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Journal articles on the topic 'Inalienable possessions'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Kockelman, Paul. "Inalienable possession as grammatical category and discourse pattern." Studies in Language 33, no. 1 (2009): 25–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.33.1.03koc.

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This essay analyzes the grammatical category of inalienable possession by examining the interaction of morphosyntatic forms, semantic features, pragmatic functions, and discourse frequencies. Using data from Q’eqchi’-Maya, it is argued that inalienable possession may be motivated relative to two dimensions: (1) whatever any person is strongly presumed to possess (identifiability); (2) whatever such personal possessions are referred to frequently (relevance). In regards to frequency, inalienable possessions are compared with possessed NPs, and possessed NPs are compared with all NPs, in regards to grammatical relation, information status, animacy rank, and semantic role. In regards to identifiability, it is argued that inalienable possessions are like deictics and prepositions in that they guide the addressee’s identification of a referent by encoding that referent’s relation to a ground; and inalienable possessions are different from deictics and prepositions in that the ground is a person and the referents are its parts or relations.

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Callaghan, Michael G. "8 Maya Polychrome Vessels as Inalienable Possessions." Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 23, no. 1 (2013): 112–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/apaa.12019.

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Ball, Christopher. "Inalienability in social relations: Language, possession, and exchange in Amazonia." Language in Society 40, no. 3 (2011): 307–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404511000200.

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AbstractThis article describes inalienability in the Wauja (Arawak) language in the context of Brazilian Upper Xinguan culture. Wauja grammar encodes a distinction between alienable and inalienable possession that marks kin, body parts, and other terms and that largely but not perfectly overlaps with a local cultural category of emblematic possessions. I analyze how grammatical and cultural aspects of inalienable possession combine in discourse and exchange to contribute to the social identities of possessors. I present an ethnographic account of the role of inalienability in Wauja grammar and discourse in the disruption and repair of social relationships between groups in Upper Xinguan ritual. I argue for a mutually reinforcing relationship between grammatical categories and sociocultural meaning. I suggest that attention to language and possession, in addition to language and identity, is important for cross culturally comparative sociolinguistic analysis of such connections. (Inalienable possession, grammatical categories, discourse, exchange, Upper Xingu, Wauja (Arawak), ethnolinguistic identity)*

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4

Thomas, Nicholas, and Annette B. Weiner. "Inalienable Possessions: The Paradox of Keeping-While-Giving." Anthropological Quarterly 66, no. 3 (1993): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3317521.

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Whitehouse, Harvey, and Annette B. Weiner. "Inalienable Possessions: The Paradox of Keeping-While-Giving." Man 28, no. 4 (1993): 852. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2804046.

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Curasi, Carolyn Folkman, Linda L. Price, and Eric J. Arnould. "How Individuals’ Cherished Possessions Become Families’ Inalienable Wealth." Journal of Consumer Research 31, no. 3 (2004): 609–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/425096.

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7

Verpoorte, Alexander. "Wat Bushmen Trachten te Behouden…" Afrika Focus 12, no. 1-3 (1996): 27–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0120103003.

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This article has a double goal. First, it tries to enlighten key notions in Weiners book: inalienable possessions, brother-sister-relations, hierarchy and equality, cosmological authentication. Second, it relates the paradox of keeping-while-giving to the concept of possession and exchange among Southern African groups of hunters and gatherers. The article aims at clarifying the strengths and weaknesses of this paradox and contributing tot the ethnography of the Bushmen.

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Valeri, Valerio. ": Inalienable Possessions: The Paradox of Keeping-While-Giving . Annette B. Weiner." American Anthropologist 96, no. 2 (1994): 446–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1994.96.2.02a00180.

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FOSTER, ROBERT J. "Inalienable Possessions: The Paradox of Keeping-While-Giving. ANNETTE B. WEINER." American Ethnologist 22, no. 3 (1995): 628–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1995.22.3.02a00230.

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10

Novotny, Anna C. "4 The Bones of the Ancestors as Inalienable Possessions: A Bioarchaeologial Persepctive." Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 23, no. 1 (2013): 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/apaa.12015.

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11

Lee, Yong-hun. "Alienable/Inalienable Possessions and Animacy in the Multiple Case Constructions: An Experimental Approach." Language and Information 18, no. 2 (2014): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.29403/li.18.2.2.

