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1
Munro, J. Forbes. "Shipping Subsidies and Railway Guarantees: William Mackinnon, Eastern Africa and the Indian Ocean, 1860–93." Journal of African History 28, no. 2 (July 1987): 209–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700029753.
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This article reassesses Sir William Mackinnon's role in the evolution of Victorian imperialism in Eastern Africa. It rejects the view that Mackinnon's activities in Eastern Africa were motivated by a desire for self-glorification and attempts, by contrast, to demonstrate the relevance of business considerations. A search for shipping subsidies and railway guarantees, spreading out from British India, accompanied the Mackinnon Group's development of steamshipping and mercantile interests in Africa, in support of investments in the Persian Gulf and western India. Promotion of these interests drew Mackinnon into schemes to lease the Sultan of Zanzibar's mainland territories and to consolidate British rule in the Transvaal by the construction of a railway from Delagoa Bay. During the 1880s the Group's shipping and commercial operations were threatened by the rise of foreign competition. Behind the formation of the Imperial British East Africa Company lay the hopes of Mackinnon and his business associates that public funds could be attracted to the defence of the Group's interests in Eastern Africa and to the reconstruction of its shipping services in the western Indian Ocean.
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Lusambili Muchanga, Kizito. "The Ecology and Economic Practices of the Isukha and Idakho Communities in Colonial Period 1895-1963." Athens Journal of History 9, no. 1 (December 19, 2022): 95–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.9-1-4.
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The penetration of colonialism in Isukha and Idakho can best be understood within the general framework of the global imperialism of the nineteenth century, with Europe being the hub of global imperialism where the imperialists were motivated by economic, humanitarian and strategic factors. After the 1886 and 1890 Anglo-German treaties at Berlin's conference, East Africa was divided between the British and the Germans. British East Africa (Kenya and Uganda) was under the control of the Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEACo). In 1894, Uganda was declared a protectorate and its sphere included the Baluyia. This same year, protectorate officials were sent to Mumias, which was by then a traders' entry-point on the road to Uganda. This paper analyses the ecology and economic environment of the Bisukha and Bidakho of the Luyia community during the colonial epoch. The paper took a qualitative approach to data collection, engaging participants in oral interviews and focused group discussions on understanding the two community practices. In what is termed an ethnographic approach, the author finds that the natives lost control of resources that were crucial in the proper management of their environments and the practice of various economic activities. This paper, therefore, finds that Land as a natural resource was alienated with forests being gazetted and animals confiscated to feed the soldiers of World Wars I and II.
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Leopold, Mark. "Legacies of Slavery in North-West Uganda: The Story of the ‘one-Elevens’." Africa 76, no. 2 (May 2006): 180–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2006.76.2.180.
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AbstractThis article outlines the history of a people known as ‘Nubi’ or ‘Nubians’, northern Ugandan Muslims who were closely associated with Idi Amin's rule, and a group to which he himself belonged. They were supposed to be the descendants of former slave soldiers from southern Sudan, who in the late 1880s at the time of the Mahdi's Islamic uprising came into what is now Uganda under the command of a German officer named Emin Pasha. In reality, the identity became an elective one, open to Muslim males from the northern Uganda/southern Sudan borderlands, as well as descendants of the original soldiers. These soldiers, taken on by Frederick Lugard of the Imperial British East Africa Company, formed the core of the forces used to carve out much of Britain's East African Empire. From the days of Emin Pasha to those of Idi Amin, some Nubi men were identified by a marking of three vertical lines on the face – the ‘One-Elevens’. Although since Amin's overthrow many Muslims from the north of the country prefer to identify themselves as members of local Ugandan ethnic groups rather than as ‘Nubis’, aspects of Nubi identity live on among Ugandan rebel groups, as well as in cyberspace.
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Yorke, Edmund. "The Spectre of a Second Chilembwe: Government, Missions, and Social Control in Wartime Northern Rhodesia, 1914–18." Journal of African History 31, no. 3 (November 1990): 373–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700031145.
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The 1915 Chilembwe Rising in Nyasaland had important political repercussions in the neighbouring colonial territory of Northern Rhodesia, where fears were raised among the Administration about the activities of African school teachers attached to the thirteen mission denominations then operating in the territory. These anxieties were heightened for the understaffed and poorly-financed British South Africa Company administration by the impact of the war-time conscription of Africans and the additional demands made by war-time conditions upon the resources of the Company. Reports of anti-war activities by African teachers attached to the Dutch Reformed Church in the East Luangwa District convinced both the Northern Rhodesian and the imperial authorities of the imperative need to strictly regulate the activities of its black mission-educated elite. Suspected dissident teachers were arrested, while others were diverted into military service where their activities could be more closely supervised. With the 1918 Native Schools Proclamation, the Administration laid down strict regulations for the appointment and employment of African mission teachers. The proclamation aroused the vehement opposition of the mission societies who, confronted by war-time European staff shortages, had come to rely heavily upon their African teachers to maintain their educational work. The emergence in late 1918 of the patently anti-colonial Watch Tower movement, which incorporated many African mission employees within its leadership, weakened the opposition of the missions, and served to consolidate the administration's perception of the African teachers as a dangerous subversive force. Strong measures were implemented by the administration soon after the end of the war, with large numbers of Watch Tower adherents being arrested and detained.
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Pedro, Dina. "“I did as others did and as others had me do”: Postcolonial (Mis)Representations and Perpetrator Trauma in Season 1 of Taboo (2017-)." Miscelánea: A Journal of English and American Studies 66 (December 13, 2022): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_misc/mj.20227357.
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Neo-Victorian fiction has been concerned with historically oppressed and traumatised characters from the 1990s onwards (Llewellyn 2008). More recently, neo-Victorianism on screen has shifted its attention to the figure of the perpetrator and their unresolved guilt, as in the TV series Penny Dreadful (Logan 2014-2016) or Taboo (Knight, Hardy and Hardy 2017-present). However, perpetrator trauma is an under-theorised field in the humanities (Morag 2018), neo-Victorian studies included. This article analyses Taboo as a neo-Victorian postcolonial text that explores the trauma of its protagonist James Delaney, an imperial perpetrator who transported and sold African slaves in the Middle Passage for the East India Company. Although the series is not set in the Victorian period, neo-Victorianism is here understood as fiction expanding beyond the historical boundaries of the Victorian era and that presents the long nineteenth century as synonymous with the empire (Ho 2012: 4). Thus, I argue that postcolonial texts like Taboo should be considered neo-Victorian since they are set in the nineteenth century to respond to and contest (neo-)imperial practices. However, neo-Victorian postcolonialism offers ambivalent representations of the British Empire, as it simultaneously critiques and reproduces its ideologies (Ho 2012; Primorac 2018). This article examines the ways in which Taboo follows this contradictory pattern, since it seemingly denounces the imperial atrocity of the slave trade through Delaney’s perpetrator trauma, while simultaneously perpetuating it through his future colonizing trip to the Americas. Hence, Delaney is portrayed as an anti-hero in the series, given that he is both the enemy and the very product of the British Empire.
