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Journal articles on the topic 'Imperialism – India'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Merivirta, Raita. "Valkoisen linssin läpi." Lähikuva – audiovisuaalisen kulttuurin tieteellinen julkaisu 32, no. 4 (March 16, 2020): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.23994/lk.90785.

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Englantilaisen Richard Attenborough’n ohjaama Gandhi (1982) on Mohandas K. Gandhin (1869–1948) elämää ihailevasti tarkasteleva historiallinen suurelokuva, joka kuvaa nimihenkilön elämän ohella myös sitä, kuinka brittiläinen imperiumi luopui Intiasta vuonna 1947 intialaisten vuosikymmeniä kestäneen itsenäisyyskamppailun jälkeen.Tässä artikkelissa Gandhia luetaan brittien itselleen kertomana tarinana imperialismistaan ja kolonialismistaan ja niiden päättymisestä Intiassa. Tähän liittyy kiinteästi kysymys rotusuhteista kolonisoidussa Intiassa. Artikkelissa kysytään mitä Gandhi kertoo katsojilleen imperialismista, kolonialismista ja britti-hallinnosta Intiassa? Mikä merkitys on Gandhia alinomaa ympäröivillä valkoisilla henkilöillä? Käytän elokuvan tarkasteluun postkoloniaalista näkökulmaa yhdistettynä kulttuurihistorialliseen lähestymistapaan.Siitä huolimatta, että Gandhi suhtautuu nimihenkilöönsä ja tämän väkivallattomaan vastarintaan kunnioittavasti ja myönteisesti, elokuva myös kaunistelee britti-imperialismia ja siihen liittynyttä rasismia ja nostaa keskeiseen asemaan valkoisia, angloamerikkalaisia toimijoita monien intialaisten itsenäisyystaistelijoiden ohi. Gandhi onkin imperialismin ja kolonialismin vastaisuudestaan huolimatta erinomainen esimerkki eurosentrisen diskurssin hallitsemasta elokuvasta ja valkopestystä historian tulkinnasta. Elokuvaan on kirjoitettu runsaasti valkoisia, länsimaisia henkilöitä, jotka eivät elokuvan kuvaamien tapahtumien ja tulkintojen kannalta olisi olleet historiallisesti välttämättömiä. Gandhi kuvaa ”tavalliset britit” hyvinä yksilöinä ja ”tavalliset intialaiset” potentiaalisesti väkivaltaisina ja väkijoukkojen osana. Brittiläinen Intia ei elokuvassa tunnusta rasistisuuttaan, vaan kysymys imperialismista esitetään kysymyksenä Intian parhaasta hallinnosta ja hallinnasta.Through a White Lens: Imperialism, Racialization and Media in GandhiThe British film Gandhi (1982), directed by the English filmmaker Richard Attenborough, presents an admiring portrait of the Indian leader Mohandas K. Gandhi (1869–1948). Along with the life of the mahatma, the grand historical film also depicts (by necessity) the Indian independence struggle and the withdrawal of the British from India in 1947. In this article, Gandhi is read as a British narrative about British imperialism, colonialism, and the decolonization of India. These are inextricably intertwined with racial relations in colonial India.The article examines what Gandhi tells its viewers about imperialism, colonialism, and the British rule in India and asks, what is the meaning of all the white characters surrounding Gandhi. The film is analyzed from a postcolonial perspective.Despite the film’s respectful and admiring take on Gandhi and his philosophy and method of nonviolence, Gandhi also sanitizes British imperialism and racism, and has white, Anglo-American characters in central roles, all the while omitting or downplaying the role of many central Indian historical figures. It can be argued that though Gandhi is written in principle as an anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist text, it is also a prime example of Eurocentric and whitewashed historical interpretation. A number of white, Western characters who are not historically integral or necessary to the story being told have been included in the film. “Ordinary Brits” are depicted as good guys in Gandhi – British imperialists are an estranged elite – whereas “ordinary Indians” appear as potentially violent members of a mob. The British India of Gandhi does not admit its racist character, and the question of imperialism is presented as a question of the best possible governance of India.
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2

Bhambhri, C. P. "Imperialism in India." Social Scientist 13, no. 2 (February 1985): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3520189.