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12

Sneath, David. "Commonwealth, inalienable possessions, and theres publica: The anthropology of aristocratic order and the landed estate." History and Anthropology 29, no. 3 (2018): 324–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02757206.2018.1459598.

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MILLS, BARBARA J. "The Establishment and Defeat of Hierarchy: Inalienable Possessions and the History of Collective Prestige Structures in the Pueblo Southwest." American Anthropologist 106, no. 2 (2004): 238–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2004.106.2.238.

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Hansen, Cynthia I. A. "Inalienable possession in Iquito (Zaparoan): a frequency analysis." LSA Annual Meeting Extended Abstracts 1 (May 2, 2010): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/exabs.v0i0.500.

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The differential marking of alienable and inalienable possession has been attributed to iconicity, under the assumption that items that are conceptually close will have less linguistic distance (e.g. Haiman 1983). Haspelmath (2008) argues against iconicity, claiming instead that the coding asymmetry can be explained by an economy approach. This paper looks at the marking of inalienable possession in Iquito, a Zaparoan language of the northern Peruvian Amazon, and presents data in favor of Haspelmath's analysis, by showing that the shorter, more cohesive forms found with inalienably possessed nouns are better explained by frequency of use than by iconicity.

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15

Chappell, Hilary. "The Passive of Bodily Effect in Chinese." Studies in Language 10, no. 2 (1986): 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.10.2.02cha.

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In standard Chinese (pŭtōnghuà), besides the regular passive form NP (undergoer) - BEI - NP (agent) - VP, there is a second syntactically related passive with a complex predicate containing a postverbal or 'retained object' : NP (undergoer) - BEI - NP (agent) - V - LE - N (part of the body). This second construction serves as the topic of discussion of this paper. It is shown to be restricted to expressing an inalienable relationship between a person and a part of the body, other relational nouns such as kinship or material possessions being excluded from postverbal position. It is argued that the postverbal NP is not a case of a 'retained object' in Jespersen's sense (1933) as the body part term neither acts as the true semantic undergoer nor can be considered as a kind of second object. This argument is supported by the additional evidence of the postverbal NP not permitting any modification by adjectives or demonstratives. The interpretation of lasting effect on the undergoer (the affected per son) resulting from an adversative passive event is claimed to be a main semantic constraint of this construction.

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Berta, Péter. "Recreating and Materializing Social Differences through Patina-oriented Consumption: The Post-socialist Ownership History of a Second-hand, Luxury Commodity." Museum Anthropology Review 9, no. 1-2 (2015): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.14434/mar.v9i1-2.12838.

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The study examines the post-socialist ownership history of an extremely valuable Gabor Roma prestige object: a silver-footed beaker. The resulting object biography sheds light on the role of the prestige economy constructed around silver objects in the creation, materialization, and renegotiation of social differences among the Gabor Roma in Romania. The analysis also reveals that this economy is a contemporary, second-hand culture based on patina-oriented consumption, similar to other economies of inalienable possessions (family heirlooms, etc.) or communities of competing collectors specializing in personal belongings of celebrities. The object biography further demonstrates how the second-handedness and ownership history of silver prestige objects are constructed through various ideologies and practices (sale, inheritance, economic brokerage, proprietary contests, etc.). Finally, the study makes a detailed comparison of the patina-oriented versus the fashion or novelty-oriented prestige goods popular among the Gabor Roma. The two can be distinguished from each other primarily by the different meanings and values associated with the ownership histories outlined in the introduction.

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Cerezo-Román, Jessica I. "Unpacking Personhood and Funerary Customs in the Hohokam Area of Southern Arizona." American Antiquity 80, no. 2 (2015): 353–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.80.2.353.

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Changing perspectives on concepts of personhood are explored by deconstructing mortuary customs from 10 Tucson Basin (Arizona) Hohokam archaeological sites dating from the Preclassic (A.D. 700–1150) and Classic (A.D. 1150–145011500) periods. Results indicate that certain aspects of personhood did not change across time and space at these sites. However, by analyzing changes through time in cremation rituals, it was possible to infer that some aspects of personhood did change. In the Preclassic period, after bodies were burned, the remains were distributed as inalienable possessions within social networks. This behavior suggests a relational social construction of self where burning transformed the deceased and the remains were considered part-person and part-object. Later in the Classic period, a higher frequency of cremated remains were not divided but instead transferred as a unit to secondary deposits. Perceptions of personhood during this period appear to have defined self as a complete, bounded unit, even after transformation by fire. This change possibly occurred as a result of a general decrease in remembrance networks. These changes in cremation parallel broader sociopolitical changes where increases in social differentiation and complexity are proposed for the Classic period Hohokam.