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COPLAND, IAN. "CHRISTIANITY AS AN ARM OF EMPIRE: THE AMBIGUOUS CASE OF INDIA UNDER THE COMPANY, c. 1813–1858." Historical Journal 49, no. 4 (November 24, 2006): 1025–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005723.
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For many years it was widely assumed that there was a close connection between the rapid expansion of European imperial power and acquisition of territory overseas during the nineteenth century, particularly in Asia and Africa, and the congruent Protestant Christian missionary project to save the ‘heathens’ of these places by persuading them to embrace the ‘redeeming’ message of the Gospels. Over the past several decades, however, the thesis that empire-building and Christian evangelizing were mutually supportive activities has come under sustained attack from a group of British historians led by Brian Stanley and Andrew Porter – to the point where the Stanley–Porter revisionist line now occupies centre-stage. This article shows that, contrary to the dominant consensus, the relationship between church – in the form of the missionary societies – and state – in the shape of the English East India Company, initially cool, gradually warmed as the two parties came to realize that they had a common interest in providing ‘civilizing’ Western education to the Indian elites. Indeed it provocatively suggests that the colonial state might well, in time, have given its endorsement and even its support to the spread of Christianity had not the Mutiny intervened in 1857. However the analysis of the benefits generated by this South Asian partnership finds, paradoxically, that it undermined the Company’s authority, and may well have deterred many Indians from converting to Christianity – which had come to be widely seen as a privileged and imperialist religion.
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Gathogo, Julius. "Consolidating Democracy in Kenya (1920-1963)." Jumuga Journal of Education, Oral Studies, and Human Sciences (JJEOSHS) 1, no. 1 (August 10, 2020): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.35544/jjeoshs.v1i1.22.
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Kenya became a Crown Colony of the British government on 23 July 1920. Before then, 1895 to 1919, it was a protectorate of the British Government. Between 1887 to 1895, Scot William Mackinnon (1823-1893), under the auspices of his chartered company, Imperial British East Africa (IBEA), was running Kenya on behalf of the British Government. This article sets out to trace the road to democracy in colonial Kenya, though with a bias to electoral contests, from 1920 to 1963. While democracy and/or democratic culture is broader than mere electioneering, the article considers electoral processes as critical steps in consolidating democratic gains, as societies now find an opportunity to replace bad leaders and eventually installs a crop of leadership that resonates well with their pains, dreams, fears and joys. With its own elected leaders, the article hypothesizes, a society has a critical foundation because elected people are ordinarily meant to address cutting-edge issues facing a given society. Such concerns may include: poverty, corruption, racism, marginalization of minority, ethnic bigotry, economic rejuvenation, gender justice, and health of the people among other disquiets. Methodologically, the article focusses more on the 1920 and the 1957 general elections. This is due to their unique positioning in the Kenyan historiography. In 1920, for instance, a semblance of democracy was witnessed in Kenya when the European-Settler-Farmers’ inspired elections took place, after their earlier protests in 1911. They were protesting against the mere nomination of leaders to the Legislative Council (Parliament) since 1906 when the first Parliament was instituted in Kenya’s history. Although Eliud Wambu Mathu became the first African to be nominated to the Legislative Council in 1944, this was seen as a mere drop in the big Ocean, as Africans had not been allowed to vote or usher in their own leaders through universal suffrage. The year 1957 provided that opportunity even though they (Africans) remained a tiny minority in the Legislative Council until the 1963 general elections which ushered in Kenya’s independence. What other setbacks did the Kenyan democratic process encounter; and how were the democratic gains consolidated? While the article does not intend to focus on the voice of religious societies, or the lack of it, it is worthwhile to concede that a democratic process is an all-inclusive enterprise that invites all cadres to “come and build the barricading wall” for all of us.
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SHARPE, R. BOWDLER. "On the Birds collected by Mr. F. J. Jackson, F.Z.S., during his recent Expedition to Uganda through the Territory of the Imperial British East-African Company." Ibis 3, no. 10 (June 28, 2008): 233–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1891.tb08523.x.
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SHABPP, R. BOWDLER. "On the Birds collected by Mr. F. J. Jackson, F.Z.S., during his recent Expedition to Uganda through the Territory of the Imperial British East- African Company." Ibis 3, no. 12 (June 28, 2008): 587–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1891.tb08535.x.
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SHARPE, R. BOWDLER. "On the Birds collected by Mr. F. J. Jackson, F.Z.S., during his recent Expedition to Uganda through the Territory of the Imperial British East-African Company." Ibis 33, no. 2 (June 28, 2008): 233–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1891.tb08573.x.
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SHABPP, R. BOWDLER. "On the Birds collected by Mr. F. J. Jackson, F.Z.S., during his recent Expedition to Uganda through the Territory of the Imperial British East- African Company." Ibis 33, no. 4 (June 28, 2008): 587–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1891.tb08585.x.
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Chabu, Martin. "A History Of The Dutch Reformed Church Mission East Of Northern Rhodesia (Zambia) And Impact On The Development Of Colonial Societies 1897-1964." Shanti Journal 1, no. 1 (August 31, 2022): 102–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/shantij.v1i1.47811.
