Journal articles: 'Imperialism – Public opinion – History'

1

Potter, Simon J. "Jingoism, Public Opinion, And The New Imperialism." Media History 20, no. 1 (January 2014): 34–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13688804.2013.869067.

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Mommsen, Wolfgang J. "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy in Wilhelmian Germany, 1897–1914." Central European History 24, no. 4 (December 1991): 381–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019221.

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The age of high imperialism was also the age of the emergence of mass journalism. This heralded a steady widening of what might be called the “political nation,” that is, those groups who took an active interest in politics in contrast to the mass of the population still largely outside the political arena. Up to the 1890s politics tended to be Honoratiorenpolitik—confined to “notables” or Honoratioren, a term first applied by Max Weber around the turn of the century to describe the elites who had dominated the political power structure up to that time. Gradually “public opinion” ceased to be, in effect, the opinion of the educated classes, that is, the classes dirigeantes. In Wilhelmian Germany the process of democratization had been successfully contained, if seen in terms of the constitutional system; the age of mass politics was still far away.

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Soifer, Aviam. "The Paradox of Paternalism and Laissez-Faire Constitutionalism: United States Supreme Court, 1888–1921." Law and History Review 5, no. 1 (1987): 249–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/743942.

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In 1898, the year Americans first sailed forth to fight in other countries to protect purported victims of imperialism, A. V. Dicey steamed into Harvard University to deliver his lectures on Law and Public Opinion in England. Like William Blackstone, Vinerian Professor before him, Dicey deployed a number of memorable epigrams to capture what seemed basic truths of his day. Dicey's assertion that ‘protection invariably involves disability’ appeared to state the obvious to Americans at the turn of the century.In this essay I will consider how the United States Supreme Court embraced Dicey's epigram and translated it into decisions during the tenures of Chief Justices Fuller and White about the capacity of the individual in the United States to contract and care for himself.

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TODD, DAVID. "JOHN BOWRING AND THE GLOBAL DISSEMINATION OF FREE TRADE." Historical Journal 51, no. 2 (June 2008): 373–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08006754.

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ABSTRACTThe international diffusion of ideas has often been described as an abstract process. John Bowring's career offers a different insight into the practical conditions that permitted a concept, free trade, to spread across national borders. An early advocate of trade liberalization in Britain, Bowring promoted free trade policies in France, Italy, Germany, Egypt, Siam, and China between 1830 and 1860. He employed different strategies according to local political conditions, appealing to public opinion in liberal Western Europe, seeking to persuade bureaucrats and absolute rulers in Central Europe and the Middle East, and resorting to gunboats in East Asia. His career also helps to connect the rise of free trade ideas in Europe with the ‘imperialism of free trade’ in other parts of the world. Bowring upheld the same liberal ideals as Richard Cobden and other luminaries of the free trade movement. Yet unlike them, he endorsed imperial ascendancy in order to remove obstacles to global communications and spread civilization outside Europe.

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Buranok, Sergey Olegovich. "War, Imperialism, and colonies: a view of the US press." Samara Journal of Science 8, no. 1 (February 28, 2019): 219–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201981216.

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Questions about the perspectives of the European empires colonial system after the Great War, forms and ways of its transition to postcolonial age, relativity of the colonial powers experience to the US foreign policy, were very popular and quite debating for the American public opinion during and after the end of the World War I. colonial system research cannot be complete without studying the press of the powers that signed the Versailles Treaty. In order to give a detailed analysis of international relationships in terms of the global transformations from the American point of view relevant newspaper articles published after the Great War should be analyzed. The results have shown changes in priority in schemes of colonial system transformation as it was viewed in American public discourse during 1919-1922. Woodrow Wilson plan for the colonial powers dismantle was gradually replaced by the less radical plans, which presupposed the use of the colonial experience in the US foreign policy. Materials of the American press for the 1919-1922 reveals that there was a search of the most effective and optimum strategy of the relations with the European empires as well as with its dependent territories. Analysis of American press reveals its steady interest in negative and positive experience of colonial empires in search of the lessons of history. In 1919-1922 most prominent journalists were focused on Europe, which was represented as the cornerstone for the US foreign policy by the White House, the US State Department and the media. And we can clearly see another factor affecting approaches to the colonial issue in American press. It was the Soviet Russia attention and support to the national liberation movements in Asia and Africa. The Red Menace had become one of the factors that forced American media to redefine the colonial issue in light of the new world order which had been created after the end of the Great War on the base of the Versailles Treaty.