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Valk, Julie. "The smell of Shōwa: Time, materiality and regimes of value in Japan’s second-hand kimono industry." Journal of Material Culture 25, no. 2 (2020): 240–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1359183519894010.

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This article maps the way second-hand kimono pass between different regimes of value as they move out of people’s homes and into second-hand shops. Joining recent calls for a greater anthropological focus on the processes of divestment and disposal, the author highlights how kimono move from the inalienable space of the domestic sphere and into the alienable domain of retail, and considers how their materiality – worn fabrics, dated aesthetics and musty smell – is an active agent in the transformation of value. When initially purchased, the symbolic and economic values of kimono are congruent. But with the passage of time and the deterioration of materials and fraying of kinship bonds, the value of kimono as treasured family possessions is diminished. Yet the very materiality that caused their loss of economic and symbolic value, their undesirable smells, colours and designs can cause them to enter a new regime of value as vintage fashion supported by fashion magazines. By rethinking Arjun Appadurai’s regimes of value with a greater focus on material properties and qualities, this article aims to link cycles of divestment and consumption practices with the generation, loss and re-creation of value.

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Piotrowska, Alicja, and Dominika Skrzypek. "Inalienable Possession in Swedish and Danish – A Diachronic Perspective." Folia Scandinavica Posnaniensia 23, no. 1 (2017): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/fsp-2017-0005.

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AbstractIn this paper we discuss the alienability splits in two Mainland Scandinavian languages, Swedish and Danish, in a diachronic context. Although it is not universally acknowledged that such splits exist in modern Scandinavian languages, many nouns typically included in inalienable structures such as kinship terms, body part nouns and nouns describing culturally important items show different behaviour from those considered alienable. The differences involve the use of (reflexive) possessive pronouns vs. the definite article, which differentiates the Scandinavian languages from e.g. English. As the definite article is a relatively new arrival in the Scandinavian languages, we look at when the modern pattern could have evolved by a close examination of possessive structures with potential inalienables in Old Swedish and Old Danish. Our results reveal that to begin with, inalienables are usually bare nouns and come to be marked with the definite article in the course of its grammaticalization.

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Kale, Durga. "Speaking Stones: Oral Tradition as Provenance for the Memorial Stelae in Gujarat." Heritage 2, no. 2 (2019): 1085–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/heritage2020071.

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Anthropological fieldwork in rural settlements on the west coast of India has unraveled the close connection between lived experiences, spaces and objects. These “inalienable possessions”, in the words of Annette Weiner, help reconstruct the past through the supplementation of oral traditions. Following this vein, the paper attempts to mesh together the material culture and oral histories to establish the provenance for the plethora of memorials in the state of Gujarat. A series of oral narratives collected in Western India since 2014 has highlighted the role of medieval memorial stelae that commemorate the deceased heroes of war and their wives and companions. This paper creates a niche for the Gujarati oral tradition as provenance for the continued veneration of these memorials. Field observations from 2014–2016 and notes from research in Gujarat from 1985 onwards enabled the study of patterns in the oral preservation of literature. A systematic documentation of the existing stelae and associated oral traditions has informed the views in this paper. The paper speaks to all levels of interaction and the making of an identity for the memorial stones that are unique to the state of Gujarat. A case for the inclusion of such rich material in museum displays is made in connection with this case study of the memorial stelae in Gujarat.

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21

Baauw, Sergio. "Constructions of inalienable possession." Linguistics in the Netherlands 13 (August 10, 1996): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/avt.13.03baa.

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22

Ormrod, W. M. "Edward III and His Family." Journal of British Studies 26, no. 4 (1987): 398–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385897.