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This study attempts to examine the history of the Dutch Missionary in the eastern of Northern Rhodesia (Zambia) and the impact on the colonial society. The area of the study was Fort Jameson which is now known as Chipata District. The study focused on the period 1898-1964 because this period was characterized by changes in the economic organisation of the African societies not only in Northern Eastern Rhodesia, but also the whole country. Due to external influence this period under study was also marked by changes in social and political organisation of the people in the study region. Therefore, political suppression of the Ngoni Chewa, Nsenga and other ethnic groups in eastern province, was executed by the imperialist company representatives. The company surrendered the administration of the area to the British imperial government in 1924, which ruled the country as a whole up to 1964 when the country became independent. The data that contributed to this study was derived from oral interviews to people who were linked with the missionary and a multiple of sources which comprised of primary and secondary sources. These source includes books, dissertations, journals articles, Magazines and official reports. This body of literature was consulted in the University of Zambia library and Repository. Data was also sourced from the National Archive of Zambia (NAZ) such as Annual Native Affairs Report, District note books, Tour Reports. Other invaluable archival sources consulted included files of official correspondence among administrators and between individual subjects and their chiefs. The study concluded that the Dutch Reformed Church mission had an impact on the development of colonial societies in North eastern Rhodesia. This is because of the introduction of Christianity, education, agriculture and skill training centre helped in transforming colonial settlements.
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Sharpe, R. Rowdler. "XXIV.-On the Birds collected by Mr. F. J. Jackson, F.Z.S., during his recent Expedition to Uganda through the Territory of the Imperial British East-African Company." Ibis 34, no. 2 (April 3, 2008): 299–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1892.tb00303.x.
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Bowdler Sharpe, R. "XLV.-On the Birds collected by Mr. F. J. Jackson, F.Z.S., during his recent Expedition to Uganda through the Territory of the Imperial British East-African Company." Ibis 34, no. 4 (April 3, 2008): 534–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1892.tb00325.x.
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Sharpe, R. Bowdler. "XI.-On the Birds collected by Mr. F. J. Jackson, F.Z.S., during his recent Expedition to Uganda through the Territory of the Imperial British East-African Company." Ibis 34, no. 1 (April 3, 2008): 152–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1474-919x.1892.tb01192.x.
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van Tol, Deanne. "The Women of Kenya Speak: Imperial Activism and Settler Society, c.1930." Journal of British Studies 54, no. 2 (April 2015): 433–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2015.5.
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AbstractThis article examines the politics of colonial voluntary work as an aspect of settler society and in relation to broader networks of imperial activism and reform. The East Africa Women's League, a predominant white women's organization in colonial Kenya, participated in settler politics during debates in 1930 concerning a Closer Union of British territories in East Africa. This involvement established connections between the voluntary welfare activities of settler women in Kenya and contemporary transimperial activist networks. Drawing on the private archives of the League, this article argues that the public lives of white women in colonial Kenya were entwined in the tensions of welfare in the twentieth-century British imperial project.
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Fordham, Douglas. "Costume Dramas: British Art at the Court of the Marathas." Representations 101, no. 1 (2008): 57–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2008.101.1.57.
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Arriving at the Maratha court of Poona in the 1790s, British artists struggled to integrate metropolitan aesthetics into the business of imperial expansion. "Costume" lay at the heart of this conflict, pitting an aesthetic concept against an early ethnographic tool of the East India Company. By focusing on British representations of the Maratha durbar, this essay argues that "costume" tested the ideological limits of Western aesthetics and imperial representation at the turn of the century.
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Willis, John M. "MAKING YEMEN INDIAN: REWRITING THE BOUNDARIES OF IMPERIAL ARABIA." International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no. 1 (February 2009): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808090089.
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On 19 January 1839, the South Arabian port town of Aden was bombarded by ships of the Indian Navy and occupied by soldiers of the East India Company. It was the first British colonial acquisition of the Victorian period.
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RAY, REEJU. "Interrupted Sovereignties in the North-East Frontier of British India, 1787–1870." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 2 (January 31, 2019): 606–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000257.
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AbstractThe Khasi, Jaintia, and Garo Hills in the North East Frontier of British India were subject to shifting and differentiated forms of colonial governance. Defying notions of coexistence with or autonomy from colonial rule, the colonial history of this region was bound up with specific spatio-temporal constructions. By examining the nature of jurisdictional and political encounters in the Khasi, Jaintia, and Garo Hills, this article addresses the interruptions to imperial sovereignty in the Frontier. Imperial sovereignty moved in juridical forms, affecting and being affected by classificatory challenges such as hills and plains, hill tribal, and settler. The relationship between jurisdictional boundaries, plural authority, and imperial sovereignty appears in judicial and revenue files of different levels of the English East India Company government and the British government. Recurrent boundary disputes between the spatio-temporal units of hills and plains during the late eighteenth and late nineteenth centuries point towards contingent strategies of governance. The unfolding of these disputes over the course of the nineteenth century also show that law and jurisdiction as carriers of imperial sovereignty were spatially and temporally uneven. The historical processes highlighted in this article concern the sub-region of Khasi, Jaintia, and Garo Hills and parts of the Sylhet district of British Bengal, which, at present, constitute the Indian state of Meghalaya and parts of northern Bangladesh, respectively.
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Hunt, Margaret R., and Philip J. Stern. "Bombay: the genealogy of a global imperial city." Urban History 48, no. 3 (January 15, 2021): 461–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926820000486.
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AbstractThis article will argue that the history of East India Company Bombay – like that of many foreign British enterprises, and like many other ‘global’ cities and indeed colonies generally – is best understood as the product of contradictions and contingencies. Bombay was never easy to define geographically and its identity as an ‘English’ settlement was precarious. It could not insulate itself militarily from the powerful polities nearby; nor could it always rely on the loyalty of its subjects, whether English or of other ethnicities. It was a city constructed out of crisis and tragedy, trial and error, a history that the story about a European dynastic ‘dowry’ obscures, and which Company representatives worked hard to conceal.
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Collins, Gregory M. "THE LIMITS OF MERCANTILE ADMINISTRATION: ADAM SMITH AND EDMUND BURKE ON BRITAIN’S EAST INDIA COMPANY." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 41, no. 03 (July 24, 2019): 369–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837218000354.
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It is often claimed that Adam Smith and Edmund Burke held similar views on matters relating to political economy. One area of tension in their thought, however, was the institutional credibility of Britain’s East India Company. They both argued that the Company corrupted market order in India, but while Smith supported the termination of the firm’s charter, Burke aspired to preserve it. This article examines why they arrived at such divergent conclusions. It argues that the source of Burke and Smith’s friction arose from the dissimilar frames of reference through which they assessed the credibility of the Company. Burke examined the corporation’s legitimacy through the lens of British prescriptive, imperial, and constitutional history, yet Smith evaluated it as part of his larger attack on the mercantile system. These different frames of reference were responsible for the further incongruities in their thought on the Company relating to the role of prescription and imperial honor in political communities, the qualifications of traders to rule, and the appropriate tempo of policy reform. This article concludes that, even with such differences, the two thinkers’ respective criticisms of the Company illustrate the threat that monopolies pose to the liberal order.