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KURACINA, WILLIAM F. "Sentiments and Patriotism: The Indian National Army, General Elections and the Congress's Appropriation of the INA Legacy." Modern Asian Studies 44, no. 4 (October 22, 2009): 817–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09990291.

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AbstractThis paper considers the extent to which Subhas Chandra Bose and the Indian National Army (INA) contributed to India's liberation from British imperialism. The fundamental issue examined is why leaders of the Indian National Congress appropriated the INA legacy, contrary to two decades of non-violent struggle and regardless of the incompatibility of Bose's ideology and strategic vision. Drawing on published sources that chart policy decisions and illustrate the attitudes of leading actors in the formulation of Congress policy, this paper hypothesizes that Congress leaders defended INA prisoners-of-war and questions why the Congress apparently abandoned its long-established principles for immediate political gains, only to re-prioritize anew India's national interests once the public excitement over the INA had quietened. It illustrates that the Congress's overt and zealous defence of the INA was intended to harness public opinion behind an all-India issue rooted in sentimentalism and patriotism. The paper concludes that such support was crucial to the Congress's post-war electioneering campaign and was designed to counter the Muslim League's equally emotive electoral messages.

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Schwartz, Stuart B. "Expansion, Diaspora, and Encounter in the Early Modern South Atlantic." Itinerario 19, no. 2 (July 1995): 48–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300006781.

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In a decade marked off by the quincentenaries of the voyages of Columbus (1492) and that of Vasco da Gama (1498) or perhaps more chronologically and interculturally correctly by the 1502 arrival of three Native Americans at the court of Henry VII of England, it is appropriate to take stock of the field of ‘European expansion’ and to ask if, in fact, such a field exists, or ought to exist, or still means the same thing that it did a generation ago. The celebrations and condemnations that accompanied the quincentenary in 1992 refocused public attention on the question of European expansion and its impact on history of die Americas and of the world. Voices long suppressed and opinions never before expressed found new audiences and joined with scholarly and semi-scholarly works to make Columbus and all that followed in his wake a topic of general public concern. It is dierefore appropriate to take stock once again of what we know about die Era of European Expansion prior to die emergence of modern imperialism in die nineteenth century.

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LEONARD, ZAK. "‘A Blot on English Justice’: India reformism and the rhetoric of virtual slavery." Modern Asian Studies 55, no. 1 (March 20, 2020): 207–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000483.

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AbstractBeginning in the late 1830s, a coalition of non-conformists, abolitionists, free traders, and disenchanted East India Company proprietors began to vocally challenge the exploitative policies of the colonial state in British India. Led by lecturer George Thompson, these reformers pursued a rhetorical strategy of associating groups who were converted into ‘mere tools’ by the Company abroad and the aristocracy at home. These monopolistic entities degraded Indian peasant cultivators, the British working classes, and princely sovereigns alike through forms of ‘virtual slavery’ that persisted in the post-Emancipation empire. In staging these protests, reformers ran up against an adversarial Board of Control and Court of Directors who obstructed their efforts to mobilize public opinion. Probing their agitation reveals the existence of a particularly combative strain of liberal imperialist thought that defied the political status quo.

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Kim, Hoi-eun. "Cure for Empire: The ‘Conquer-Russia-Pill’, Pharmaceutical Manufacturers, and the Making of Patriotic Japanese, 1904–45." Medical History 57, no. 2 (March 21, 2013): 249–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2012.105.