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The chroniclers and poets of the later Middle Ages credited Edward III with many successes, among which the production of a large family rated highly. The king had a total of twelve children, of whom no fewer than nine—five sons and four daughters—survived to maturity (fig. 1). Historians have not always been enthusiastic about the generous provisions made for this large family. Edward's very fecundity, viewed by fourteenth-century writers as a sure sign of God's grace, has been seen as a political liability because it exhausted resources, created a political imbalance between the crown and the younger branches of the royal family, and led ultimately to the deposition of Richard II and the Wars of the Roses.It is possible, however, to view Edward III's family arrangements in a different and rather more favorable light. Since the loss of many of their overseas territories in the thirteenth century, the Plantagenet kings had come to regard their remaining possessions as an inalienable patrimony to be handed on intact from father to eldest son. Unless younger children were able to create titles for themselves in foreign lands, kings had no option but to reward their sons with English earldoms. This was not a policy guaranteed to benefit the crown: the bitter quarrels between Edward II and his cousin Thomas of Lancaster showed very clearly the dangers that might arise when cadet branches of the Plantagenet dynasty became bound up with the English aristocracy.

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23

Nakamoto, Takeshi. "Inalienable possession constructions in French." Lingua 120, no. 1 (2010): 74–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2009.05.003.

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Broekhuis, Hans, Leonie M. E. A. Cornips, and J. Maarten de Wind. "Inalienable possession in locational constructions." Linguistics in the Netherlands 13 (August 10, 1996): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/avt.13.06bro.

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Broekhuis, Hans, and Leonie Cornips. "Inalienable possession in locational constructions☆." Lingua 101, no. 3-4 (1997): 185–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0024-3841(93)00022-z.

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Bennett, Michael Eric. "Alienable and inalienable possession in Malagasy." WORD 39, no. 2 (1988): 109–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00437956.1988.11435784.

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Vinet, Marie-Thérèse, and Huijun Zhou. "La possession inaliénable en chinois mandarin et en français." Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 32, no. 2 (2003): 157–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19606028_032_02-02.

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This article presents a comparative analysis of inalienable possession structures in French and in Modem Chinese. This research tries to show that similarities exist in the expression of inalienable possession in the two grammars in spite of apparent differences. Several aspects are discussed, namely the distinct grammatical forms used to capture permanent possession, shared conceptual domains in both languages as well as verbs which express body movements, pronounced and unpronounced features of D (determiner) heads, open to the interpretation of inalienable possession.

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Schermer, Ina. "‘Onvervreemdbaar bezit’ verschillend benaderd." Nederlandse Taalkunde 26, no. 1 (2021): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/nedtaa2021.1.005.sche.

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Abstract In this paper I explain the difference between the notions possessive dative and possessive accusative as used by me and other linguists like Vandeweghe (e.g. 1986 and 1987) and the notions dative and accusative inalienable possessors as used in ). It is not so much the difference in the descriptive system I want to focus on, but the difference in aim. Broekhuis et al. want to specify the syntactic encoding of ‘inalienable possession’ and come to the conclusion that the possessor of the inalienable possession is always the referent of an indirect object, be it on different syntactic levels. I want to explain why this is the case. This can be done by showing that the complex predicates in inalienable possession constructions are comparable to the dative verbs in constructions with a regular indirect object, due to the fact that they contain a constituent referring to inalienable possession. Our descriptions have much in common and if we see them as complementary, they can profit from each other.

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Doo-Won Lee. "Major Subject Honorification in Inalienable Possession Constructions." Studies in Linguistics ll, no. 33 (2014): 271–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.17002/sil..33.201410.271.

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Fedorova, Liudmila L. "COMPOUND ADJECTIVES OF INALIENABLE POSSESSION IN RUSSIAN." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series History. Philology. Cultural Studies. Oriental Studies, no. 8 (2015): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6355-2015-8-61-74.

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Mostrov, Vassil. "Inalienable possession in French and in Bulgarian." French Syntax in Contrast 33, no. 2 (2010): 239–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.33.2.07mos.

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In this paper I try to find the ways of expression of Inalienable possession (IA) in Bulgarian, in comparison with French. I discuss the morphology and the interpretation of the determiners of these two languages, likely to function as A-bound morphemes according to Guéron’s (1985, 2005) binding hypothesis concerning the IA construal, based on the presence of phi-features on the determiners. I use an additional condition for a determiner to be A-bound (which comes from Vergnaud &amp; Zubizarreta 1992), namely the possibility for a determiner to have expletive uses. I claim that only the French definite article and the Bulgarian null determiner are subject to binding, the Bulgarian definite article being excluded due to its strong referential power.