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3

Marshall, P. J. "DEBATE EARLY BRITISH IMPERIALISM IN INDIA." Past and Present 106, no. 1 (1985): 164–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/106.1.164.

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4

Abbas, Qaisar. "Media imperialism in India and Pakistan." Asian Journal of Communication 30, no. 1 (December 29, 2019): 79–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01292986.2019.1709518.

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5

Liddle, Joanna, and Rama Joshi. "Gender and Imperialism in British India." South Asia Research 5, no. 2 (November 1985): 147–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026272808500500206.

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6

Tunick, Mark. "Tolerant Imperialism: John Stuart Mill's Defense of British Rule in India." Review of Politics 68, no. 4 (October 27, 2006): 586–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670506000246.

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Some critics of John Stuart Mill understand him to advocate the forced assimilation of people he regards as uncivilized and to defend toleration and the principle of liberty only for civilized people of the West. Examination of Mill's social and political writings and practice while serving the British East India Company shows, instead, that Mill is a tolerant imperialist: Mill defends interference in India to promote the protection of legal rights, respect and toleration for conflicting viewpoints, and a commercial society that can cope with natural threats. He does not think the principle of liberty is waived for the uncivilized or that the West should forcibly reshape them in its own monistic image. Mill's tolerant imperialism reflects a tension between liberty and moral development that also surfaces when Mill thinks about the scope of government in civilized societies.
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7

Rahman, Tariq. "British Language Policies and Imperialism in India." Language Problems and Language Planning 20, no. 2 (January 1, 1996): 91–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.20.2.01rah.

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ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Sprachenpolitik und Imperialismus Großbritanniens in Indien Im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert ist die britische Sprachenpolitik in Indien von einer Kontroverse zwischen Orientalisten und Anglisten gekennzeichnet. Beide Seiten verfolgen dasselbe Ziel: eine Festigung der britischen Herrschaft über Indien. Die Meinungen scheiden sich an der Frage, ob die örtlichen Sprachen mit den Verkehrssprachen aus vorbritischer Zeit oder Englisch das beste Mittel zu diesem Zweck sind. Die Gegensätze wurzeln inunterschiedlichen im Westen verbreiteten Auffassungen vom Orient. Ein gutes Indiz für den Grad der Umsetzung der jeweiligen Auffassung ist die Sprache der unteren Gerichtsbarkeit und der örtlichen Verwaltung in Indien. Hier kommt es zu einem Wechsel von einer Politik des Persischen, Hindustani und Sanskrit um 1780 über eine Zwischenphase mit örtlichen Sprachen zum Englischen ab etwa 1830. Die Kontroverse zwischen Orientalisten und Anglisten stellt den sprachlichen Niederschlag einer Veränderung der englischen Auffassung von Indien zu Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts dar. Die Untersuchung dieser Kontroverse zeigt einen engen Zusammenhang zwischen Sprachenpolitik und politischer Macht. RESUMO La britaj lingvopolitiko kaj imperiismo en Hindio La britan lingvopolitikon en la 18-a kaj 19-a jarcentoj en Hindio karakterizis disputo inter orientistoj kaj anglistoj. Ambaŭ partioj celis al plifortigo de la brita rego super Hindio, sed ili malsamopiniis pri la demando ĉu la pli bona ilo por atingi tiun celon estis la lokaj lingvoj kun la interlingvoj uzitaj dum la antaübrita islama rego, aŭ la angla. La disputo originis en malsamaj perceptoj pri la oriento inter okcidentanoj. Taŭga indikilo pri la grado de realigo de certaj eroj de la du vidpunktoj estas la lingvoj uzataj en la malaltnivelaj jugejoj kaj en la loka administrado en Hindio. Observeblas transiro de politiko uzanta la persan, la hindustanan kaj la sanskritan en la 1780-aj jaroj, tra intera periodo kun lokaj lingvoj al uzado de la angla ekde la 1830-aj jaroj. La disputo inter orientistoj kaj anglistoj povas esti konsiderata lingva esprimo de la percepto pri Hindio fare de angloj en la frua 19-a jarcento. Gia studo montras senperan rilaton inter lingvopolitiko kaj politika potenco.
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8

Sonwalkar, Prasun. "India: Makings of Little Cultural/Media Imperialism?" Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 63, no. 6 (December 2001): 505–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0016549201063006003.