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Finn, Margot C. "MATERIAL TURNS IN BRITISH HISTORY: IV. EMPIRE IN INDIA, CANCEL CULTURES AND THE COUNTRY HOUSE." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 31 (November 8, 2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440121000013.
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ABSTRACTThis lecture seeks to historicise the so-called cancel culture associated with the ‘culture wars’ waged in Britain in c. 2020. Focusing on empire and on the domestic, British impacts of Georgian-era imperial material cultures, it argues that dominant proponents of these ‘culture wars’ in the public sphere fundamentally distort the British pasts they vociferously claim to preserve and defend. By failing to acknowledge the extent to which eighteenth- and nineteenth-century British men and women themselves contested imperial expansion under the aegis of the East India Company – and decried its impact on British material culture, including iconic stately homes – twenty-first-century exponents of culture wars who rail against the present-day rise of histories of race and empire in the heritage sector themselves erase key layers of British experience. In so doing, they impoverish public understanding of the past.
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WILKINSON, CALLIE. "THE EAST INDIA COLLEGE DEBATE AND THE FASHIONING OF IMPERIAL OFFICIALS, 1806–1858." Historical Journal 60, no. 4 (March 23, 2017): 943–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000492.
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AbstractThroughout its relatively brief existence, the English East India Company's college in Hertfordshire was hotly debated in Company headquarters, parliament, and the press. These disputes are deeply revealing of contemporary attitudes to the inter-related issues of elite education, government, ‘Britishness’, and empire. Previously, historians interested in the relationship between education and empire have concentrated largely on British attempts to construct colonial subjects, but just as important and just as controversial to contemporaries was the concomitant endeavour to create colonial officials. On a practical level, disputes in educational theory made it difficult to decide on how to train recruits who would satisfy growing demands for transparency, accountability, and merit. Furthermore, on certain points contemporaries fundamentally disagreed about which qualities an imperial official should have. These disagreements reflected deeper uncertainties, particularly regarding the ideal relationship to be fostered between the Company, Britain, and India. In short, this debate highlights the tensions, anxieties, and ambiguities surrounding reform and imperial expansion in the early nineteenth century.
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VARTAVARIAN, MESROB. "Warriors and States: Military labour in southern India, circa 1750–1800." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 2 (August 24, 2018): 313–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000038.
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AbstractThe consolidation of numerous regional polities in the aftermath of Mughal imperial decline presented favourable socioeconomic opportunities for South Asian service communities. Protracted armed conflicts in southern India allowed a variety of mercenaries, soldiers, and war bands to accumulate resources in exchange for mobilizing manpower on behalf of states with weak standing armies. This article focuses on British imperial efforts to obtain sufficient quantities of military labour during its struggle with the Mysore sultanate. As the sultanate assumed an increasingly hostile attitude towards independent warrior power, local strongmen sought more amenable arrangements with alternate entities. The British East India Company received crucial support from autonomous warrior groups during its southern wars of conquest. Warriors in turn utilized British resources to consolidate local sovereignties. Thus, the initial British intrusion into peninsular Indian society further fragmented the political landscape by patronizing petty military entrepreneurs.
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Finn, Margot C. "MATERIAL TURNS IN BRITISH HISTORY: II. CORRUPTION: IMPERIAL POWER, PRINCELY POLITICS AND GIFTS GONE ROGUE." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 29 (November 1, 2019): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s008044011900001x.
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ABSTRACTThis address examines the ‘Old Corruption’ of Georgian Britain from the perspective of diplomacy and material culture in Delhi in the era of the East India Company. Its focus is the scandal that surrounded the sacking of Sir Edward Colebrooke, the Delhi Resident, during the reign of the penultimate Mughal emperor, Akbar II. Exploring the gendered, highly sexualised material politics of Company diplomacy in north India reveals narratives of agency, negotiation and commensurability that interpretations focused on liberal, Anglicist ideologies obscure. Dynastic politics were integral to both British and Indian elites in the nineteenth century. The Colebrooke scandal illuminates both the tenacity and the dynamic evolution of the family as a base of power in the context of nineteenth-century British imperialism.
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Aziz, Ahmad Khalil. "Islamic Resurgence in South Africa." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 3 (October 1, 1996): 429–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i3.2311.
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The contemporary Islamic resurgence and spirit of pan-lslamism thatare being experienced today throughout the world did not come aboutovernight. They are the results of two counterforces operative in any giveperiod of time. On the one hand, there was the deconstructionist force, inthe form of the colonial and imperial forces that sought to destroy theIslamic value system. On the other hand, there was the reconstructionistforce of 'ulama haqq and the Sufi shaykhs, who served as the prime stiinulatorsof the reform impusle and of change in the religiopolitical outlookof Muslims throughout the world.Islam in South AfricaSouth Africa has played a forceful role in maintaining Islam's dynamicposition for about three centuries. The picturesque activities of the earlierulama (in the broadest sense of the word)-particularly the Sufi shaykhs- andearly imams laid the foundations for the contemporary Islamic resurgencein South Africa, as seen in the Musliin Youth Movement and suchother da'wah movements as the Call of Islam. Past workers and presentmovements have been religiopolitical positivists and activists. From theoutset, Muslims needed to reconstruct Islamic education and maintain themomentum of revivalism and resurgence activities.The Dutch East India Company and English East IndiaCompany: A Deconstructionist ForceThe East India Company refers to any of a number of commercialenterprises formed in Western Europe during the seventeenth and eighteenthcenturies to further trade with the East Indies. These companies weregiven charters by their respective governments to acquire territory whereverthey could and to exercise therein various governmental functions,including legislation, the issuance of currency, the negotiation of treaties,the waging of war, and the administration of justice ...
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Fisher, Michael H. "The Imperial Coronation of 1819: Awadh, the British and the Mughals." Modern Asian Studies 19, no. 2 (April 1985): 239–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012324.