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Kliffer, Michael D. "Commonalities of French and Mandarin inalienable possession." Language Sciences 18, no. 1-2 (1996): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0388-0001(96)00007-1.

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Palmié, Stephan. "Thinking with Ngangas: Reflections on Embodiment and the Limits of “Objectively Necessary Appearances”." Comparative Studies in Society and History 48, no. 4 (2006): 852–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417506000326.

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As Marcel Mauss (1967: 46) famously remarked, western societies draw a “marked distinction… between real and personal law, between things and persons.” Writing at the height of self-conscious early twentieth-century western modernism, Mauss was at pains to point out that it was “only our Western societies that quite recently turned man into an economic animal” (ibid.: 74), and that such a distinction was, historically speaking, a contingent elaboration. Commenting on Mauss' insights, James Carrier (1995: 30), thus, speaks of, “an increasing de-socialization of objects, their growing cultural separation from people and their social relationships” and the development of conceptions of “alienability and impersonality of objects and people in commodity relations” as characteristic of this moment. But Carrier is not entirely happy with the uses made of such insights by students of westerns societies. His intent, rather, is to qualify Mauss' famous distinction between forms of enacting object-relations as social relations shaped by sharply contrasting modes of gift or commodity exchange. Carrier, thus, expends much energy on expounding the extent to which “blocked exchanges” (Walzer 1983) “singularized goods” (Kopytoff 1986), conceptions of “market-inalienability” (Radin 1987) and “inalienable possessions” (Weiner 1992) are not random pre-capitalist survivals fortuitously lingering on within western cultures, but constitutive of forms of sociality indispensable to them. Of course, Carrier is largely concerned with dispelling the economistic fictions of forms of “occidentalist” discourse that systematically project a normative language of market functions and failures onto social practices which regularly produce, rather than merely accidentally throw up, what economists call “externalities” inhibiting optimal market allocations. Nevertheless, it is striking that both Mauss and most of his critics (Carrier being merely an example) take a principal, ontological distinction between people and things for granted. As a result, we are treated to sets of contrasting representations of how cultures (capitalist or other) construe such fundamental realities into different configurations of subjects and objects, so that the mystifications of one social formation or cultural order illuminate those of the other—to ultimately prove a Cartesian point.

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Martin, Jack. ""Inalienable Possession" in Creek (And Its Possible Origin)." International Journal of American Linguistics 59, no. 4 (1993): 442–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466213.

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Español-Echevarría, Manuel. "Inalienable possession in copulative contexts and the DP-structure." Lingua 101, no. 3-4 (1997): 211–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0024-3841(96)00023-x.

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Lee-Schoenfeld, Vera, and Gabriele Diewald. "The Pragmatics and Syntax of German Inalienable Possession Constructions." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 40 (December 21, 2014): 286. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v40i0.3145.

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Maling, Joan, and Soowon Kim. "Case assignment in the Inalienable Possession Construction in Korean." Journal of East Asian Linguistics 1, no. 1 (1992): 37–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00129573.

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Sutton, David. "Continuities: Essentialist or Sensory?" Archaeological Dialogues 6, no. 2 (1999): 142–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203800001495.

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Hamilakis and Yalouri make an important contribution to the recent growth in studies of Greek nationalism, which is part of a more general trend in history, anthropology and related disciplines to analyse nationalism as a cultural phenomenon, and the politics of ‘invented traditions’. By focusing on the sacralisation of archaeological remains, they add an important piece to the general picture of the uses of the past in modern Greece. While doing this they make their argument relevant to those authors looking at the power of objects and material remains to serve as sites for memory and historical consciousness, objects and/or rituals whose function is to ‘recall the past without enumerating it’ (Rappaport 1994: 76). In particular, archaeological remains resemble those ‘inalienable possessions’ which because of their power to symbolise continuity with ancestors, are withdrawn from the circuits of gift and commodity exchange (Weiner 1992). Objects from the past, much as we may attempt to preserve them behind glass cases in museums, have a ‘social life’ and are deployed in struggles for power and ideological legitimacy in the present. Given the sacred or ‘religious’ character that archaeological remains play in the Greek national narrative, Hamilakis and Yalouri sensibly argue that archaeologists, like historians and other scholars, must see their work as necessarily political. We cannot escape into objectivity; studies of the past are always in some way also reflections of the values of the present and the future. The authors rightly point to the hegemonic status of the ancient past in contemporary Greece. As I discovered during my research into historical consciousness on the island of Kalymnos, Kalymnians of radically different religious and political persuasions were united in the view that History should be read for what it revealed about the continuity in character of peoples and nations. Like archaeology, the narrative of Greek nationalism dominated written history on Kalymnos. Popular memories which conflicted with this narrative — for example, of women-led collective action — could still be found, but had none of the social capital to compete with ‘official history’, as written by an educated elite (see Doumanis 1997; Sutton 1998; 1999).