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AbstractSeirogan, a popular anti-diarrhoeal pill, is arguably one of the most successful pharmaceutical products of modern Japan. What is less known is that the Japanese army initially developedSeiroganduring the Russo-Japanese War as the ‘Conquer-Russia-Pill’, which was later marketed to the public by private manufacturers. Previous scholars have emphasised the top–down governmental method of mobilising private sectors to manipulate public opinion for the cause of external imperialist expansion and domestic stability during wartime Japan. But the matrix that the Conquer-Russia-Pill allows us to glimpse is an inverted power relation among the state, commercial sectors, and imperial citizens. While the Japanese government remained indifferent if not hostile to jingoistic pharmaceutical manufacturers who could easily disrupt international relations, pharmaceutical companies quickly recognised and exploited the opportunities that the Conquer-Russia-Pill and its symbolism provided under the banner of the empire. In turn, Japanese consumers reacted to commercial sermons carefully anchored in patriotic and militaristic discourses and images by opening their wallets. In other words, the popularity of the Conquer-Russia-Pill was a culmination of the convergence of a governmental initiative to enhance military capabilities, the commercial ingenuity of pharmaceutical manufacturers, and a consumer response to patriotic exhortations.

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Taylor, Betsy, and Herbert Reid. "Globalization, Democracy and the Aesthetic Ecology of Emergent Publics for a Sustainable World: Working from John Dewey." Asian Journal of Social Science 34, no. 1 (2006): 22–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853106776150135.

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AbstractThe global justice movement reveals a diverse array of emergent publics striving politically for a sustainable world. Working partly from John Dewey, we try to illuminate democratic grounds for knowledge and action in these endeavors. We begin by situating Dewey's ideas in the politics of American history, especially historian John Diggins' countervailing approach to issues of authority, knowledge and opinion. Diggins, against Robert Westbrook and others, contends that Dewey's philosophy of politics chased radical democratic illusions, whereas he might have learned from Charles S. Peirce to uphold the boundary between professional communities and other entities including democratic publics. Dewey saw no democratic alternative to harness the political energy of ordinary people. We argue that Dewey had come to understand that a corporate state system of political economy had come to engulf both the liberal democratic polity and the professions. Dewey's political challenge to the professions and his illumination of the aesthetic ecology of democratic publics prefigure a democratic republican alternative that opens up a new basis for participation in the global justice movement confronting, among other obstacles, a transnational corporate state based in the USA.A Marxist-progressivist notion of the ongoing socialization of markets by corporate capitalism too often reinforces an anti-Populist intellectual sensibility that is coupled with, whether wittingly or not, either a social-democratic elitism or a revolutionary vanguardism. Globalization struggles need, on the contrary, a pragmatic vision of democratic publics instituting a true diversity of policies assuring a world-in-common. The fight for public spaces in the treacherous politics of civil society and global consumerism is a struggle against subjectivization. The fact that corporate state elitism, in the U.S. context, feeds on a rightist version of nationalism does not mean we can junk the history of democratic struggle for a republican alternative to imperialism. By and large, neo-liberal policies "from above" have aggravated various types of inequality and the militaristic turn pursued by some elites compounds not only negative side effects but critical opportunities. Democratic action in and from the United States has to be clear about both place-based forms of life and expanding forms of solidarity in global struggles for democracy and the commons.Our reading of Dewey is strengthened by research that highlights his ecological ontology and its key role in his democratic theory. We argue that globalizing knowledge regimes and their products, such as deforestation, re-institute destructive dualisms that would be transformed by a Deweyan approach that energizes democratic forms of agency and policy. Dewey's essay on "Time and Individuality" is explicated to disclose the radical democratic implications of Deweyan science. We show further that this approach, as a field science and ecological stewardship, provides public alternatives to violence, whether primarily "social" or "environmental". A Deweyan logic of particularity casts in contrasting relief our historical epoch's dominant logic of fungibility, the fetishization of global economic space, and its looming costs. The reclamation and reconstruction of democratic publics are long overdue and requires new regimes of participatory and place-based knowledge opening on the global commons for sustainable life.

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11

González Fernández, Paula. "Linguistic imperialism: a critical study." Revista Alicantina de Estudios Ingleses, no. 18 (November 15, 2005): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/raei.2005.18.04.