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The interaction among the expanding British, the regional rulers of the Gangetic plain, and Mughal Emperors stands central to Indian history during the first half of the nineteenth century. Each of these three groups determined to advance its own political and cultural values in the face of the conflicting expectations and assumptions of the other two. The English East India Company regarded itself as under the authority of the British Parliament and the sovereignty of the British crown. At the same time, the Company continued nominally to acknowledge the sovereignty of the Mughal Emperor, at least in India. The various regional rulers of north India, most prominently the rulers of the province of Awadh, acted and apparently perceived themselves as de facto independent of the Mughals while also symbolically submitted to Mughal sovereignty. The Mughal Emperors, whose power to command armies had faded to nothingness during the last half of the eighteenth century, continued to pretend to absolute sovereignty over virtually all of India until 1858. Each of these three groups wished to see the 1819 imperial coronation by the Awadh ruler as an overt proof of their own cultural values and of their understanding of their relationships to the others.
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Finn, Margot C. "MATERIAL TURNS IN BRITISH HISTORY: III. COLLECTING: COLONIAL BOMBAY, BASRA, BAGHDAD AND THE ENLIGHTENMENT MUSEUM." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 30 (November 11, 2020): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440120000018.
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ABSTRACTThis lecture explores the history of Enlightenment-era collecting of antiquities to probe the claims to universality of Western museums. Focusing on the British Museum's Enlightenment Gallery, it underscores the imperial and familial contexts of British collecting cultures. Questioning received narratives of collecting which highlight the role played by individual elite British men, it suggests that women, servants and non-European elites played instrumental parts in knowledge production and the acquisition of antiquities. The private correspondence of the East India Company civil servant Claudius Rich – the East India Company's Resident or diplomatic representative at Baghdad 1801–1821 – and his wife Mary (née Mackintosh) Rich illuminates social histories of knowledge and material culture that challenge interpretations of the British Museum's Enlightenment Gallery which privilege trade and discovery over empire.
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Silva Jayasuriya, Shihan de. "East India Company in Sumatra: Cross-Cultural Interactions." African and Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (2009): 204–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921009x458082.
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Abstract For scholars concerned with historical studies of cross-continental movement, migration from Africa to Asia poses challenges. Administrative records of the East India Company reveal the multi-ethnicity of slaves, trends of slavery, resistance to slavery and the circumstances that led to emancipation of the slaves. Through a case study on Sumatra, this paper considers how transition from British to Dutch control affected the emancipated slaves, what rights they had and their eventual fate. It suggests that descendants of African slaves could still be living in Southeast Asia although creolisation and assimilation may have rendered them invisible.
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Durmuş, AKALIN. "İngiltere’nin Imperial British East Africa Company’den Uganda’yı alması ve Osmanlı Devleti’nin bölgeye bakışı (1887-1894)." Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi Tarih Bölümü Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi 36, no. 62 (2017): 133–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/tarar_0000000669.
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Lindner, Ulrike. "The transfer of European social policy concepts to tropical Africa, 1900–50: the example of maternal and child welfare." Journal of Global History 9, no. 2 (May 23, 2014): 208–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022814000047.
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AbstractConcerns about a sinking birth rate and possible ‘national degeneration’ led to the implementation of various measures in maternal and child welfare across Europe at the dawn of the twentieth century. Infant health was strongly connected with the idea of population as both a national and imperial resource. In the colonies of the imperial powers, similar issues started to be addressed later, mostly after the First World War, when colonial administrations, who until then had predominantly worried about the health of the white European colonizers, started to take an interest in the health of the indigenous population. This article investigates the transfer of maternal and infant health policies from Britain and Germany to their tropical African colonies and protectorates. It argues that colonial health policy developed in a complex interplay between imperial strategies and preconceptions as well as local reactions and demands, mostly reifying racial demarcation lines in colonial societies. It focuses on examples from German East Africa, which became the British Tanganyika mandate after the First World War, and from the British sub-Saharan colonies Kenya and Nigeria.
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BOWEN, H. V. "Bullion for Trade, War, and Debt-Relief: British Movements of Silver to, around, and from Asia, 1760–1833." Modern Asian Studies 44, no. 3 (May 21, 2009): 445–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09004004.
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AbstractThis paper provides the first detailed assessment of British exports of silver to Asia during the initial phase of imperial expansion in India. It demonstrates that, contrary to the views of some historians, exports of silver were at times very considerable, notably after 1785, when they were used to fund war and debt-relief in India, as well as for trade. Focus is on the East India Company, but attention is paid to private exports, to British transfers of silver around Asia, and the paper ends with an analysis of ‘reverse’ flows to Britain established after 1810.
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Chatterjee, Arup K. "Oriental Dressings, Imperial Inhalations: The Indian Hookah in British Colonial Culture." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 65, no. 1-2 (February 18, 2022): 279–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341568.
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Abstract Over the course of its Anglo-Indian career, the hookah began as an archetype of colonial hybridity in eighteenth-century Bengal, before entering nineteenth-century London and its consumer sensorium as a seductive Oriental artefact, through travelogues, hookah clubs, Indian-styled diwans and a massive cataloguing of Eastern artefacts culminating in the Crystal Palace Exhibition (1851) and the Colonial and Indian Exhibition (1886). Hookahs appeared simultaneously as smoking instruments, decorative artefacts and visual signs of surplus colonial enjoyment in memoirs, travelogues and paintings from the long nineteenth century. The hookah’s decline in nineteenth-century colonial culture was camouflaged by general alarm over its degenerative effects on moral and sexual codes, well after its imperiality ran its course. In its long colonial career, the hookah symbolized colonial hybridity and surplus imperial enjoyment that surpassed its materiality. Whether in Britain or India, colonial hybridity, as symbolized by the hookah, was virtualized in nonlocal and anachronistic Anglo-Indian spaces, thus marking a remarkable digression from histories of coercive militarist, economic and political control that are so closely intertwined with the East India Company and Empire.
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Siddique, Asheesh Kapur. "Mobilizing the “State Papers” of Empire: John Bruce, Early Modernity, and the Bureaucratic Archives of Britain." Journal of Early Modern History 22, no. 5 (October 2, 2018): 392–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342604.
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Abstract This article examines John Bruce’s vision of the bureaucratic archives of the British state and empire at the end of the eighteenth century. As Historiographer to the East India Company and Keeper of State Papers in the 1790s and early 1800s, Bruce used the archives of corporate and state government as sources of bureaucratic knowledge to justify and plan imperial and domestic policy. In this way, Bruce deployed a strategy of governance by the authority of “state papers,” rooted in early modern political practice, across imperial and domestic government. The demise of Bruce’s influence signaled the waning of this role of the archive as a technology of governance in Britain during the nineteenth century.
