpreted differently in global and local–national productive arenas. For instance, depending on the type of work, Finns could be describe as workaholics or as easy-going employees. The most central national cultural stereotypes have different interpretations among employees in the high tech business (global arena) and metal industries (mainly local and national arena).
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Kuittinen, Saija, Mulki Mölsä, Raija-Leena Punamäki, Marja Tiilikainen, and Marja-Liisa Honkasalo. "Causal attributions of mental health problems and depressive symptoms among older Somali refugees in Finland." Transcultural Psychiatry 54, no. 2 (March 3, 2017): 211–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363461516689003.
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Causal attributions of mental health problems play a crucial role in shaping and differentiating illness experience in different sociocultural and ethnic groups. The aims of this study were (a) to analyze older Somali refugees’ causal attributions of mental health problems; (b) to examine the associations between demographic and diagnostic characteristics, proxy indicators of acculturation, and causal attributions; and (c) to analyze the connections between causal attributions and the manifestation of somatic-affective and cognitive depressive symptoms. A sample of 128 Somali refugees aged 50–80 years living in Finland were asked to list the top three causes of mental health problems. Depressive symptoms were analyzed using the Beck Depression Inventory (BDI). The results showed that the most commonly endorsed causal attributions of mental health problems were jinn, jealousy related to polygamous relationships, and various life problems. We identified five attribution categories: (a) somatic, (b) interpersonal, (c) psychological, (d) life experiences, and (e) religious causes. The most common causal attribution categories were life experiences and interpersonal causes of mental health problems. Men tended to attribute mental health problems to somatic and psychological causes, and women to interpersonal and religious causes. Age and proxy indicators of acculturation were not associated with causal attributions. Participants with a psychiatric diagnosis and/or treatment history reported more somatic and psychological attributions than other participants. Finally, those who attributed mental health problems to life experiences (e.g., war) reported marginally fewer cognitive depressive symptoms (e.g., guilt) than those who did not. The results are discussed in relation to biomedical models of mental health, service use, immigration experiences, and culturally relevant patterns of symptom manifestation.