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9

Vetter, Lara. "H.D., India, and Gendered Narratives of Imperialism." Review of English Studies 67, no. 278 (November 30, 2015): 146–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgv105.

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10

Wink, André. "AFGHAN CARAVAN TRADE AND IMPERIALISM IN INDIA." Chungará (Arica), ahead (2018): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0717-73562018005001603.

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11

Gibson, Mary Ellis. "INTRODUCTION: ENGLISH IN INDIA, INDIA IN ENGLAND." Victorian Literature and Culture 42, no. 3 (June 6, 2014): 325–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150314000011.

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As we planned this special issue of Victorian Literature and Culture, the editors of VLC and I engaged in a lively exchange – what title could capture such a sprawling arena of concern? Victorian India seemed short and sweet. And yet one must ask, which Victorian India? Whose Victorian India? Do we mean India and Indians in the British Isles? British traders, soldiers, and administrators in Britain or Indian subjects across the subcontinent? What about an imagined Britain in India? An imagined India in Britain? The essays collected here represent varied answers to these questions. They also chart the recent parameters of what Albert Pionke calls in his essay “the epistemological problem of British India.” Before returning succinctly to the baker's dozen articles assembled here – for readers will want to encounter them without unnecessary commentary – I turn to the conjoined issues animating both these essays and much recent work on British imperialism: issues of historiography and epistemology.
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12

Akhtar, Asif. "Review essay: Global and comparative perspectives on media and development." Media, Culture & Society 43, no. 6 (July 17, 2021): 1168–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01634437211029887.

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This essay reviews the works ‘Television and the Afghan Culture Wars’ (University of Illinois Press) by Wazhmah Osman and ‘Media Imperialism in India and Pakistan’ (Routledge) by Farooq Sulehria as recent contributions to the fields of global and comparative media studies. It considers the overlapping themes in these works through ruberics of media imperialism and development in terms of growth of television industry in India, Pakistan and Afghanistan in the broad context of globalization and transnational media flows.
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13

Bose, Sugata, and B. R. Nanda. "Gandhi, Pan-Islamism, Imperialism and Nationalism in India." American Historical Review 97, no. 5 (December 1992): 1583. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166076.

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14

Schwarz, H. "Aesthetic Imperialism: Literature and the Conquest of India." Modern Language Quarterly 61, no. 4 (December 1, 2000): 563–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00267929-61-4-563.

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15

Bayly, Martin J. "Comrades against imperialism: Nehru, India, and interwar internationalism." International History Review 42, no. 6 (October 15, 2020): 1339–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2020.1831206.

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16

Kerswell, Timothy, and Surendra Pratap. "Labour imperialism in India: The case of SEWA." Geoforum 85 (October 2017): 20–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2017.07.001.

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17

Markovits, Claude. "Cosmopolitanism and Imperialism in Nineteenth-Century British India." Humanity: An International Journal of Human Rights, Humanitarianism, and Development 12, no. 1 (2021): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hum.2021.0003.

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18

Vicziany, Marika. "Imperialism, Botany and Statistics in early Nineteenth-Century India: The Surveys of Francis Buchanan (1762–1829)." Modern Asian Studies 20, no. 4 (October 1986): 625–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00013676.

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Buchanan arrived in India in 1794 and left in 1815. He was employed by the East India Company for these twenty years in a number of capacities but he is chiefly remembered today for two surveys he conducted: the first of Mysore in 1800 and the second of Bengal in 1807–14. These surveys have long been used by historians, anthropologists and Indian politicians to depict the nature of Indian society in the early years of British rule. Recently economic historians, Bagchi in particular, have used the ‘statistical’ tables compiled by Buchanan as a data base against which later statistical evidence about the Indian economy is measured. Bagchi believes that by doing this he can furnish firm proof of the extent to which British rule was detrimental to the people of India in the nineteenth century.
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19

Bogart, Dan, and Latika Chaudhary. "Extractive institutions? Investor returns to Indian railway companies in the age of high imperialism." Journal of Institutional Economics 15, no. 5 (September 12, 2019): 751–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137419000237.