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Today, there is a rising need of an international language for infinite purposes and, so far, English seems to be that language. However, its use is being discriminative and unfair in different aspects. These have been discussed in the academic circles, but little is being considered of the general public's ideas. Furthermore, the different consequences that the notion of Linguistic Imperialism has, and all the various issues mentioned in the scholarly debate, do not seem to reach far beyond the academic spheres. The main goal of this study is to deal with perceptions of English Imperialism. Due to space limitations, we cannot present here the whole study. Hence, we will concentrate on the spread of English in the world and the agency behind it. We will first revise the opinion found in the literature, of scholars and linguists, to concentrate later on the feelings of the general public. To this end, we will use data collected both through a questionnaire and some personal interviews. The comparison of the two sources will show that what is being discussed by many authors is not generally reaching the general public and that the latter's opinion is rather complex and inconsistent, with little linguistic awareness.

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12

O’Doherty, Kieran C. "Deliberative public opinion." History of the Human Sciences 30, no. 4 (September 26, 2017): 124–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695117722718.

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Generally, public opinion is measured via polls or survey instruments, with a majority of responses in a particular direction taken to indicate the presence of a given ‘public opinion’. However, discursive psychological and related scholarship has shown that the ontological status of both individual opinion and public opinion is highly suspect. In the first part of this article I draw on this body of work to demonstrate that there is currently no meaningful theoretical foundation for the construct of public opinion as it is typically measured in surveys, polls, or focus groups. I then argue that there is a particular sense in which the construct of public opinion does make sense. In deliberative democratic forums participants engage in dialogue with the aim of coming to collective positions on particular issues. Here I draw on examples of deliberative democratic forums conducted on the social and ethical implications of science and technology. Conversation between participants in deliberative democratic forums is ideally characterized by individuals becoming informed about the issues being discussed, respectful interactions between participants, individuals being open to changing their positions, and a convergence towards collective positions in the interest of formulating civic solutions. The end-product of deliberation on a given issue might thus be termed a deliberative public opinion. ‘Deliberative public opinion’ is neither a cognitive nor an aggregate construct, but rather a socio-historical product. Criteria for its legitimacy rely on the inclusiveness of diversity of perspectives and the degree to which collective positions are defensible to a larger society.

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13

Seoane, Julio. "Opinion pública : Public opinion." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no. 17 (September 27, 2019): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2019.5028.

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Resumen: Se recorre la historia de la noción de opinión pública en cinco etapas que van desde su presentación en el XVIII con la Ilustración a los nuevos modos de los social media, pasando por la institución de la opinión pública en la prensa liberal del XIX, las cuestiones de la manipulación de finales del XIX y principios del XX y su condición de lugar de la democracia en la segunda mitad del XX. Palabras clave: público, prensa, mass media, sondeos. Abstract: This work try to show the history of public opinion in five stages ranging from its presentation in the XVIII with the Enlightenment to its new configuration with our social media, through the institution of public opinion in the liberal press of the nineteenth century, the issues of manipulation of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and its status as a place of democracy in the second half of the twentieth. Keywords: public, press, mass media, polls.

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14

Wesseling, H. L. "IV. British and Dutch Imperialism: A Comparison." Itinerario 13, no. 1 (March 1989): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300004150.

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The words that serve as a motto for this paper are taken from the finest novel about Dutch fin de siècle society and indeed, in my opinion, the finest novel in Dutch literature, Louis Couperus' De Boeken der Kleine Zielen (The Books of the Small Souls). They form part of a dialogue between the widow of a former Governor-General of the Netherlands Indies and her, obviously, very dis-appointed grandson, a young colonial civil servant in the beginning of his career.

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Harris, Bob. "Historians, Public Opinion, and the "Public Sphere"." Journal of Early Modern History 1, no. 4 (1997): 369–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006597x00145.

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Herbst, Susan. "History, Philosophy, and Public Opinion Research." Journal of Communication 43, no. 4 (December 1, 1993): 140–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.1993.tb01314.x.

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17

Toyoda, Tetsuya. "Influence of Public Opinion on International Law in the Nineteenth Century." Alberta Law Review 46, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 1099. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/alr218.

