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Journal articles on the topic 'Imperialism and science'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 August 2024

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1

van der Putten, Frans-Paul. "Small Powers and Imperialism The Netherlands in China, 1886–1905." Itinerario 20, no. 1 (March 1996): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021562.

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Ever since its publication in 1966, Tussen Neutraliteit en Imperialisme (‘Between Neutrality and Imperialism’) has been the standard work on Dutch policy towards China between 1863 and 1901. In this study the author, F. van Dongen, stresses the adherence to neutrality towards the strong European neighbour states as the fundamental guideline for Dutch foreign policy, not only within Europe but also in the Far East. This policy stemmed from the fact that the European balance-of-power system had been extended to China in the late nineteenth century, through the participation of most European states in imperialist policies concerning that country. According to Van Dongen this adherence to neutrality slowed down imperialist tendencies, as the Netherlands were anxious to avoid entering in conflicts between the great powers, but at the same time the Dutch were forced to ‘play a modest part in the common Western policy towards China’. Whenever the great powers took a united stand the Netherlands must follow suit. So as a result of its European policy the Netherlands joined the imperialist powers in China, although usually careful not to take the initiative. The Netherlands were, therefore, classified by Van Dongen as a reluctant and generally passive element of imperialism in China: ‘the Dutch were at worst accessories after the fact’. Finally he concluded that whenever Dutch actions concerning China ‘savoured of imperialism, this was not the result of a deliberate policy to exercise control over the empire or to obtain Chinese territory, but an almost accidental by-product of the general aim of promoting the Netherlands’ economic interest'.

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2

Maerk, Johannes. ""Ciência Cover" em ciências humanas e ciências sociais na América Latina." Conhecimento & Diversidade 9, no. 17 (October 4, 2017): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.18316/rcd.v9i17.3411.

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Este pequeno ensaio trata de analisar o porquê de haver uma longa tradição nas ciências humanas e sociais na América Latina de importar, indiscriminadamente, teorias e conceitos dos países do Norte. Chamamos “Ciência Cover” a atitude de copiar os conceitos estranhos à realidade social latino-americana. Ao mesmo tempo, há esforços importantes de elaboração própria, como a teoria da dependência, a sociologia da exploração e o conceito de "imperialismo interno", que apontam para uma autêntica construção latino-americana de conhecimento.Palavras-chave: Ciência Cover. América Latina. Teoria da independência. Sociologia da exploração. Imperialismo interno."Science Cover" in Humanities and social sciences in Latin AmericaAbstractThis small essay tries to analyze why there is a long tradition in Latin American humanities and social sciences to import theories and concepts from the countries of the North. I call “cover science” an attitude of importing ideas and concepts from other regions and of applying them indiscriminately to local social realities. At the same time, there are important efforts of authentic Latin American knowledge construction such as dependency theory, the sociology of exploitation or the concept of "internal imperialism”.Keywords: Science cover. Latin America. Theory of independence. Sociology of exploration. Internal imperialism.

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3

Plys, Kristin. "Theorizing Capitalist Imperialism for an Anti-Imperialist Praxis." Journal of World-Systems Research 27, no. 1 (March 21, 2021): 288–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2021.1022.

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How does one craft an explicitly left theory of anti-imperialism that would animate an anti-imperialist praxis? World-systems analysis has a long history of engagement with theories of anti-imperialism from an explicitly Leninist perspective. For the founding fathers of World-Systems Analysis—Immanuel Wallerstein, Giovanni Arrighi, Samir Amin, and Andre Gunder Frank—anti-imperialism was an early central concern. Each of the four founders of world-systems analysis reads Lenin’s theory of imperialism seriously, but each has slightly different interpretations. One significant commonality they share is that they adopt Lenin’s periodization of imperialism, seeing imperialism as emergent in the late 19th century as part of a particular stage within the historical development of capitalism. However, as I will argue in this essay, perhaps it would be preferable to temporally expand Lenin’s concept of imperialism. Walter Rodney’s concept of “capitalist imperialism,” as I shall show in this essay, similarly calls Lenin’s periodization into question. Thereby, putting Rodney in conversation with Amin, Arrighi, Frank, and Wallerstein, leads me to further historicize world-systems’ theories of global imperialism thereby refining existing theories and levying that to build stronger praxis.

