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Journal articles on the topic 'Inanna'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 23 February 2023

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1

Abrahams, Tamsin. "INANNA—PAIN, ECHO AND REBIRTH." Dramatherapy 30, no. 3 (December 2009): 13–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02630672.2009.9689755.

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2

Cooper, Marc. "Inanna. Diane Wolkstein and Geoffrey Gordon." Biblical Archaeologist 53, no. 4 (December 1990): 239–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3210175.

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3

Rubio, Gonzalo, and Yitschak Sefati. "Inanna and Dumuzi: A Sumerian Love Story." Journal of the American Oriental Society 121, no. 2 (April 2001): 268. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/606565.

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4

Lion, Brigitte. "Dame inanna-ama-mu, scribe à Sippar." Revue d'assyriologie et d'archéologie orientale 93, no. 1 (2001): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/assy.093.0007.

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5

Collins, Paul. "The Sumerian Goddess Inanna (3400-2200 BC)." Papers from the Institute of Archaeology 5 (November 15, 1994): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/pia.57.

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6

Bidmead, Julye, and Marilyn Love. "Ištar’s Journey: Above and Below." Culture and Cosmos 22, no. 1 (June 2018): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.0122.0203.

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Astral information appears in a wide variety of cuneiform texts: astronomical manuals, omen series, reports written by celestial diviners to the kings, letters, prayers, and myths. This paper examines one of these myths, Inanna/Ištar’s Descent into the Netherworld, to trace the parallels between Inanna/Ištar’s journey in the netherworld and the planet Venus. The Mesopotamian goddess Inanna/Ištar is represented in her astral aspect as Venus, who is both the evening star, visible after sunset, and the morning star, visible before sunrise. In the myth, she travels from the ‘great heavens above’ into the netherworld, the ‘great below’, where she passes through seven gates. At each gate, she is symbolically stripped of her divine radiance (mêlammū) by the removal of her clothing and adornments. She is held prisoner by the queen of the netherworld, her older sister, Ereškigal. During the goddess’ captivity, procreation and fertility of the land cease. She is eventually rescued and released in exchange for her lover, Dumuzi/Tammuz, who must reside half of the year in the netherworld in her place. Though the myth is traditionally understood as a seasonal aetiology, with its familiar ancient Mediterranean dying-rising god motif, and as the Mesopotamians’ conception of afterlife, using iconographic representations and linguistic comparisons with the astral omen texts, another interpretation explaining the movements and periodic disappearance of Venus is noticeable.
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7

Sjöberg, Åke W. "A Hymn to Inanna and Her Self-Praise." Journal of Cuneiform Studies 40, no. 2 (September 1988): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1359660.

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8

Böck, Barbara. "ÜBERLEGUNGEN ZU EINEM KULTFEST DER ALTMESOPOTAMISCHEN GÖTTIN INANNA." Numen 51, no. 1 (2004): 20–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852704773558214.

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AbstractThe present study aims at interpreting a Sumerian hymn pertaining to the cult of the ancient Mesopotamian goddess of love and war, Inanna/Ištar. Though this literary composition belongs to the realm of royal religion, and centres on the relationship between the goddess and the royal personage, the hymn also provides an insight into a cultic feast of rather popular character. The text describes a ritual; its inner logic follows the course of a cultic ceremony. Accordingly, the term "implicit ritual" as opposed to "explicit ritual", or liturgical order, can be applied. Until now the Sumerian hymn in question has been treated mainly from a text critical point of view. Certain aspects of the ritual performance, viz. the playful change of gender roles, are expressed through the epithets of the goddess. Recently, attention has been given to those epithets that allude to the power of the goddess to change her sex, and it has been proposed that they show a shamanistic side of the goddess. In what follows we shall put forward an alternative interpretation of the change of gender roles by using the concept of play and game as intrinsic to a religious system. The cultic feast of the goddess Inanna/Ištar will thus be traced back to a ritual of inversion which serves to reconstitute the moral and social order as well as to consolidate religious belief. Since our hymn is considered to be one of the main sources for the reconstruction of the so-called "sacred marriage" we shall also touch upon this ancient rite.
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9

Grahn, Judy. "Ecology of the Erotic in a Myth of Inanna." International Journal of Transpersonal Studies 29, no. 2 (July 1, 2010): 58–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24972/ijts.2010.29.2.58.

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10

Galati, Michelle. "Rosanna Micelotta Battigelli, La Brigantessa. Toronto: Inanna Publications, 2018." Italian Canadiana 33 (April 28, 2022): 330–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/ic.v33i.38542.