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AbstractDid colonial policies in India deliver excessive returns to British investors? We answer this question using annual data on Indian securities trading on the London Stock Exchange. We present new series on market capitalization, capital gains, dividend yields, and total returns of railway securities from 1880 to 1929. The average annual total return on the largest and most important Indian railway securities was 3.7%. These returns were not excessive by any financial standard. Indeed, they were lower than the return on railway securities in North America, Latin America, and Asia. We also undertake an event study analysis to assess whether Indian railways significantly benefited British investors. When the Government of India purchased large positions in the private railway companies between 1880 and 1910, there were opportunities for profit making. However, we find no evidence of abnormal investor returns in the years leading to the purchase of railway companies. Broadly our findings call into question the extractive nature of colonial railway policy.
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20

Beattie, James. "Biota Barons, 'Neo-Eurasias' and Indian-New Zealand Informal Eco-Cultural Networks, 1830s–1870s." Global Environment 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 133–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/ge.2020.130105.

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This article examines informal (private and commercial) imperial networks and environmental modification by former English East India Company (EIC) employees in New Zealand, as well as the introduction of subcontinental species into that colony. Several very wealthy settlers from India, it argues, single-handedly introduced a cornucopia of Indian plants and animals into different parts of nineteenth-century New Zealand and used money earned in India to engage in large-scale environmental modification. Such was the scale of their enterprise 'in the business of shifting biota from place to place' and in remaking environments in parts of New Zealand that these individuals can be considered 'biota barons'. A focus on the informal eco-cultural networks they created helps refine the thesis of ecological imperialism. It also expands the more recent concept of neo-ecological imperialism, by highlighting the role of non-European natures and models in the re-making of Britain's colonies of settlement and by tracing exchanges between white settler colonies and colonies of extraction. In sum, the paper demonstrates the influence of particular private individuals with the necessary wealth and will to effect certain kinds of environmental change, and tentatively suggests that we might usefully consider Australasia as 'neo-Eurasias' rather than 'neo-Europes'.
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21

Rietzler, Katharina. "Counter-imperial orientalism: Friedrich Berber and the politics of international law in Germany and India, 1920s–1960s." Journal of Global History 11, no. 1 (February 8, 2016): 113–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022815000376.

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AbstractThe most trenchant critiques of Western international law are framed around the legacy of its historic complicity in the imperial project of governing non-European peoples. International law organized Europe and its ‘others’ into a hierarchy of civilizational difference that was only ever reconfigured but never overturned. But when analysing the complex relationship between international law and imperialism the differences within Europe – as opposed to a dyadic opposition of Europe versus the ‘rest’ – also matter. Within the historical and political constellations of the early and mid twentieth century, German difference produced a set of arguments that challenged dominant discourses of international law by posturing as anti-imperialist critique. This article focuses on the global career of Friedrich Berber (1898–1984), who, as a legal adviser in Nazi Germany and Nehru’s India, was at the forefront of state-led challenges to liberal international law. Berber fused notions of German civilizational superiority with an appropriation of Indian colonial victimhood, and pursued a shared politics of opposition. He embodied a version of German–Indian entanglement which did not abate after the Second World War, emphasizing the long continuities of empire, power differentials, civilizational hierarchies, and developmental logics under the umbrella of international law.
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22

Solomon, Rakesh H. "Culture, Imperialism, and Nationalist Resistance: Performance in Colonial India." Theatre Journal 46, no. 3 (October 1994): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3208610.

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23

Alston, Richard. "CHAPTER 3: DIALOGUES IN IMPERIALISM: ROME, BRITAIN, AND INDIA." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 53, Supplement_108 (June 1, 2010): 51–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2010.tb00028.x.

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24

Marwah, Inder S. "Provincializing Progress: Developmentalism and Anti-Imperialism in Colonial India." Polity 51, no. 3 (July 2019): 498–531. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/704190.

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25

Subbarayappa, B. V. "Modern science in India: A legacy of British imperialism?" European Legacy 1, no. 1 (March 1996): 132–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848779608579384.

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26

Watts, Ruth. "Mary Carpenter and India: Enlightened liberalism or condescending imperialism?" Paedagogica Historica 37, no. 1 (January 2001): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0030923010370112.