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4

Ford, Joseph Brandon, and Lewis Feuer. "Imperialism and the Anti-Imperialist Mind." Contemporary Sociology 17, no. 3 (May 1988): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069608.

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5

Danail, Akrm E. "The Role of Literature in Challenging Cultural Imperialism." Cihan University-Erbil Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 6, no. 1 (February 10, 2022): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24086/cuejhss.v6n1y2022.pp35-39.

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The reality of cultural imperialism is a subject that has been extensively explored by many scholars. Many writers have written out their thoughts about this crucial topic. In this sense, it is imperative to understand that imperialism would not exist without the establishment of an Empire. However, all dominated territories have experienced a high level of cultural imperialism; and this structure has affected their lives, history, identity, uniqueness, and the way they live. The truth is that the superior force subjugates the weaker one and imposes its culture over it and this is where the theorization of cultural imperialism begins to come into form. However, this mindset of cultural imperialism has made the modern superpower to continue to influence the way other nations of the world live even without the cultural consensus. The expansion of the modern Empire brought about colonialism and eventually led to cultural imperialism. The writers have tried to write in a way that reflects the resistant spirit in which the literature is used in challenging this peculiar phenomenon. It is in this sense this study examines how literature becomes an effective weapon in challenging cultural imperialism—a new form of imperialist system that we experience in recent times.

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6

Gross, Alan G., Peter Dear, Marcello Pera, William R. Shea, and Mark Turner. "Rhetorical Imperialism in Science." College English 55, no. 1 (January 1993): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/378370.

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7

Woods, Colleen. "Seditious Crimes and Rebellious Conspiracies: Anti-communism and US Empire in the Philippines." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (January 9, 2017): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416669423.

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This article details how US colonial policymakers and Filipino political elites, intent on fostering a non-revolutionary Philippine nationalism in the late 1920s and 1930s, produced an anti-communist politics aimed at eliminating or delegitimizing radical anti-imperialism. Communist-inspired, anti-imperial activists placed US imperialism in the Philippines within the framework of western imperialism in Asia, thereby challenging the anti-imperial ideology of the US empire. Americans and elite Filipinos met this challenge by repressing radical, anti-imperialist visions of Philippine independence through inter-colonial surveillance and cooperation, increased policing, mass imprisonment, and the outlawing of communist politics in the Philippines.

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8

Schefke, Brian. "The Hudson’s Bay Company as a Context for Science in the Columbia Department." Scientia Canadensis 31, no. 1-2 (January 23, 2009): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/019755ar.

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Abstract This article aims to elucidate and analyze the links between science, specifically natural history, and the imperialist project in what is now the northwestern United States and western Canada. Imperialism in this region found its expression through institutions such as the Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC). I examine the activities of naturalists such as David Douglas and William Tolmie Fraser in the context of the fur trade in the Columbia Department. Here I show how natural history aided Britain in achieving its economic and political goals in the region. The key to this interpretation is to extend the role of the HBC as an imperial factor to encompass its role as a patron for natural history. This gives a better understanding of the ways in which imperialism—construed as mercantile, rather than military—delineated research priorities and activities of the naturalists who worked in the Columbia Department.

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9

JOHNSON, J. A. "German Science Abroad: Cultural Imperialism and Exact Sciences." Science 231, no. 4736 (January 24, 1986): 414–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.231.4736.414.

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10

Malpass, M. "Andean Imperialism." Science 260, no. 5109 (May 7, 1993): 832–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.260.5109.832-a.

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11

Knott, Janae. "Thought Leadership and Women’s Liberation Politics." Caribbean Quilt 6, no. 2 (February 4, 2022): 60–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/cq.v6i2.36953.

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Claudia Jones’ life and intellectual work have made impactful contributions in several spaces, including Marxist-Leninist ideology and anti-imperialism discourse. This review analyzes The Left of Karl Marx: The Political Life of Black Communist Claudia Jones written by Carol Boyce Davies. Davies offers valuable insight into Jones’ anti-imperialist ideas, which are layered as she believed imperialism was the root cause of racism and fascism. Further- more, Davies draws upon a wide range of Jones’ journalistic pieces to highlight the impact she has had in areas like Communist ideology and women’s political liberation.