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This article examines the influence of public opinion on international law in the nineteenth century. The author argues that although the nineteenth century was dominated by imperialism and state interests, public opinion played an important role. The article first examines the Vienna Congress in 1815, where European representatives made a declaration condemning the slave trade. It then moves to 1864, when some European nations agreed at Geneva on a convention for humanitarian relief of war victims. Finally it looks at the Berlin Conference of 1885, where European representatives guaranteed African people freedom of conscience and religious toleration in the Berlin Final Act of 1885. The author argues that each of these cases demonstrate circumstances in which it was possible for public opinion to influence the shaping of international documents binding upon sovereign states and concludes that although public opinion does not dominate international politics, it may play a minor influential role in the shaping of international norms. He concludes that historical analysis of these three cases provides lessons for our time and the future.

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18

MILLER, JOHN. "Public Opinion in Charles II's England." History 80, no. 260 (October 1995): 359–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.1995.tb01675.x.

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Jacobs, Lawrence R. "The Privatizing of Public Opinion." Reviews in American History 25, no. 1 (1997): 146–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.1997.0014.

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GOLDZIHER, IGNÁCZ. "MUHAMMADAN PUBLIC OPINION." Journal of Semitic Studies XXXVIII, no. 1 (1993): 97–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/xxxviii.1.97.

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21

Ewan, Christopher. "The Emancipation Proclamation and British Public Opinion." Historian 67, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.2005.00101.x.

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Worre, Torben. "Danish public opinion and the european community." Scandinavian Journal of History 20, no. 3 (January 1995): 209–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468759508579305.

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23

Edgerly, Stephanie, and Kjerstin Thorson. "Political Communication and Public Opinion." Public Opinion Quarterly 84, S1 (2020): 189–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfaa019.

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Thompson, Andrew S. "The Language of Imperialism and the Meanings of Empire: Imperial Discourse in British Politics, 1895–1914." Journal of British Studies 36, no. 2 (April 1997): 147–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386132.

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The forthcoming General Election will turn, we are told, mainly on the popularity of Imperialism. If this be so, it is important that voters should make up their minds what Imperialism means.(George Bernard Shaw)Thus wrote George Bernard Shaw on behalf of the Fabian Society in October 1900. Shaw recognized what many historians have subsequently failed to see: the meaning of imperialism inside British politics was not fixed. Rather, the terms “empire” and “imperialism” were like empty boxes that were continuously being filled up and emptied of their meanings. Of course, the same was true of other political concepts: the idea of patriotism, for instance, was constantly being reinvented by politicians. But the idea of empire was all the more vulnerable to this sort of treatment because it was sensitive to changing circumstances at home and abroad and because it had to take account of a colonial as well as a British audience. Furthermore, the fact that opinion in Britain was widely felt to be ignorant or indifferent to the empire meant that politicians had to be particularly careful in deciding what sort of imperial language to use.This article will consider what contemporaries meant when they spoke of empire, how its meaning varied between different political groups in Britain, and whether it is possible to point to a prevailing vision of empire during the period between the launch of the Jameson Raid in December 1895 and the outbreak of the Great War in 1914.

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25

Chumbley, Robert E. "On public opinion in decision making." European Legacy 1, no. 1 (March 1996): 188–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848779608579393.

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Schalk, David L., Jean-Robert Rouge, Jean-Michel Lacroix, and Jean Cazemajou. "American Public Opinion and the Vietnam War." Journal of American History 82, no. 1 (June 1995): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082156.

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Podnar, Klement, and Ursa Golob. "Reconstruction of public relations history through publications in Public Opinion Quarterly." Journal of Communication Management 13, no. 1 (February 13, 2009): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13632540910931391.

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Cimbala, Steven J., and Richard C. Eichenberg. "Public Opinion and National Security in Western Europe." Journal of Military History 54, no. 2 (April 1990): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1986059.

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Kley, Dale K. Van, David A. Bell, Arlette Farge, Dena Goodman, and Sarah C. Maza. "In Search of Eighteenth-Century Parisian Public Opinion." French Historical Studies 19, no. 1 (1995): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/286905.

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30

Crook, D. "English Public Opinion and the American Civil War." English Historical Review CXXII, no. 495 (February 1, 2007): 209–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cel407.