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Fowler, Corinne. "Revisiting Mansfield Park: The Critical and Literary Legacies of Edward W. Said’s Essay “Jane Austen and Empire” in Culture and Imperialism (1993)." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 4, no. 3 (August 30, 2017): 362–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2017.26.
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Edward W. Said’s seminal essay “Jane Austen and Empire” exhorts critics to attend to novels’ “historical valances.” Yet advances in British imperial history show that Said underestimated the extent of country houses’ Caribbean and East India Company links. Historians of British imperial history have yet to reflect directly on the implications of these discoveries for the critical legacy of Said’s essay. Informed by twenty years of critical debate, I explain why research into country houses’ colonial connections warrants a definitive modification of Said’s view on Austen. Correspondingly, the article considers the literary legacy of Said’s essay on Austen in three texts: John Agard’s poem “Mansfield Park Revisited” (2006), Jo Baker’s novel Longbourn (2013), and Catherine Johnson’s novel The Curious Tale of the Lady Caraboo (2015). Agard, Baker, and Johnson are heirs of both Austen and Said, whose writings continue to shape postcolonial renderings of the English countryside.
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FEDOROWICH, KENT. "GERMAN ESPIONAGE AND BRITISH COUNTER-INTELLIGENCE IN SOUTH AFRICA AND MOZAMBIQUE, 1939–1944." Historical Journal 48, no. 1 (March 2005): 209–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004273.
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For most of the Second World War, German and Italian agents were actively engaged in a variety of intelligence gathering exercises in southern Africa. The hub of this activity was Lourenço Marques, the colonial capital of Portuguese East Africa (Mozambique). One of the key tasks of Axis agents was to make links with Nazi sympathizers and the radical right in South Africa, promote dissent, and destabilize the imperial war effort in the dominion. Using British, American, and South African archival sources, this article outlines German espionage activities and British counter-intelligence operations orchestrated by MI5, MI6, and the Special Operations Executive between 1939 and 1944. The article, which is part of a larger study, examines three broad themes. First, it explores Pretoria's creation of a humble military intelligence apparatus in wartime South Africa. Secondly, it examines the establishment of several British liaison and intelligence-gathering agencies that operated in southern Africa for most of the war. Finally, it assesses the working relationship between the South African and British agencies, the tensions that arose, and the competing interests that emerged between the two allies as they sought to contain the Axis-inspired threat from within.
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Kusumaryati, Veronika. "Freeport and the States: Politics of Corporations and Contemporary Colonialism in West Papua." Comparative Studies in Society and History 63, no. 4 (October 2021): 881–910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417521000281.
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AbstractCorporations often claim to be economic actors solely interested in capital accumulation. However, historical and anthropological scholarship has argued they have had outsized political roles, especially during high colonialism when transnational corporations such as the British East India Company and the Dutch East India Company shaped colonial entities. This article explores the case of American mining company Freeport-McMoRan, which runs the world’s largest gold and copper mine in West Papua, and its entanglement with contemporary imperial and colonial projects in the region. Through the study of the company’s decisive role in the transfer of West Papua from the Dutch to Indonesia during the decolonization period of the 1960s, and in the formation of the postcolonial Indonesian state characterized by its militaristic and capitalistic stances, this article argues that Freeport’s operation in West Papua has been central to shaping U.S. imperial policy in Southeast Asia. The company’s relationship with the U.S. government and its contract of work with the Indonesian government reproduce an older form of state-corporation partnership called a charter, which grants a corporate body privileges associated with exploration, trade, and colonization. Combining a historical study of the political role of corporations across time and an ethnographic study of Freeport’s operation, this article rethinks the anthropological and historical study of transnational corporations and their roles in the contemporary politics of colonialism.
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Mascarenhas, Kiran. "LITTLE HENRY'S BURDENS: COLONIZATION, CIVILIZATION, CHRISTIANITY, AND THE CHILD." Victorian Literature and Culture 42, no. 3 (June 6, 2014): 425–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150314000072.
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The History of Little Henry and His Bearer (1814), an Evangelical tract, was published on the heels of the Charter Act of 1813, an act of Parliament of the United Kingdom that introduced more regulation of the East India Company and legalized missionary work in India. The act implicitly rationalized expanding British dominance, invoking the moral mission to save the heathen. Little Henry captures this zeitgeist and was received enthusiastically by a readership newly interested in additional imperial expansion as a means of bringing civilization to the colonial world (Regaignon 89).
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Njung, George N. "The British Cameroons Mandate Regime: The Roots of the Twenty-First-Century Political Crisis in Cameroon." American Historical Review 124, no. 5 (December 1, 2019): 1715–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz1025.
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Abstract A century after the victorious Allied powers distributed their spoils of victory in 1919, the world still lives with the geopolitical consequences of the mandates system established by the League of Nations. The Covenant article authorizing the new imperial dispensation came cloaked in the old civilizationist discourse, entrusting sovereignty over “peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern world” to the “advanced nations” of Belgium, England, France, Japan, and South Africa. In this series of “reflections” on the mandates, ten scholars of Europe, Africa, the Middle East, Asia, and the international order consider the consequences of the new geopolitical order birthed by World War I. How did the reshuffling of imperial power in the immediate postwar period configure long-term struggles over minority rights, decolonization, and the shape of nation-states when the colonial era finally came to a close? How did the alleged beneficiaries—more often the victims—of this “sacred trust” grasp their own fates in a world that simultaneously promised and denied them the possibility of self-determination? From Palestine, to Namibia, to Kurdistan, and beyond, the legacies of the mandatory moment remain pressing questions today.
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Abbott, Nicholas J. "A Mulk of One's Own: Languages of Sovereignty, Statehood, and Dominion in the Eighteenth-Century “Empire of Hindustan”." Itinerario 44, no. 3 (December 2020): 474–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115320000303.