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12

Nunan, Timothy. "“Doomed to Good Relations”." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 1 (2022): 39–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01056.

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Abstract This article sheds new light on the end of the Cold War and the fate of anti-imperialism in the twentieth century by exploring how the Soviet Union and the Islamic Republic of Iran achieved a rapprochement in the late 1980s. Both the USSR and Iran had invested significant resources into presenting themselves as the leaders of the anti-imperialist movement and “the global movement of Islam,” and both the Soviet and Iranian governments sought to export their models of anti-imperialist postcolonial statehood to Afghanistan. However, by the mid-1980s both the Soviet Union and revolutionary Iran were forced to confront the limits to their anti-imperialist projects amid the increasing pull of globalization. Elites in both countries responded to these challenges by walking back their commitments from world revolution and agreeing to maintain the Najibullah regime in Afghanistan as a bulwark against Islamist forces hostile to Marxism-Leninism and Iran's brand of Islamic revolution. This joint pragmatic turn, however, contributed to a drought in anti-imperialist politics throughout the Middle East, leaving the more radical voices of transnational actors as one of the only consistent champions of anti-imperialism. Drawing on new sources from the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, as well as sources from Iran, Afghanistan, and the “Afghan Arabs,” the article sheds empirical and analytical light on discussions of the fate of anti-imperialism in the twilight of the Cold War.

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13

Golubovic, Natasa. "Social capital concept and economics 'imperialism'." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 128 (2009): 63–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0928063g.

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From the perspective of economic science social capital opened space for the analysis of social structure, social norms and institutions i.e. for the analysis of the long neglected influence of socio-cultural factors on economic changes and processes. Trying to explain how social structures emerge on the basis of individual optimization, i.e. to explain them by the logic of rational choice, economic science widened its analytical domain. The explanatory scope of the basic neoclassical principles has been considerably widened to incorporate what has previously been considered to be the analytical terrain of other social sciences. This process has been labeled in scientific circles as 'colonisation' of social sciences, or economics 'imperialism'. The goal of this paper is to determine the implications of these changes for the relation between economic science and other social sciences.

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14

Hall, Martin, and John M. Hobson. "Liberal International theory: Eurocentric but not always Imperialist?" International Theory 2, no. 2 (July 2010): 210–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971909990261.

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This article has two core objectives: first to challenge the conventional understanding of liberal international theory (which we do by focussing specifically on classical liberalism) and second, to develop much further postcolonialism’s conception of Eurocentrism. These twin objectives come together insofar as we argue that classical liberalism does not always stand for anti-imperialism/non-interventionism given that significant parts of it were Eurocentric and pro-imperialist. But we also argue that in those cases where liberals rejected imperialism they did so not out of a commitment to cultural pluralism, as we are conventionally told, but as a function of either a specific Eurocentric or a scientific racist stance. This, in turn, means that Eurocentrism can be reduced neither to scientific racism nor to imperialism. Thus while we draw on postcolonialism and its critique of liberalism as Eurocentric, we find its conception of Eurocentrism (and hence its vision of liberalism) to be overly reductive. Instead we differentiate four variants of ‘polymorphous Eurocentrism’ while revealing how two of these rejected imperialism and two supported it. And by revealing how classical liberalism was embedded within these variants of Eurocentrism so we recast the conventional interpretation. In doing so, we bring to light the ‘protean career of polymorphous liberalism’ as it crystallizes in either imperialist or anti-imperialist forms as a function of the different variants of Eurocentrism within which it is embedded. Finally, because two of these variants underpinmodernliberalism (as discussed in the Conclusions) so we challenge international relations scholars to rethink their conventional understanding of both classical- and modern-liberalism, as much as we challenge postcolonialists to rethink their conception of Eurocentrism.

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15

Carchedi, Guglielmo, and Michael Roberts. "The Economics of Modern Imperialism." Historical Materialism 29, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 23–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341959.