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31

Haefele, Mark. "John F. Kennedy, USIA, and World Public Opinion." Diplomatic History 25, no. 1 (January 2001): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0145-2096.00249.

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Mueller, J. W., and W. B. Schamel. "Immigration Patterns, Public Opinion, and Government Policy." OAH Magazine of History 4, no. 4 (March 1, 1990): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/4.4.33.

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Rhoades, Gary, and P. J. Rich. "Elixir of Empire: The English Public Schools, Ritualism, Freemasonry, and Imperialism." History of Education Quarterly 30, no. 3 (1990): 420. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/368709.

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Fee, Elizabeth, John Capper, Garrett Power, and Frank R. Shivers. "Chesapeake Waters: Pollution, Public Health, and Public Opinion, 1607-1972." Technology and Culture 26, no. 2 (April 1985): 329. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3104373.

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Melve, Leidulf. "Public Debate, Propaganda, and Public Opinion in the Becket Controversy." Viator 48, no. 3 (September 2017): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.viator.5.116349.

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Balinska, Maria. "French public opinion and the Front National." Patterns of Prejudice 23, no. 1 (March 1989): 53–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.1989.9969996.

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Adler, Karen. "European public opinion on racism and xenophobia." Patterns of Prejudice 24, no. 1 (June 1990): 48–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.1990.9970042.

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Bogoraz Daniel, Larisa, and Pavel Litvinov. "Appeal To World Public Opinion." Index on Censorship 31, no. 2 (April 2002): 6–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064220208537036.

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Bowie, Karin. "Public Opinion, Popular Politics and the Union of 1707." Scottish Historical Review 82, no. 2 (October 2003): 226–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2003.82.2.226.

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Lynch, Michael. "Wilkinson, Mary Queen of Scots and French Public Opinion." Scottish Historical Review 86, no. 1 (April 2007): 145–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2007.0042.

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Peters, Lorraine. "English Public Opinion and the American Civil War (review)." Civil War History 51, no. 2 (2005): 224–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2005.0029.

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Perry, Joe. "Opinion Research and the West German Public in the Postwar Decades*." German History 38, no. 3 (September 2020): 461–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghaa063.

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Abstract This article investigates the history of opinion research in West Germany in the decades following the Second World War, which witnessed the emergence of a dense network of research institutes, including the Institut für Demoskopie-Allensbach (IfD), Emnid and Infratest. It argues that ‘opinion research’—a term used to encompass political polling as well as market research—helped consolidate an emerging West German consumer society based on liberal, free-market capitalism and offered West Germans new ways of imagining this new national collective. The opinion surveys and the subjectivities they measured were mutually constitutive of this reconfigured ‘public’, as exposure to survey results in countless media reports both reflected and shaped popular understandings of self and society. To make this argument, the article explores the US influence on German opinion research from the 1920s to the 1960s and the ‘modern’ language and techniques of survey research in the FRG. It offers an account of sex research as a case study of the same and concludes with a brief discussion of opinion research and its role in shaping contemporary understandings of the public sphere.

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Haks, Donald. "Publieke opinie, buitenlandse politiek en het einde van de Spaanse Successieoorlog." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 127, no. 4 (November 1, 2014): 673–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2014.4.haks.

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Abstract Public opinion, foreign policy, and the end of the War of the Spanish SuccessionDid public opinion have an impact on foreign policy in early modern times? States put in much effort publicly to legitimize their foreign policy. But they did not always prevent open discussion. England during the War of the Spanish Succession is a case in point. The revolution of 1688-9, the growing influence of parliament on foreign policy, opportunities for political journalism, and different views about how to end the war made public debate a matter of political importance. Pamphlets and public addresses expressed various opinions. May we call this ‘public opinion’? How should we define this concept? And were public opinion and decision-making in some way related? This case improves our understanding of public opinion and foreign policy: it seems after all that public opinion in England did indeed hasten the end of the War of the Spanish Succession.

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Fuglestad, Finn. "The Trevor-Roper Trap or the Imperialism of History. An Essay." History in Africa 19 (1992): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172003.