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11

Harris, Rivkah. "Inanna-Ishtar as Paradox and a Coincidence of Opposites." History of Religions 30, no. 3 (February 1991): 261–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/463228.

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12

Farber, Gertrud. ""Inanna and Enki" in Geneva: A Sumerian Myth Revisited." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 54, no. 4 (October 1995): 287–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373771.

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13

No, Yi Kyun. "In Quest of the Orbit of Inanna, the Archetype of Erotica." Treatise on The Plastic Media 24, no. 2 (May 31, 2021): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.35280/kotpm.2021.24.2.12.

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14

Alster, Bendt, and Konrad Volk. "Inanna und Šukaletuda: Zur historisch-politischen Deutung eines sumerischen Literaturwerkes." Journal of the American Oriental Society 119, no. 4 (October 1999): 687. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604850.

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15

Kerr, Roalind. "With(holding) the Knife: Representing the Unrepresentable (Wo)man inAnna." Modern Drama 39, no. 4 (December 1996): 566–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/md.39.4.566.

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16

Phoenix, Evin Eldridge. "Goddess Consciousness: The Power of Inanna as Revolutionary Ecofeminist Archetype." Psychological Perspectives 62, no. 2-3 (July 3, 2019): 193–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00332925.2019.1627145.

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17

Nicholson, Sarah. "The Perennial Philosophy of the Goddess Inanna: An Integral Feminism." International Journal of the Humanities: Annual Review 1, no. 1 (2005): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1447-9508/cgp/v01/58123.

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18

Yoo, Youngjae, and Gongsook Kim. "A Narrative Structure of Female Heroes and the Ambivalence of the Mother Goddess Archetype in <Moana>." Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 44, no. 7 (July 31, 2022): 271–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2022.7.44.7.271.

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This study examines the Disney animation <Moana>(2016) as 9 stages of a female hero narrative model based on the ancient Sumerian Inanna goddess archetype, and analyzes the ambivalence of the Great Mother Goddess archetype. Moana dreams of sailing far away from the rules of the tribe, and wants to go out to sea like the her ancestors who were sailors. In the course of her quest to return the heart of Te Fiti, goddess of creation and life, with the aid of her mother goddess. With the help of the Mother Goddess, Moana sets out on an adventure to return the heart of Te Fiti, the goddess of creation and life. In the process, she takes on the lead role as a pure warrior and navigator, although she is helped by the male hero Maui. In the narrative of <Moana>, 9 stages of a female heroic narrative are implemented based on the myth of the descent of the goddess Inanna. In <Moana>, the goddess Te Fiti, the lava monster Te Kā, and the ‘sea’ show the ambivalence of the great mother goddess archetype. Moana is the mediator who unites and reconciles the ambivalence of the great goddess. She is also a mythical female hero who sets the world order right by restoring her original identity overturned by masculinity.
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19

O'Brien, Joan, Diane Wolkstein, and Samuel Noah Kramer. "Inanna: Queen of Heaven and Earth. Her Stories and Hymns from Sumer." Classical World 79, no. 1 (1985): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4349821.

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20

Robinson, John C. "Living the Myth of Inanna: A Descent into the Netherworld of Surgical Awareness." Psychological Perspectives 48, no. 1 (January 2005): 110–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00332920500255805.

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21

Salha, Gwenaël. "The Heroine in the Underworld: An Ecopsychological Perspective on the Myth of Inanna." Ecopsychology 2, no. 3 (September 2010): 165–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/eco.2010.0023.

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22

Karahashi, Fumi. "Fighting the Mountain: Some Observations on the Sumerian Myths of Inanna and Ninurta." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 63, no. 2 (April 2004): 111–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/422302.

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23

Montalvão, Sérgio Aguiar. "O MITO DA PROSTITUIÇÃO NA ANTIGA MESOPOTÂMIA: UMA DISSOCIAÇÃO DE SEUS RESPECTIVOS “PAPÉIS” DA SEXUALIZAÇÃO." Revista Caminhos - Revista de Ciências da Religião 18, no. 2 (August 19, 2020): 478. http://dx.doi.org/10.18224/cam.v18i2.7573.