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Abstract This work focuses exclusively on the modern economic aspects of imperialism. We define it as a persistent and long-term net appropriation of surplus value by the high-technology imperialist countries from the low-technology dominated countries. This process is placed within the secular tendential fall in profitability, not only in the imperialist countries but also in the dominated ones. We identify four channels through which surplus value flows to the imperialist countries: currency seigniorage; income flows from capital investments; unequal exchange through trade; and changes in exchange rates. We pay particular attention to the theorisation and quantification of international UE and of exchange-rate movements. Concerning UE, we extend Marx’s transformation procedure to the international setting. We use two variables in the analysis of UE: the organic composition of capital and the rate of exploitation, and we measure which of these two variables is more important in contributing to UE transfers. We research a time span longer than in any previous study. We also introduce the distinction between narrow and broad unequal exchange according to whether two countries are assumed to trade only with each other or also with the rest of the world. As for the analysis of the exchange rates as a channel for appropriation of international surplus value, we reject conventional approaches because they are rooted in equilibrium theory. We find very strong empirical evidence that exchange rates tend towards the point at which the productivities are equalised. This is only a tendency because this equalisation is inherently incompatible with the nature of imperialism. Finally, given its topicality, we apply our analysis to the relation between the US and China and find that China is not an imperialist country according to our definition and data.

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16

Britigan, Bradley, Arnold Strauss, and Jeff Susman. "Salami science or editorial imperialism?" Journal of Pediatrics 157, no. 3 (September 2010): 518–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpeds.2010.07.034.

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17

RAFFERTY, ANNE M. "Science, Medicine and Cultural Imperialism." Nursing History Review 5, no. 1 (January 1997): 230–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1062-8061.5.1.230.

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18

Gross, Alan G. "Review: Rhetorical Imperialism in Science." College English 55, no. 1 (January 1, 1993): 82–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.58680/ce19939334.

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19

Crowhurst, Andrew. "Empire Theatres and the Empire: The Popular Geographical Imagination in the Age of Empire." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 15, no. 2 (April 1997): 155–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d150155.

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The role of the emerging mass media in informing popular attitudes towards imperialism in late-Victorian and Edwardian Britain is explored through a case study of music hall. It is argued that, in contrast to practices adopted in other media, music hall songs and sketches contributed little to the nurturing of an imperialist popular imagination. I take issue with the assertion first made by J A Hobson in The Psychology of Jingoism that music halls promoted militarist and imperialist activities and fostered a popular chauvinism. I also suggest that although music hall songs and sketches purveyed images of racial difference they did not contribute to the discourse of racial supremacy upon which the moral justification of British imperialism rested. Rather, the halls celebrated the emergence of a culture of consumption that transcended social and ethnic boundaries and confronted the dominant ascetic value system of the Victorian bourgeoisie.

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20

Fourie, Pieter. "The politics of science and imperialism." Kleio 38, no. 1 (January 2006): 70–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00232080685310051.

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21

Fassbinder, Samuel. "Mainstream Social Science, Imperialism, and Philosophy." Capitalism Nature Socialism 25, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 121–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10455752.2014.972073.

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22

Arisaka, Yoko. "Beyond “East and West” Nishida's Universalism and Postcolonial Critique." Review of Politics 59, no. 3 (1997): 541–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500027716.

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During the 1930s and 1940s, many Japanese intellectuals resisted Western cultural imperialism. This theoretical movement was unfortunately complicit with wartime nationalism. Kitaro Nishida, the founder of modern Japanese philosophy and the leading figure of the Kyoto School, has been the focus of a controversy as to whether his philosophy was inherently nationalist or not. Nishida's defenders claim that his philosophical “universalism” was incompatible with the particularistic nationalism of Japan's imperialist state. From the standpoint of postcolonial critique, it is argued that this defense is insufficient. Philosophical universalism is not in itself anti-imperialist, but can in fact contribute to imperialist ideology.

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23

Ferreira, Andrey Cordeiro. "Statism, colonialism, and imperialism: towards an autonomous theory of the multipolar world and territorialized/ethnicized/gendered reproduction of powers." Estudos Sociedade e Agricultura 32, no. 1 (June 27, 2024): e2432106. http://dx.doi.org/10.36920/esa32-1_06.