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This is, as the title makes clear, an essay; that is to say, a genre in which it is considered legitimate for the author to put forward his own more or less (in this case rather more) subjective viewpoints. As such it contains quite a number of short cuts and mouthfuls. I have also deemed it necessary, for the sake of the logic of the argumentation, to make occasional and rather long de-tours via a number of obvious, and at times downright elementary, points. My excuse is that the genre virtually requires it. And my hope is that the following pages will provide at least some food for thought.Back in the early 1960s the distinguished Professor Hugh Trevor-Roper of Oxford University proclaimed, as every Africanist probably knows, that at least precolonial Black Africa had no history. He must have meant what he said, for he repeated his contention in 1969 by putting the label “unhistoric” on the African continent; the whole of the African continent that is, including Ethiopia, Egypt, and the Maghrib.On the face of it there is little reason why we should bother with this type of point of view now in the 1990s. After all, the avalanche of articles and books on African history—including several multi-volume General Histories—which have been published since the 1960s, in a sense bear testimony to the absurdity of Trevor-Roper's position.And yet, for all that, I am not quite certain that the malaise engendered by Trevor-Roper and his like has been entirely dissipated. After all, Trevor-Roper remains a frequently-quoted historian. But more to the point, there is often in my opinion a rather embarrassing insistence in the specialist Africanist litera¬ture on the “extraordinary complexity and dynamism” of Black Africa's past; an insistence not infrequently coupled with the urge, apparently never appeased, to put to rest the myth of Primitive Africa. There is also an equally embarrassing insistence on behalf of many Africanists to pin the label “state” on even the tiniest of polities in precolonial Africa, thus obscuring the appar¬ent fact that perhaps a majority of Africans in the precolonial era lived in so-called “acephalous” societies.

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Gordon, Daniel, Arlette Farge, and Rosemary Morris. "Subversive Words: Public Opinion in Eighteenth-Century France." American Historical Review 101, no. 3 (June 1996): 852. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169490.

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Rogers, Richard. "Managing British Public Opinion of the Channel Tunnel." Technology and Culture 36, no. 3 (July 1995): 636. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3107245.

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Jacobs, Lawrence R., and Robert Y. Shapiro. "Public Opinion and the New Social History: Some Lessons for the Study of Public Opinion and Democratic Policy-Making." Social Science History 13, no. 1 (1989): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1171211.

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Jacobs, Lawrence R., and Robert Y. Shapiro. "Public Opinion and the New Social History: Some Lessons for the Study of Public Opinion and Democratic Policy-making." Social Science History 13, no. 1 (1989): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016254.

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The study of mass public opinion has been an important area of social science research, and it has been of particular concern for political scientists, because the relationship between public opinion and government policy is central to theories about democracy and political power (e.g., see Dahl, 1956; Downs, 1957; Devine, 1970; Weissberg, 1976). Our main argument in this essay is that political scientists and others should be open to a variety of approaches in studying trends in public opinion and the relationship between public preferences and government policies, and that they should begin to pay attention to the findings and methods of recent historiography and, especially, the “new social history.”

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Druckman, James N., and Thomas J. Leeper. "Is Public Opinion Stable? Resolving the Micro/Macro Disconnect in Studies of Public Opinion." Daedalus 141, no. 4 (October 2012): 50–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00173.

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Public opinion matters, both as a central element of democratic theory and as a substantive foundation for political representation. The origins and nature of public opinion have long attracted the attention of social scientists. Yet a number of questions remain; among the more perplexing is whether–and under what conditions–public opinion is stable. The answer depends in large part on whether one looks at aggregations of individual opinions (macro public opinion) or at the individual opinions themselves (micro public opinion). In this essay, we explore the macro/micro divide and offer a framework to determine when opinions are likely to be stable or volatile. This framework reflects both the content of the political environment and the nature of individuals' opinions. Using public opinion dynamics surrounding the Patriot Act as a primary example, we discuss the role of opinion stability in interpreting public opinion and in understanding the normative implications of public preferences.

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Ellis, Sylvia. "British public opinion and the Vietnam war." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 18, no. 3 (July 3, 2020): 314–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s42738-020-00051-0.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Imperialism – Public opinion – History'

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