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27

Haddad, Emily A. "Digging to India: Modernity, Imperialism, and the Suez Canal." Victorian Studies 47, no. 3 (2005): 363–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2005.0095.

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28

Herbert, Eugenia W. "The Taj and the Raj: Garden imperialism in India." Studies in the History of Gardens & Designed Landscapes 25, no. 4 (October 2005): 250–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14601176.2005.10435447.

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29

Lau, Leung Kwok Prudence. "Contesting Imperialism in Modern Architecture: British India 1920s-1940s." International Journal of the Humanities: Annual Review 9, no. 2 (2011): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1447-9508/cgp/v09i02/58238.

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30

Joseph, George Gheverghese. "Cognitive encounters in India during the age of imperialism." Race & Class 36, no. 3 (January 1995): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030639689503600303.

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31

Klein, Ira. "Imperialism, ecology and disease: Cholera in India, 1850-1950." Indian Economic & Social History Review 31, no. 4 (December 1994): 491–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001946469403100403.

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32

Haddad, Emily A. "Digging to India: Modernity, Imperialism, and the Suez Canal." Victorian Studies 47, no. 3 (April 2005): 363–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/vic.2005.47.3.363.

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33

Hadžija, Sunaj, Jahja Fehratović, and Kimeta Hamidović. "The projection of colonialization and interculturalism throughout symbols in Forster's novel 'A passage to India'." Univerzitetska misao - casopis za nauku, kulturu i umjetnost, Novi Pazar, no. 19 (2020): 100–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/univmis2019100h.

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Imperialism emerged in the late 19th century. Europe's supremacy in various areas of life which led to the view that Europe is above other parts of the world that are uncivilized and culturally fell behind, and that needed to be civilized. This attitude lead to negative phenomena such as racism - contesting the rights of other races and colonialism - conquering territories inhabitated by people of other cultures. The world seen from an imperialist perspective was most often the one colonized by Europe, postcolonial research has critized the way in which European colonial powers (especially England and France) created values of subordinate cultures and established relations between center and margins. However, the notion of discursive domination is spread quickly to all relations between colonizers and colonized, which is why this second group includes all gender and ethic groups that did not have cultural independece, but were marginalized and subjected to institutional repression. As different cultural minorities began to form resistance to agressive political, gender, and racial domination, postcolonialism also represents a disagreement with the passivity towards cultural supremacy which is symbolized in empires that no longer even existed. The novel A Passage to India represents Forster's interests in Indian culture, which was colonized by Great Britain. A Passage to India is an exploration of the spiritual and cultural contrast of the two cultures of East and West.
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34

Louro, Michele. "The Johnstone Affair and Anti-Communism in Interwar India." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (May 2, 2017): 38–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416688257.

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In 1928, British colonial authorities in India detained and held J.W. Johnstone, a US citizen, for nearly a month before deporting him first to Europe and then back to the USA. Johnstone’s eventual arrest and deportation became a major ‘affair’ with far-reaching implications for India, the British Empire and even the USA. In the weeks after Johnstone’s arrival, the colonial state launched an extensive and worldwide investigation into his identity and potential ties to communism. In analyzing the story of the Johnstone affair, this article highlights British colonial anxieties and preoccupations with the spread of international communism in interwar India. Moreover, this article also argues that the response to the Johnstone arrest – in India and the United States of America especially – produced a number of unintended consequences. Both the American working class movement and the Indian trade unionist movement appropriated the Johnstone affair to call for global solidarities against the oppression of British and US imperialism worldwide.
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35

Procida, Mary A. "Good Sports and Right Sorts: Guns, Gender, and Imperialism in British India." Journal of British Studies 40, no. 4 (October 2001): 454–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386264.