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This article attempts to conduct a critical theoretical review of the concepts of imperialism and colonialism (as well as related concepts such as internal colonialism, colonial situation, neocolonialism, coloniality, and post-colonialism) and proposes some insights for social science analysis. Although the concepts of colonialism and imperialism are widely cited in the political lexicon and social sciences, their use remains controversial; some authors still utilize the concept of imperialism while others refute its validity. We understand that these definitions are necessary, since the concepts of imperialism and colonialism are indispensable for thinking about the complex reality of the global system in the twenty-first century. Their validity, however, requires a critique of the economistic and Eurocentric aspects that guided many formulations on this topic. Varied and complex forms of colonialism and imperialism continue to shape world history, and we consequently need to be able to perceive their existence and analyze their dynamics. Here we lay the groundwork for a new theory of imperialism and colonialism as a global relationship of heteronomy and accumulation founded on structural discrimination based on ethnicity, gender, and territory that is capable of going beyond the limits of ethnocentric and developmentalist/modernist paradigms of historical knowledge.

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24

Phuyel, Shyam Prasad, and Tara Nath Ghimire. "Meta- analysis: Base of Major Social Science Theories." Patan Prospective Journal 3, no. 01 (October 9, 2023): 143–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ppj.v3i01.59028.

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Meta-analytic techniques in social science analysis are becoming increasingly relevant today. In this article, we will present how a meta-analysis method can be a useful base for sociologists. Different methods for meta-analysis, unique "concept-driven" literature searches. However, this search strategy may limit the researcher's ability to fully exploit the substantial body of pertinent research in fields with high theoretical diversity, such as social science. We tend to adopt a "beat-driven" strategy, where repetitive searches and updated computerized search techniques are used to find more publications cross disciplinary. This measure-based search approach is typically illustrated by two meta-analyses that look at how various social factors affect the all-cause mortality rate. A trend like imperialism might be a jumble of different perspectives on what humanity means. Imperialism, both political and economic, is occasionally mentioned. Imperialism is not limited to historical methods, political or economic facets. Instead, imperialism may be a collection of various human endeavors. To reach a conclusion, systematic reviews and meta-analyses combine the findings of various studies. While meta-analyses of applied scientific discipline analysis may run into practical issues due to the nature of the analysis domain, they are particularly useful for combining evidence to inform policy. Data from secondary sources were used to write this article.

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25

CHARBONNEAU, BRUNO. "The imperial legacy of international peacebuilding: the case of Francophone Africa." Review of International Studies 40, no. 3 (February 13, 2014): 607–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210513000491.

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AbstractComparisons of peacebuilding with historic practices of imperialism are common, but these comparisons have sustained a hegemonic antagonism between humanitarian and imperialist interpretations of international peace intervention. This article argues that this common framing externalises the problem of intervention, romanticises local resistance, and forecloses to investigation the articulation between militarised peace practices and transnational capitalist relations. To do so, the article analyses the case of Francophone Africa, thus providing a context that has been left unexplored in peacebuilding debates. By bringing back in the historicity of particular Franco-African imperial experiences into peacebuilding research, the article reveals the militarisation of politics, transnational elite networks, and the dominant intellectual predispositions that work to reproduce the legitimacy of hegemonic practices of ‘peace’ interventionism. In the last section, the article analyses the debates over the UN-French 2011 intervention in Côte d'Ivoire to reveal the connections between the ethics of humanitarian interventions and the political economy of imperialism. The article concludes that the imperial legacy of peacebuilding is found in old capabilities, new organising logics, and specific practices and power relations and that to focus on the humanitarian-imperialist antagonism caricatures the relationships between ‘local’ and ‘international’ actors.

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26

CHIBBER, VIVEK. "THE RETURN OF IMPERIALISM TO SOCIAL SCIENCE." European Journal of Sociology 45, no. 3 (December 2004): 427–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975604001547.

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ONE OF THE CURIOUS DEVELOPMENTS in intellectual circles over the past few years is that the subject of imperialism is no longer a bailiwick of the Left. To be sure, so long as colonial empires were in strength, there was no denying the reality of European and American imperial expansion. But over the course of the post-war era, as decolonization rippled through the Third World and the formal mechanisms of colonial control were thrown overboard, any insistence on the continuing salience of imperialism became identified with left-wing ideologies. If it did enter mainstream debates, it was inevitably Soviet or, more generically, Communist imperial ambitions that were subjected to scrutiny.