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Este artigo dissocia papéis do mito da prostituição na Antiga Mesopotâmia, cuja religião possuía o Matrimônio Sagrado representado na união do rei da Suméria com a en/entu, sumo sacerdotisa de Inanna. Ugbatu era sacerdotisa enclausurada. Nadítu e kulmashîtu eram não-sacerdotisas devotas enclausuradas. Qadishtu e ishtarîtu eram funcionárias de culto do templo. Kezertu era devota de Ishtar solicitada por mulheres da alta sociedade. Shamhatu vinculada à prosperidade e harimtu com renda própria como comerciante sem família estavam nos papéis femininos seculares. Sacerdotes kurgarrû e assinnu caracterizavam a guerra e a beleza masculina. Assim, tais papéis jamais possuíram vínculo com a prostituição.
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24

Ataç, Mehmet-Ali. "Manichaeism and Ancient Mesopotamian "Gnosticism"." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 5, no. 1 (2005): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921205776137945.

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AbstractThis essay compares Manichaean cosmogony with select ancient Mesopotamian myths with special emphasis on parallels between the Manichaean "First Creation" and the myth of the Descent of Inanna/Ishtar to the netherworld. It further compares the Manichaean "Second Creation" and "Third Creation" with aspects of the Babylonian Poem of Creation, Enuma Elish, and The Epic of Gilgamesh respectively. Unlike Gnostic myths, no overall semantic network seems to tie individual Mesopotamian myths together. However, close correspondence between both traditions not only helps one see certain Mesopotamian myths in a different light, but also reveals the indebtedness of Gnostic myths to Near Eastern antiquity.
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25

Thomas, Paul. "Re-Imagining Inanna: The Gendered Reappropriation of the Ancient Goddess in Modern Goddess Worship." Pomegranate 6, no. 1 (May 2004): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/pome.6.1.53.31683.

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26

Savage, Claire Tiampo. "Tantric Chakras and the Descent of Inanna: Bridging the Archetypes and the Human Soul." Psychological Perspectives 62, no. 2-3 (July 3, 2019): 243–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00332925.2019.1627146.

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27

Ribeiro, Lidice Meyer Pinto. "O sagrado feminino na primavera bíblica." Mandrágora 27, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15603/2176-0985/mandragora.v27n1p7-30.

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A relação entre a mulher e a fertilidade transparece nos rituais de primavera desde os tempos imemoriais. Através de uma leitura atenta da Bíblia sob o enfoque da antropologia bíblica, percebe-se a constante presença feminina nos eventos relacionados à primavera no Antigo e Novo Testamentos bem como sua associação simbólica com arquétipos da Deusa-mãe e das deusas Inanna/Ishtar, Ísis e Perséfone. Observa-se também a constância da face feminina de Deus, ruach, e de repetições tríplices que apontam para representações da totalidade do gênero feminino. A presença da primavera se destaca na condução da trama bíblica desde a formação do povo de Israel à chegada e sacrifício do Messias bem como na promessa de sua segunda vinda.
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28

Sołtysiak, Arkadiusz. "The Bull of Heaven in Mesopotamian Sources." Culture and Cosmos 05, no. 02 (October 2001): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.0205.0203.

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This paper deals with the imagery of the constellation Taurus in the cultures of ancient Mesopotamia. The constellation appears explicitly in the well-known story about Gilgamesh, in which the Bull of Heaven attacks Gilgamesh on the order of Inanna, the deity associated with the planet Venus. It can be argued from other sources that, as early as the 3rd millennium BCE, the Bull was particularly related to this goddess and to An, the god of heaven, both of whom were worshipped in the city of Uruk, itself ruled by Gilgamesh according to Mesopotamian tradition. The Bull of Heaven was represented pictorially in association with the gate of the heavenly palace of An. The later traditions and the iconography of the Bull of Heaven are also explored in the paper.
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29

Smolnytska, Olha. "Архетипне підґрунтя вибраної творчості Віри Вовк: образ богині Іштар та інші персонажі." Studia Ucrainica Varsoviensia, no. 9 (December 17, 2021): 125–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2299-7237suv.9.10.

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The study proposes to analyze the image of the goddess Ishtar in selected works of the Ukrainian writer in Rio de Janeiro Vira Vovk (Wira Wowk, autonym Vira-Lydia-Kateryna Selyanska, Wira Selanski). The main feminine characters for comparative analysis are: Inanna-Ishtar, Esther (biblical character and title image of the novel), fictional heroine Aylya. Masculine and feminine characters are taken into account. The archetypal substratum is analyzed as exemplified by mythologems. The polylogue of Vira Vovk’s texts is offered. The material of the analysis encomasses the works by Vira Vovk, the Bible, myths of different nations. The image of Aylya is compared with eternal images, as well as figures of the Ukrainian intellectual women, including allegorically depicted ones in the literature of the 20th century. Comparative, archetypal, textual and other methods are used.
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30

Janssen, Caroline. "Address Behaviour in Eight Unpublished ana bēlīja Letters from the Late Old Babylonian Ur-Utu Archive: Close Relatives Through a Distant Mirror?" Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie 108, no. 2 (November 27, 2018): 149–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-2018-0011.