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AbstractOver the course of the eighteenth century, India's Mughal empire (1526–1858) fragmented into a number of regional polities that were, in turn, gradually subsumed under the paramount authority of the British East India Company. This essay describes concomitant developments in the empire's Persianate political language, particularly with regard to ideas of sovereignty, statehood, and dominion. It argues that by the mid-eighteenth century, the Mughal “empire of Hindustan” was increasingly framed as a territorialised governing institution comprising emerging provincial sovereignties rooted in local ruling households. This conceptual dispensation, however, remained ill-defined until the 1760s, when a treaty regime dominated by the Company built upon this language to concretise the empire as a confederacy of independent, sub-imperial states. The essay contends that in the short term, this redefinition bolstered the authority of incipient dynasties in provinces like Awadh, but in the longer term generated conflicts that abetted the expansion of colonial rule and laid conceptual foundations for British paramountcy in India.
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Datla, Kavita Saraswathi. "The Origins of Indirect Rule in India: Hyderabad and the British Imperial Order." Law and History Review 33, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 321–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248015000115.
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The main problem with the orthodox account of modern world politics is that it describes only one of these patterns of international order: the one that was dedicated to the pursuit of peaceful coexistence between equal and mutually independent sovereigns, which developed within the Westphalian system and the European society of states....Orthodox theorists have paid far too little attention to the other pattern of international order, which evolved during roughly the same period of time, but beyond rather than within Europe; not through relations between Europeans, but through relations between Europeans and non-Europeans. Instead of being based on a states-system, this pattern of order was based on colonial and imperial systems, and its characteristic practice was not the reciprocal recognition of sovereign independence between states, but rather the division of sovereignty across territorial borders and the enforcement of individuals' rights to their persons and property. The American Revolution and the “revolution” in Bengal posed new political questions for domestic British politics and inaugurated a new era for the British empire. As the British committed themselves to the administration of a vast population of non-Europeans in the Indian province of Bengal, and estimations of financial windfalls were presented to stockholders and politicians, the center of the British Empire came slowly to shift toward the East. The evolution of a system of indirect rule in India as it related to larger political questions being posed in Britain, partly because of its protracted and diverse nature, has not received the same attention. Attention to Indian states, in the scholarship on eighteenth century South Asia, has closely followed the expanding colonial frontier, focusing on those states that most engaged British military attention: Bengal, Mysore, and the Marathas. And yet, the eighteenth century should also command our attention as a crucial moment of transition from an earlier Indian Ocean world trading system, in which European powers inserted themselves as one sovereign authority among many, to that of being supreme political authorities of territories that they did not govern directly. India's native states, or “country powers,” as the British referred to them in the eighteenth century, underwrote the expansion of the East India Company in the East. The tribute paid by these states became an important financial resource at the company's disposal, as it attempted to balance its books in the late eighteenth century. Additionally, the troops maintained to protect these states were significant in Britain's late eighteenth century military calculations. These states, in other words, were absolutely central to the forging of the British imperial order, and generative of the very practices that came to characterize colonial expansion and governance.
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Kubiak, Krzysztof. "Mozambickie zmagania Portugalczyków w czasie I wojny światowej." Klio - Czasopismo Poświęcone Dziejom Polski i Powszechnym 51, no. 4 (December 30, 2019): 109–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/klio.2019.039.
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The historical literature devoted the Great War in Africa is dominated by the struggle between the German forces, superbly commanded by the initially lieutenant colonel, and finally general Major Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck and units of the British Empire. The main reason of such situation is that in the east of Africa, the Germans continued fighting until the ceasefire in Western Europe in November 1918. In this narrative, there is relatively little room for a broader description of the struggles between the Germans and the Portuguese in Mozambique. The Luzytan military effort was described mainly, and at the same time disapprovingly, by the British. The impression appears that Albion deprecating the Iberian ally tried to dump a significant portion of the responsibility for the South-East Africa failures. The intention of the author of this text is to show Portuguese actions in an objective manner, not burdened with the British imperial narrative. It serves, above all, the use of Portuguese materials. This is - according to the author's knowledge - the first such attempt in the area of Polish historical-military literature. The author discussed the course of armed operations between the Portuguese and German forces and their impact on the findings of international conferences building a new balance of power after the end of the Great War.
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LAIDLAW, ZOË. "“Justice to India – Prosperity to England – Freedom to the Slave!” Humanitarian and Moral Reform Campaigns on India, Aborigines and American Slavery." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 22, no. 2 (April 2012): 299–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186312000247.
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AbstractThis article considers British agitation against East India Company rule in India via an examination of the Aborigines Protection Society and the British India Society. Founded by humanitarians and moral reformers in the 1830s, these organisations placed India within a wide transnational context, which stretched from Britain's settler and plantation colonies to Liberia and the United States. However, in the wake of slave emancipation, British campaigners struggled to reconcile their universal understanding of humanity with their equally strong confidence in the benefits of ‘British civilisation’. Their nebulous and changeable programmes for reform failed to convince Britain's politicians and public that the challenges of free trade could be met by the exclusive use of free labour, or that all imperial subjects possessed equal rights. A fuller appreciation of these campaigns reveals the contradictions and occlusions inherent in mid-nineteenth century humanitarianism, and underscores the importance of a more geographically integrated approach to the history of opposition to Britain's empire.
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Maughan, Steven S. "Sisters and Brothers Abroad: Gender, Race, Empire and Anglican Missionary Reformism in Hawai‘i and the Pacific, 1858–75." Studies in Church History 54 (May 14, 2018): 328–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2017.18.
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British Anglo-Catholic and high church Anglicans promoted a new set of foreign missionary initiatives in the Pacific and South and East Africa in the 1860s. Theorizing new indigenizing models for mission inspired by Tractarian medievalism, the initiatives envisioned a different and better engagement with ‘native’ cultures. Despite setbacks, the continued use of Anglican sisters in Hawai‘i and brothers in Melanesia, Africa and India created a potent new imaginative space for missionary endeavour, but one problematized by the uneven reach of empire: from contested, as in the Pacific, to normal and pervasive, as in India. Of particular relevance was the Sandwich Islands mission, invited by the Hawaiian crown, where Bishop T. N. Staley arrived in 1862, followed by Anglican missionary sisters in 1864. Immensely controversial in Britain and America, where among evangelicals in particular suspicion of ‘popish’ religious practice ran high, Anglo-Catholic methods and religious communities mobilized discussion, denunciation and reaction. Particularly in the contested imperial space of an independent indigenous monarchy, Anglo-Catholics criticized what they styled the cruel austerities of evangelical American ‘puritanism’ and the ambitions of American imperialists; in the process they catalyzed a reconceptualized imperial reformism with important implications for the shape of the late Victorian British empire.