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27

Mueller, Justin. "Temporality, sovereignty, and imperialism: When is imperialism?" Politics 36, no. 4 (July 8, 2016): 428–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395716644941.

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28

RIVIERE, PETER. "From science to imperialism: Robert Schomburgk's humanitarianism." Archives of Natural History 25, no. 1 (February 1998): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.1998.25.1.1.

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29

Frey, Bruno S. "From economic imperialism to social science inspiration." Public Choice 77, no. 1 (September 1993): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01049223.

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30

Dossa, Shiraz. "Liberal Imperialism?" Political Theory 30, no. 5 (October 2002): 738–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591702030005007.

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31

Zajácz, Rita. "Fragmented imperialism." International Communication Gazette 74, no. 1 (January 19, 2012): 78–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048511426996.

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32

Cowell, Frederick. "Inherent Imperialism." Journal of International Criminal Justice 15, no. 4 (September 1, 2017): 667–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqx041.

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33

Headrick, Daniel R., Clarence B. Davis, Kenneth E. Wilburn, and Ronald E. Robinson. "Railway Imperialism." International Journal of African Historical Studies 25, no. 1 (1992): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220184.

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34

Cai, Yinuo. "Science in Transnational Settings: Knowledge Exchange in Expeditions in 1920s Republican China." Communications in Humanities Research 2, no. 1 (February 28, 2023): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/2/2022333.

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The 1920s to the 1930s in Republican China witnessed rising academic interest in exploring Chinas frontier regions, both from abroad and within the nation. This paper examines the nature of foreign exploration in China at that time and the resulting exchange of knowledge that shaped sciences development worldwide. The exchange was facilitated through an elite network of international specialists in Beijing, while Chinese academics and local residents became increasingly indispensable to foreign investigatorsthanks to their local knowledge and control over the sites. Together, they not only contributed to the establishment of indigenous scientific institutions but advanced the geology, archaeology, and paleoanthropology fields internationally. However, the nominally objective work of Western scholars often masked hegemonic inclinations, both explicit and implicit, which tended to vary according to the country sponsoring each investigator. By the late 1920s, rising Chinese objections to foreign exploration caused conflicts between imperialist motivations and nationalistic powers. Thus, it would be equally a reductionist reading of history to simply assume Republican Chinas intelligentsia were the victims of imperialist aggression or to draw a rosy picture of transnational collaboration. This paper suggests that early twentieth-century Republican China offers a rich example of the intersection of scientific internationalism, imperialism, and nationalism.

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35

Gribanova, Valentina. "Neocolonialism in the Sphere of Education and Mass Media in Africa: Transition from Cultural to Digital Imperialism." ISTORIYA 14, S23 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840025593-1.

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For the majority of African countries dismantling of the colonial system in the middle of the Twentieth century resulted mostly in political independence with weak economical foundations. This reality paved their way from colonial to neocolonial dependence. Colonialism, in the modern sense, is not only the conquest and exploration of new territories, it is a way of thinking and interacting, a system of discursive operation of power. Neocolonialism, while pursuing the same goals as the classical colonial regime, was in many ways more complicated and sophisticated, affecting the fields of ideology, culture, science, education and information. In the 1970s, the thesis was put forward that cultural expansion was a kind of imperialism i.e. cultural imperialism. Since the late 1980s the term “cultural imperialism” has disappeared from the social sciences, while the phenomenon of indirect control of former colonies has remained. The question of the independence of the cultural and information sphere in Africa has not been resolved to these days. The countries of the African continent throughout the twentieth century were not equal participants in information interactions, acting either as objects of consideration and study or as consumers of information. Although in the first decade of the twenty-first century Africa experienced a boom in mobile communication and social networking, and the widespread diffusion of information technology inspired optimism and hope for a fair exchange of information, at that time there was talk of imperialism again, but this time of informational or digital imperialism. Although the term is not yet universally accepted, it represents a form of neo-colonialism aimed at the continued exploitation of African peoples.

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36

Glassman, Jim. "The New Imperialism? On Continuity and Change in US Foreign Policy." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 37, no. 9 (September 2005): 1527–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a37157.