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Abstract One of the common forms of address, in Old Babylonian letters, is ‘to my lord’ (ana bēlīja). If letters come from clandestine digs, it is hard to know who is hiding behind this title. In the context of the Ur-Utu archive, there is one unknown variable less. The addressee is the archive’s owner. It occurred to me that in eight ana bēlīja letters from this collection, the senders bore names identical to those of Inanna-mansum’s sons (Ur-Utu, Kubburum, Ilī-iqīšam and Ḫuzālum) and Ur-Utu’s wife Rā’imtum. Can it be confirmed that the sender and the correspondent of these letters are indeed close relatives, and that the ana bēlīja format was used to address a father, brother or spouse? If so, what does this practice tell us about the address ‘my lord’, as a social habit?
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31

Bruinsma, Raelene. "Restoring Inanna and the Huluppu Tree: The Productive Tension between Creativity and Data in Practice- led Research." International Journal of the Arts in Society: Annual Review 6, no. 6 (2012): 209–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1833-1866/cgp/v06i06/36106.

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32

Garbini, Giovanni. "Il Cantico dei cantici nel quadro della poesia dell´antico Oriente." Sefarad 57, no. 1 (June 13, 2018): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/sefarad.1997.v57.i1.861.

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La poesía erótica más antigua nació en Mesopotamia, a finales del tercer milenio a.C., como parte de la liturgia para las bodas de Dumuzi e Inanna. La poesía amorosa es un género típicamente fenicio, surgido en el contexto del marzeaḥ, banquete sagrado que probablemente conmemora la muerte de un dios. Este género existía ya desde el s. XIV a.C. y fue introducido en Babilonia en la época casita (ss. XIV-XIII a.C.) y en el Egipto de los Ramesidas (s. XIII a.C.). Después del 1200 a.C., la poesía erótica sobrevivió sólo en Fenicia. El Cantar de los cantares, que por estar escrito en hebreo misnaico no puede remontarse más allá del s. II a.C., revela afinidades con la lírica de amor egipcia, aunque no conocemos la relación existente entre ambas. Inspirándose en la filosofía platónica, el Cantar ofrece una solución teológica al tradicional problema del dios vencido por la muerte, haciendo del Amor un dios más fuerte que ésta.
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33

Watson, W. G. E. "PIETRO MANDER, Canti sumerici d'amore e morte. La vicenda della dea Inanna/Ishtar e del dio Dumuzi/Tammuz." Journal of Semitic Studies 53, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 199–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgm068.

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34

Cline, Kurt. "Journey to the Land of No Return: Alice Notley’s The Descent of Alette and the Sumerian “Descent of Inanna”." Advances in Literary Study 03, no. 03 (2015): 89–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/als.2015.33014.

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35

Şimşek, Esma. "TÜRK KÜLTÜRÜNDE “ALKARISI” İNANCI VE BU İNANCA BAĞLI OLARAK ANLATILAN EFSANELER." AKRA KÜLTÜR SANAT VE EDEBİYAT DERGİSİ 5, no. 12 (May 1, 2017): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.31126/akrajournal.327926.

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36

Cabrera, Rodrigo, and Renate Marian Van Dijk-Coombes. "DESDE EL CIELO AL INFRAMUNDO. REFLEXIONES SOBRE LAS REPRESENTACIONES CORPORALES DE INANNA Y DUMUZI A PARTIR DE LA EVIDENCIA ICONOGRÁFICA Y TEXTUAL." História: Questões & Debates 67, no. 1 (December 19, 2018): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/his.v67i1.59894.

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37

Kurtik, G. E. "The identification of inanna with the planet venus: A criterion for the time determination of the recognition of constellations in ancient mesopotamia." Astronomical & Astrophysical Transactions 17, no. 6 (June 1999): 501–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10556799908244112.

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38

Turenko, V. E. "POLEMICNESS AND AGONALITY OF DISCOURSE OF LOVE: PHILOSOPHICAL AND CULTURAL VIEW." UKRAINIAN CULTURAL STUDIES, no. 1 (4) (2019): 38–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/ucs.2019.1(4).07.