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Lee Soo-Hwan and Doo-Won Lee. "Inalienable possession construction and passive markers inducing an idiomatic interpretation." Linguistic Research 34, no. 3 (2017): 239–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17250/khisli.34.3.201712.003.

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40

Sim, Chang-Yong. "Reflexive Predicates and Reflexivity -The Case of Inalienable Possession Constructions-." Institute for Education and Research Gyeongin National University of Education 37, no. 3 (2017): 375–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.25020/je.2017.37.3.375.

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41

Choo, Miho. "Topic, relative, inalienable possession, and floated quantifier constructions in Korean." Korean Linguistics 8 (January 1, 1994): 39–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/kl.8.02mc.

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42

Meyerhoff, Miriam. "Formal and cultural constraints on optional objects in Bislama." Language Variation and Change 14, no. 3 (2002): 323–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394502143031.

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Bislama allows phonetically overt and phonetically null noun phrases (NPs) in argument positions. This article explores constraints on the occurrence of null NPs in direct object position. Discourse factors (given/new status of referent, antecedent's form) and syntactic factors (antecedent's grammatical role, identification by a transitive suffix) are investigated. Morphosyntactic and semantic features that might transfer from substrate languages (referent's animacy, (in)alienable possession) and social factors (age, sex, language of education) are also examined. Strong priming effects for grammatical role of the antecedent and form of the antecedent are identified. Also salient are inalienable possession and semantic type of the verb. The effect of inalienable possession shows the highly abstract transfer of substrate features, raising questions about the modularity of grammar. It is argued that a key motivation for such transfer is not just linguistic availability, but the social and cultural significance of different kinds of possession in Melanesia.

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Andrew, Edward. "Inalienable Right, Alienable Property and Freedom of Choice: Locke, Nozick and Marx on the Alienability of Labour." Canadian Journal of Political Science 18, no. 3 (1985): 529–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900032443.

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AbstractThis article attempts to illuminate a contradiction at the heart of the notion of natural rights. Natural rights are commonly thought to be both inalienable and the property of individuals. As the right or the law is privatized as my rights, her rights, our rights or their rights, rights come to be viewed as personal properties. A distinction is made between personal possession and private property (which entails the title to alienate what is owned) in order to speak significantly of our possession of inalienable rights. For Locke, we possess an inalienable right to life and liberty precisely because we do not own our lives and liberties. Moreover, we can alienate our person, or our ability to labour, precisely because it is our private property. For Nozick, rights are individual properties. Thus, for Nozick as distinct from Marx, one has the right to sell anything (one's life, liberty, labour or soul) at the market price.

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Liu, Haiyong. "Why Plurality of the Possessor Matters in Mandarin Chinese Inalienable Possession." Studies in Chinese Linguistics 40, no. 2 (2019): 141–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/scl-2019-0005.

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Abstract In this paper, I first introduce what inalienable possession structure (IPS) is cross-linguistically as well as how to form an IPS in Mandarin Chinese, i.e., pronoun + body part or kinship term, etc. With the help of postverbal IPS, I relate the lack of plural pronominal possessor in IPS, which is never discussed in the literature, to the prohibition of distributivity over distributivity, i.e., the semantic anomaly of distributive plural possessor over the stubborn distributivity inherent to Chinese IPS nouns. I also argue that the requirement of a plural pronominal possessor seen in the IPS of public places, spatial directions, and professional titles is a result of stubborn collectivity shared by these nouns. In the end, I discuss the association between the distinction of inalienable and alienable nouns and that of active and stative verbs.

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Edygarova, S. "Vyrazhenie neotchuzhdajemoj posessii v udmurtskom jazyke. Marking Inalienable Possession in the Udmurt Language." Linguistica Uralica 46, no. 2 (2010): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3176/lu.2010.2.03.