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In the early 1920s, a young British woman visiting India met the man she would subsequently marry. As the woman's daughter later revealed, she and her companions “were just sitting down to dinner when he came in through the door and one of the bearers came forward to take his gun and clean it, but my father would have none of that. He always cleaned his own gun before he did anything else. This impressed my mother.” If the narrative halted here, the contemporary reader might construe the story as yet another example of traditional gender dynamics. The love-struck young woman admiringly observes the male imperialist's competent, professional handling of his firearm, symbol both of his mastery over the colonized Indian landscape and its people and of his masculine sexual prowess. In this instance, however, the young woman was no passively adoring female quivering before this symbolic display of male power and sexuality. She herself, as her daughter revealed, had been “brought up with guns” and was a “crack shot.” Her admiration for the man who would become her husband stemmed not from feelings of awe or feminine inadequacy but rather from her cool assessment that here was someone who was her equal—and could be her partner—in hunting, shooting, and handling of firearms. Indeed as their daughter recalled, the successful marriage between these two gun aficionados was based in part on the wife's participation in her husband's hunting duties as an officer in the Indian Forest Service.
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36

Kumar, Mohinder. "Non-Party Formations in India: The Other Face of Imperialism." Social Scientist 13, no. 5 (May 1985): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3517233.

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37

Heath, Jeffrey. "A Voluntary Surrender: Imperialism and Imagination inA Passage to India." University of Toronto Quarterly 59, no. 2 (January 1990): 287–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/utq.59.2.287.

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38

Diallo, Mahamadou. "The Encounter Britain-India: An Example of Adjustment to Imperialism." Asian Studies, no. 3 (December 1, 2010): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2010.14.3.61-74.

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When Britain undertook to colonize India, it was quick to realize that it was faced with quite a special case in its history as a colonizing power: the subcontinent was the cradle of an ancient and highly complex civilization, which made it all the more difficult to administer, especially in the specific domains of politics and market economy. This short study aims to look into the various ways in which the necessary adjustment to the new situation was achieved – not only by the conquered, but also by the conqueror.
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39

Bonnerjee, Jayani. "Imperialism as Diaspora: Race, Sexuality and History in Anglo-India." Journal of Intercultural Studies 35, no. 5 (September 3, 2014): 568–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256868.2014.944084.

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40

Wilson, J. E. "Distant Sovereignty: National Imperialism and the Origins of British India." English Historical Review 119, no. 483 (September 1, 2004): 1064–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/119.483.1064.

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41

Ramusack, Barbara N., and Antoinette Burton. "Feminism, imperialism and race: a dialogue between India and Britain." Women's History Review 3, no. 4 (December 1994): 469–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612029400200065.

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42

Corthorn, P. "The British Left and India: Metropolitan Anti-Imperialism, 1885-1947." English Historical Review CXXV, no. 515 (July 26, 2010): 1044–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceq177.

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43

Claeys, Gregory. "The British Left and India: Metropolitan Anti-Imperialism 1885–1947." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 37, no. 2 (June 2009): 331–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086530903010442.

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Ananthanarayanan, Sriram. "New Mechanisms of Imperialism in India: The Special Economic Zones*." Socialism and Democracy 22, no. 1 (March 2008): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08854300701820569.

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Agyepong, Stephen. "Science, War and Imperialism: India in the Second World War." African and Asian Studies 8, no. 1-2 (2009): 185–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921009x413216.

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Khattak, Zahir Jang, Hira Ali, and Shehrzad Ameena Khattak. "Post-colonial Feminist Critique of Roys The God of Small Thing." Global Social Sciences Review IV, no. II (June 30, 2019): 344–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-ii).44.

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The present study intends to thoroughly examine the Postcolonial feminist perspective in Arundhati Roys novel The God of Small Things by focusing on the theoretical approaches of Gaytri Spivak, Trinh T.Minha and Ania Loomba. The ambivalent personality of colonized women is tarnished due to subalternity imposed by the patriarchal culture of India. The destructive nature of the Western Imperialism forced the people to endure wild oppression by British colonizers. Postcolonialism paved the way for the double oppression of women. Women became the victim of not only British Imperialists but also native cultural patriarchy. Roy successfully intricates three generations of women i.e Baby Kochamma, Mammachi, Ammu, and Rahel into the fabric of the novel to acme the plight of women in the Third World Nations..
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Finn, Margot C. "MATERIAL TURNS IN BRITISH HISTORY: II. CORRUPTION: IMPERIAL POWER, PRINCELY POLITICS AND GIFTS GONE ROGUE." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 29 (November 1, 2019): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s008044011900001x.