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The unilateral militarism of the George W Bush administration has rekindled interest in imperialism within geography and elsewhere in the social sciences, leading some authors to refer to a new imperialism, or neo-imperialism. This paper critically interrogates the notion that the foreign policy of this administration represents a significant break from past US practices, with the use of concepts from Gramsci and Poulantzas to analyze the class and class-fractional bases of US foreign policy both during and after the Cold War. It is argued that there are certain important continuities in contemporary US imperialism and that there are also differences that owe to the present, post-Cold-War context. It is suggested that if this analysis of continuities is correct then the problems and dangers posed by the “new imperialism” may not be as readily resolvable within a capitalist framework as is suggested by various contemporary commentators.

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Dingwall, Robert. "Imperialism or encirclement?" Society 43, no. 6 (September 2006): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02698482.

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Kuorikoski, Jaakko, and Aki Lehtinen. "Economics Imperialism and Solution Concepts in Political Science." Philosophy of the Social Sciences 40, no. 3 (July 28, 2009): 347–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0048393109341452.

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VOLCHIK, VYACHESLAV. "INTERDISCIPLINARITY IN ECONOMIC SCIENCE: BETWEEN IMPERIALISM AND PLURALISM." Terra Economicus 13, no. 4 (December 2015): 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2073-6606-2015-4-52-64.

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Jung, Herin. "Another aspects of Fujitsuka Jikashi -Philology, Science, Imperialism-." Korean Silhak Review 44 (December 31, 2022): 85–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.23945/kss.44.85.121.

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Bush, Ray, Giuliano Martiniello, and Claire Mercer. "Humanitarian imperialism." Review of African Political Economy 38, no. 129 (September 2011): 357–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2011.602539.

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Jin, Dal Yong. "The Construction of Platform Imperialism in the Globalization Era." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 11, no. 1 (January 11, 2013): 145–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v11i1.458.

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In the early 21st century, platforms, known as digital media intermediaries, have greatly influenced people’s daily lives. Due to the importance of platforms for the digital economy and culture, including intellectual property and participatory culture, several countries have developed their own social network sites and Web portals. Nonetheless, a handful of Western countries, primarily the U.S., have dominated the global platform market and society. This paper aims to historicize the concept of imperialism in the globalized 21st century. It investigates whether the recent growth of American-based platforms has resulted in a change to the fundamental idea of the imperialism thesis by analyzing the evolutionary nature of imperialism towards platform imperialism. It then addresses whether we are experiencing a new notion of imperialism by mapping out several core characteristics that define platform imperialism, including the swift growth and global dominance of SNSs and smartphones. It pays close attention to the capitalization of platforms and their global expansion, including the major role of intellectual property rights as the most significant form of capital accumulation in the digital age. It eventually endeavors to make a contribution to the platform imperialism discourse as a form of new imperialism, focusing on the nexus of great powers.

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Cotton, James. "Japan's new imperialism." International Affairs 67, no. 2 (April 1991): 394. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620951.

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Barber, Benjamin R. "Imperialism or Interdependence?" Security Dialogue 35, no. 2 (June 2004): 237–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010604044982.

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Canterbury, Dennis C. "European Bloc Imperialism." Critical Sociology 35, no. 6 (November 2009): 801–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920509343070.

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Ruccio, David. "Globalization and imperialism." Rethinking Marxism 15, no. 1 (January 2003): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0893569032000063592.

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Levitas, Ruth. "The New Imperialism." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 34, no. 3 (May 2005): 298–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610503400344.

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Shaw, Debra Benita. "Aliens And Imperialism." Science as Culture 12, no. 2 (June 2003): 257–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09505430309015.

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Clark, William C. "Environmental Imperialism?" Environment: Science and Policy for Sustainable Development 35, no. 7 (September 1993): i. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00139157.1993.9929986.

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Belmonte, Carmen, and Laura Moure Cecchini. "Introduction: Critical issues in the study of visual and material culture of Italian colonialism." Modern Italy 27, no. 4 (November 2022): 327–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2022.38.

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In this special issue of Modern Italy, four early-career scholars examine how the study of objects and images rooted in Fascist imperialist history enables a sustained interrogation of Italy's colonial imaginary. Their articles explore the diverse possibilities offered by the study of visual and material culture for scholars of imperialism, as it is precisely this realm of visual and material culture that emerges as a site of negotiation in which different individuals and constituencies contended with the regime's ideology.

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