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MONTRUL, SILVINA, and TANIA IONIN. "Transfer effects in the interpretation of definite articles by Spanish heritage speakers." Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 13, no. 4 (2010): 449–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1366728910000040.

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This study investigates the role of transfer from the stronger language by focusing on the interpretation of definite articles in Spanish and English by Spanish heritage speakers (i.e., minority language-speaking bilinguals) residing in the U.S., where English is the majority language. Spanish plural NPs with definite articles can express generic reference (Los elefantes tienen colmillos de marfil), or specific reference (Los elefantes de este zoológico son marrones). English plurals with definite articles can only have specific reference (The elephants in this zoo are brown), while generic reference is expressed with bare plural NPs (Elephants have ivory tusks). Furthermore, the Spanish definite article is preferred in inalienable possession constructions (Pedro levantó la mano “Peter raised the hand”), whereas in English the use of a definite article typically means that the body part belongs to somebody else (alienable possession). Twenty-three adult Spanish heritage speakers completed three tasks in Spanish (acceptability judgment, truth-value judgment, and picture–sentence matching tasks) and the same three tasks in English. Results show that the Spanish heritage speakers exhibited transfer from English into Spanish with the interpretation of definite articles in generic but not in inalienable possession contexts. Implications of this finding for the field of heritage language research and for theories of article semantics are discussed.

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Farkas, Judit, and Gábor Alberti. "The relationship between (in)alienable possession and the (three potential) forms of possessed nouns in Hungarian." Linguistica 56, no. 1 (2016): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.56.1.111-125.

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The paper gives a thorough insight into the system of possible forms of (in)alienably possessed nouns in Hungarian. Its point of departure is the group of [Nominative + -j- +A] possessive forms the stem of which has an alternative (morphologically “shorter”) possessive form; such longer possessive forms are claimed to express alienable possession (see den Dikken 2015). We point out that Hungarian deverbal nominals― and especially the groups of T-nouns―play an interesting role in this system via the thematic character of their possessors (given the obvious connection between alienable possession and external argumenthood, on the one hand, and inalienable possession and internal argumenthood, on the other).

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DIXON, R. M. W. "Categories of the Noun Phrase in Jarawara." Journal of Linguistics 36, no. 3 (2000): 487–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700008367.

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The head of an NP is taken to be that component which determines the categories of the NP as a whole. First impression of an NP in Jarawara (Arawá family, Brazil) involving inalienable possession (e.g. o-mano ‘my arm’) is that there is conflict of criteria concerning what is head. The gender of the NP, for verbal suffix agreement, is determined by the possessor (here Isg prefix o-), suggesting that this should be taken to be head. But the whole NP counts as 3rd person, for verbal prefix agreement, suggesting that the possessed noun (mano ‘arm’) should be taken as head. Furthermore, the NP counts as inanimate. Detailed analysis shows that there is in fact no conflict. All NPs in this language are 3rd person (1st and 2nd persons being confined to head marking within the predicate and functioning as possessors within an NP, not as full NPs). And all NPs involving inalienable possession count as inanimate. The only variable is gender, which is determined by the possessor; plainly, this is the unequivocal head of the NP.

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Stolz, Thomas, and Sabine Gorsemann. "Pronominal possession in Faroese and the parameters of alienability/inalienability." Studies in Language 25, no. 3 (2001): 557–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.25.3.06sto.

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The paper seeks to demonstrate that grammatically relevant distinctions of alienable vs. inalienable possession are not completely uncommon in modern Indo-European languages of Europe. A detailed analysis of pronominal attributive possession in presentday Faroese shows that there is a clearly defined system at work determined by semantic, syntactic, and pragmatic factors. The interplay of these factors is described on the basis of a corpus analysis of modern Faroese prose. It is argued that the presence or absence of the alienability-inalienability distinction in languages is not exclusively a structurally motivated phenomenon as suggested by Nichols (1992). The authors claim that alienability/inalienability in grammar is, instead, semanti- cally motivated.

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Veland, Reidar. "Verbal Idioms with Body Part Nouns: A Dictionary Perspective on Inalienable Possession in Italian." Studia Neophilologica 82, no. 2 (2010): 217–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00393274.2010.522087.

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