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ABSTRACTThis address examines the ‘Old Corruption’ of Georgian Britain from the perspective of diplomacy and material culture in Delhi in the era of the East India Company. Its focus is the scandal that surrounded the sacking of Sir Edward Colebrooke, the Delhi Resident, during the reign of the penultimate Mughal emperor, Akbar II. Exploring the gendered, highly sexualised material politics of Company diplomacy in north India reveals narratives of agency, negotiation and commensurability that interpretations focused on liberal, Anglicist ideologies obscure. Dynastic politics were integral to both British and Indian elites in the nineteenth century. The Colebrooke scandal illuminates both the tenacity and the dynamic evolution of the family as a base of power in the context of nineteenth-century British imperialism.
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Barton, Patricia. "Imperialism, Race, and Therapeutics: The Legacy of Medicalizing the “Colonial Body”." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 36, no. 3 (2008): 506–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2008.298.x.

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The BiDil controversy in America coincides with a renewed interest in the linkages between race and therapeutics, whether in the medical history of the United States itself, or in the colonial world. During the colonial era in South Asia, many anthropological and medical researchers conducted research which compared the European and “colonial” body, contrasting everything from blood composition to brain weight between the races of the Indian Empire. This, as Mark Harrison has shown, was fundamentally a phenomenon of the 19th century, arguing that “[i]t was only after 1800 that racial identities came to be fixed and that India was viewed with terror, as a reservoir of filth and disease.” Racist attitudes in British Indian colonial medicine are not hard to discover. They underpinned, for instance, campaigns to improve the appallingly high maternal and infant mortality rates in which the blame was placed squarely upon the women and the indigenous midwives who delivered them rather than the poverty in which they lived. As such, Peers Dimmock, a professor of gynecology and obstetrics at the Calcutta Medical School, opened his address to the First Indian Medical Congress in 1894 with a diatribe against “the unclean and repulsive traditionary [sic] methods of the native midwives.”
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Zubair, Hassan Bin, and Dr Saba Sadia. "Analyzing Indian Socio-Political Thoughts, Hunger and Freedom in Bhabhani Bhattacharya’s Novel “So Many Hungers”." IJOHMN (International Journal online of Humanities) 5, no. 4 (August 14, 2019): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijohmn.v5i4.106.

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This paper focuses on the Indian cultural background having the themes like hunger, poverty, famine, war, politics, freedom, imperialism, economic exploitation, class consciousness in the Indo-Anglian English fiction writer Bhabani Bhattacharya’s novel So Many Hungers!, related to the socio-political and economic situations of Bengali’s society. The theme of the novel is mainly the existing pressing problems of India especially the rural India before and after the Independence. Realism is one of the most remarkable features of Bhabani Bhattacharya’s fiction. His novel shows a passionate awareness of life in India, the social awakening and protest, the utter poverty of peasants, the Indian freedom struggle and its various dimensions, the tragedy of partition of the country, the social and political transitions, the mental as well as the physical agony of the poor peasants and labor class people of the Indian society, especially that of Bengal and other adjoining states. Bhattacharya believes that an artist should inevitably be concerned with truth and reality, his portrayal of the life and society is never a photographic one nor a journalistic record. One can very well find the reflection of Indian culture, tradition and struggle in it.
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Stoddart, Brian. "Sport, Cultural Imperialism, and Colonial Response in the British Empire." Comparative Studies in Society and History 30, no. 4 (October 1988): 649–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500015474.

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Throughout the vast literature on British and general imperialism, the emphasis is largely upon the winning, then subsequent loss, of political control by the imperial power in colonial settings. Consequently, debate about the accession to that power has revolved largely about the great triad of considerations: economic necessity, strategic calculation, and civilising zeal. Similarly, discussion of emergent nationalist movements has hinged upon remarkably similar lines: Was the leadership of those movements motivated solely by ideologically inspired desires for independence, by the ambition to command the new sources of economic wealth developed under imperial rule, or by a simple thrust for political power to protect other interests? These are generalisations certainly, but, to take India as a case in point, much of the modern historiography has been concerned to demonstrate either how Britain “lost” or how the Indian National Congress “won” that power. But among such generalisations upon the British imperial experience, one interesting question has gone begging.
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