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The article conceptualizes the idea of the unity of love and war based on the mythological, cultural, and philosophical aspects. The author, based on a number of theoretical and empirical arguments, hypothesizes that the "polemical" (warlike) Eros`s image as archer with arrows has its roots in Middle Eastern (Sumerian-Akkadian, Semitic) mythology, which saw not the opposition of love and war, and a close relationship of these phenomenons in the image of Ishtar (Inanna, Astarte). It is highlighted that the courtly culture of love through the idea of winning lady's heart is characterized by the fact that it is the cultural, empirical embodiment of the understanding of the unity of the discourse of love and the discourse of war. It emphazises the idea that the philosophical aspect of understanding this issue is associated with two phenomenons, namely power and gift. Accordingly, it is within the frame- work of the discourse of love that the “admiration” takes place, the effect of which is explained by the fact that having subjugated the object of love, the subject himself obeys him. At the same time, in the context of the gift, there is an “agon”, that is, a competition between those in love regarding the exchange of gifts and pleasures. Therefore, it is argued that the discourse of love is polemical and agonal.
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Zettler, Richard. "RECONSTRUCTING THE WORLD OF ANCIENT MESOPOTAMIA: DIVIDED BEGINNINGS AND HOLISTIC HISTORY." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 46, no. 1 (2003): 3–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852003763504320.

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AbstractSince its inception in the nineteenth century, ancient Mesopotamian studies has recognized a division of labor between archaeologists and philologists/historians that has often skewed histories of the "land between the rivers." Recent efforts, inspired in part by the Sumerologist Thorkild Jacobsen, offer hope for more holistic histories. Three case studies—on the Inanna temple at Nippur under the Third Dynasty of Ur, abrupt climate change in the late third millennium and its social impact as reconstructed from environmental proxy data and textual sources, and the Sumerian Agriculture Group's collaborative research on subsistence—typify efforts to integrate material culture and texts. Dès le début des études sur la Mésopotamie ancienne au 19ème siècle, un fossé s'est creusé entre les archéologues et les philologues/historiens, et les travaux historiques portant sur le "pays entre les fleuves" en ont souvent été influencés. De récents efforts, inspirés en partie par le sumérologue Thorkild Jacobsen, permettent d'espérer une histoire plus compréhensive. Trois études de cas caractérisent les efforts d'intégration des données de la culture matérielle et des documents écrits: le temple d'Inanna à Nippour sous la troisième dynastie d'Ur; le brusque changement de climat survenu vers la fin du troisième millénaire et son impact social reconstruits à partir de textes et de données indirectes dérivées de l'environnement; enfin la recherche en interdisciplinaire du Sumerian Agriculture Group sur les ressources alimentaires.
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Postgate, J. N., and Richard L. Zettler. "The Ur III Temple of Inanna at Nippur: The Operation and Organization of Urban Religious Institutions in Mesopotamia in the Late Third Millennium B. C." Journal of the American Oriental Society 114, no. 3 (July 1994): 494. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/605111.

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41

Kurbanoğlu, S. Serap. "Öz-Yeterlik İnancı ve Bilgi Profesyonelleri İçin Önemi." Bilgi Dünyası 5, no. 2 (October 31, 2004): 137–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15612/bd.2004.484.

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Öz-yeterlik, kişinin bir işi başarıyla yapmak için gerekli becerilere sahip olduğu konusundaki inancıdır. Öz-yeterlik inancı insan davranışlarını etkiler. İnsan davranışları, gerçekte doğru olandan çok, insanların neyin doğru olduğu yolundaki inancına dayanır. Öğretme/öğretmen yeterliği ise, öğretmenlerin, öğrencilerin performanslarını ve başarılarını etkileme yeteneklerine olan inançları şeklinde tanımlanır ve öğretmenin etkililiği ile yakından ilişkilidir. Bu makalede, “öz-yeterlik” ve “öğretme/ öğretmen yeterliği” olguları üzerinde durulmakta ve bilgi profesyonelleri için önemi tartışılmaktadır.
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42

Balakhvantsev, Archil S. "Achaemenid Decoration with an Eight-Pointed Star from Filippovka 1." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 2 (2022): 234. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080019626-5.