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Frankl, P. J. L. "Mombasa Cathedral and the CMS Compound: the Years of the East Africa Protectorate." History in Africa 35 (January 2008): 209–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.0.0017.
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Exactly when Islam arrived on the Swahili coast is difficult to say, but Mombasa was a Muslim town long before the arrival of Vasco da Gama in 1498. During the two centuries or so that the Portuguese-Christians occupied this part of the sea route from Europe to India there were churches in Mombasa and elsewhere in Swahililand, but none has endured. Modern Christianity dates from 1844, when Ludwig Krapf arrived in Mombasa. Before then Mombasa was a “wholly Mohammedan” town. Krapf, a German Lutheran, was employed by the Church Missionary Society (CMS) based in London. Failing to make any converts on the island, Krapf moved into the coastal hinterland, among the Nyika, where Islam was less in evidence and where, therefore, Krapf was more hopeful of success. With remarkable perspicacity he wrote: “Christianity and civilisation ever go hand in hand…. A black bishop and black clergy of the Protestant Church may, ere long, become a necessity in the civilisation of Africa.”In England, when attention was drawn to the east African slave trade, a settlement of liberated slaves was established on the mainland north of Mombasa island in 1875, and a church built (Emmanuel Church, Frere Town)—the first parcel of land in central Swahililand to be owned by European-Christians. There was still no church on the island. However, this was the zenith of the British imperial power and in the capital of almost every major British overseas possession, it was de rigueur—alongside the Secretariat and the Club—to have a Church of England cathedral.
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Zaman, Faridah. "Colonizing the Sacred: Allahabad and the Company State, 1797–1857." Journal of Asian Studies 74, no. 2 (March 23, 2015): 347–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911815000017.
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This article rethinks the complicated encounter between the East India Company and the built heritage of India in the early nineteenth century. Through an extended case study of the imperial mosque in Allahabad, which was periodically subject to British intervention over some sixty years, it traces vicissitudes in attitudes towards history, religion, and the social existence of Muslims in India generally and Allahabad in particular. The article argues for the need to look beyond the narrative of Britain's relationship with architecture as artefact or heritage—a relationship that took on institutional form in the 1860s—to the comparatively less familiar story of the Company State's prolonged and serious interest in the built environment, and specifically religious buildings, as part of the political economy of its rule. It demonstrates that such an interest was simultaneously a logical outcome of and a tension within the legitimating discourses that the Company State fashioned during the last half-century of its rule in India.
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Major, Andrea. "British Humanitarian Political Economy and Famine in India, 1838–1842." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 2 (April 2020): 221–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2019.293.
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AbstractThis article explores the nature and limitations of humanitarian political economy by discussing metropolitan British responses to a major famine that took place in the Agra region of north-central India in 1837–38. This disaster played a significant role in catalyzing wider debates about the impact of East India Company governance and the place of the subcontinent within the post-emancipation British Empire. By comparing the responses of organization such as the Aborigines Protection Society and British India Society to that of proponents of the newly emergent indenture system, the paper seeks to contextualize responses to the famine in terms both of longer histories of famine in South Asia and of the specific imperial circumstances of the late 1830s. In doing so, it explores how ideas of agricultural distress in India fed into competing strategies to utilize Indian labor in the service of colonial commodity production both within India and around the empire.
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Bayly, C. A. "The Middle East and Asia during the Age of Revolutions, 1760–1830." Itinerario 10, no. 2 (July 1986): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300007555.
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My interest in this period of imperial history arose first from attempts to find a more general context within which to understand the British conquest of India between 1790 and 1820 and second from an uneasy feeling that our overseas history in Cambridge before 1880 was simply disappearing, and that this would result in the fatal weakening of much of the rest. By ‘overseas history’ I mean: finding a broader context of debate and comparison within which to set more detailed work on particular regions. It is perhaps the very success of such generalising and comparison for the later 19th century — the partition of Africa debate — and the twentieth century debates on the ‘crisis of empires’, ‘depression to independence’ and the new nation states which has had this effect on foreshortening.
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Osborne, Myles. "British Visions, African Voices: The “Imperial” and the “Colonial” in World War II." Itinerario 44, no. 2 (August 2020): 287–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115320000169.
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AbstractThis article is focused on a magazine called Jambo, which was published by the British East Africa Command for troops in its employ between 1942 and 1945. Jambo was an agglomeration of political articles, general interest stories, propaganda, cartoons, crosswords, and more, with many of its contributions authored (or drawn) by men serving in the Allied forces. Here, I use Jambo to consider notions of the “colonial” and “imperial” during the Second World War, exploring how the realities of racial segregation in the colonies fit awkwardly with imperial service. Jambo also permits us a window into the views of some hundreds of British servicemen, who wrote extensively about the Africans with whom they served, revealing the complexities and shifts in British perceptions of African peoples during the conflict. Jambo is unique in another respect: it also provided a forum for African troops. In few other publications—and even fewer with such wide circulation—could educated (but nonelite) African peoples reach thousands of British readers. Though their published letters and articles were few compared to those written by Jambo's British authors, African writers used the venue to critique the conditions of their military service, argue about the sort of social ordering they desired in their home communities, and create an alternate narrative of the war. Like most colonial publications, Jambo had intended audiences, but also voracious, additional, alternate publics that mediated the articles which appeared in its pages. All this suggests that we might think of the colonial public sphere as both local and global, inward and outward looking, personal and communal, and situated along a continuum between colonial and imperial contexts.
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Flannery, Kristie Patricia. "Battlefield Diplomacy and Empire-building in the Indo-Pacific World during the Seven Years’ War." Itinerario 40, no. 3 (December 2016): 467–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115316000668.
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In 1762, at the height of the Seven Years’ War, Britain’s Royal Navy and East India Company mobilised a motley army of Europeans, South Asians, and Africans and invaded Manila, the capital of Spain’s Asian Empire. The Black Legend blinded the British to the complexities of the real balance of power in the Philippines. The Spanish colonial government quickly raised militias of Spaniards, Mexicans, Chinese mestizos, and indigenous Filipinos who ultimately defeated the British. The loyalties of the soldiers of many nations who converged in Manila could not be taken for granted. This article examines the ongoing bargaining that took place between imperial officials and soldiers, revealing the crucial role that negotiation played in eighteenth-century empire building beyond the Atlantic. War transformed fighting men of many nations into important historical actors who determined the outcome of the Seven Years’ War in the Indo-Pacific world.