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The article is devoted to the publication of a piece of jewelry with an eight-pointed star – a symbol of the goddess Inanna / Ishtar. The main decorative elements (an eight-pointed star, a filigree made of braids and smooth wire, an end with pyramids of four grain balls, additional elements of chains in the form of wires ending in pyramids of grain on which beads were strung, and drop-shaped pendants decorated with pyramids of four grains, four-bladed pendants, consisting of two thin almond-shaped plates bent at right angles, soldered together along the fold line), as well as the use of cloisonne enamel technique by the master and the method of attaching round eyelets soldered to the underside of the plate, have numerous parallels among Achaemenid jewelry. We can assume that the decoration was sewn on the upper part of the headdress, which was a trun-cated cone, the top of which was beveled back. In this case, chains of medium length could be lo-cated in front, and short chains – behind, dropping to the same level. Along with other Achaemenid prestige values, it fell into the hands of the Southern Urals nomads as payment for their participation in the suppression of the Inaros&apos; revolt in Egypt in 456–454 BC and then for several decades it existed in a nomadic environment. Taking into account the available analogies and the historical context of the find, the decoration can be dated to the last quarter of the 6th – the first half of the 5th century BC.
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43

Douglas, Claire. "In Homage to the Feminine Self Betty De Shong Meador .Inanna, Lady of Largest Heart: Poems of the Sumerian Priestess Enheduanna. Austin, TX, University of Texas Press, 2000." San Francisco Jung Institute Library Journal 21, no. 2 (August 2002): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jung.1.2002.21.2.43.

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44

Kisiel, Anna. "“We have an origin like water”: The Path towards Femininity in Eavan Boland’s The Journey." Postscriptum Polonistyczne 27, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/https://doi.org/10.31261/ps_p.2021.27.07.

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Eavan Boland’s poem “The Journey” depicts the dream of a woman, who – just like Inanna, a Sumerian goddess – embarks on the eponymous journey into the underworld, guided by Sappho. At first, she sees nothing in the darkness, yet, having accustomed to it, she observes mothers and children in loving embraces: the image which is immediately disturbed by the female’s guide, who makes the persona realise that these people are the victims of an unspecified plague. At this moment, the woman, stricken with terror, notices the signs of sickness and death; among others, she sees infants being poisoned during breast feeding. Sappho stresses that the watched mothers have a lot in common with the speaker – they are all loving and caring, despite their occupation or status, but also despite the tragedy they participate in. In this feminine transfiguration of The Aeneid, the terrified lyrical subject expresses the wish to provide a testimony on their behalf; however, Sappho assures her that she is here precisely in order to gain this knowledge of her genesis. When the woman finally returns to reality, everything remains as it was, but she feels the difference nonetheless; she is deeply affected by the events she has seen.The aim of my paper is to analyse Eavan Boland’s take on the path towards femininity in the context of Bracha L. Ettinger’s matrixial theory. What Ettinger proposes is a supplement to Freudian-Lacanian approach, which makes it possible to conceive of a new, feminine-based, non-binary matrixial difference, grounded upon proximity, hospitality, and exchange instead of a set of separations and the male/female opposition. I will endeavour to prove that Ettingerian psychoanalysis and Boland’s piece, when combined, can unfold the potential of a matrixial journey towards becoming a woman, grounded upon such notions as compassion, fragility, wit(h)nessing, exchange, connectivity, and transsubjective experience, unthinkable from the Oedipal perspective.
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Küçükkalfa, Ahmet. "Hünkâriler Luristan Hünkârileri: Lekler, Zendler, Lurlar, Bahtiyariler ve Türkler." ALEVİLİK-BEKTAŞİLİK ARAŞTIRMALARI DERGİSİ, no. 18 (December 24, 2018): 341–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24082/2018.abked.199.

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Hünkâr Hacı Bektâş-ı Veli’nin Horasan-Nişabur’dan Anadolu’ya seyahati sırasında uğradığı Aslanlı Sahra’da taşa çevirdiği aslanlar konusu ilgimi çekmiş ve 2016 yılında Luristan’a gerçekleştirdiğim keşif gezisi bir araştırmaya dönüşmüştü. Hünkâr, geleneksel Doğu- Batı “Hac ve Göç” yolundan yani Hemedan-Kuzey Luristan (Lek–Delfan) toprakları üzerinden Irak topraklarına geçmişti. Hünkâr’ın Vilayetnamesi’nde izlendiği gibi bölgede Hünkâr’a bağlı Hünkâri inancı yeşermişti.Günümüz Hünkâri inancı, Hünkâr’dan yaklaşık yüz yıl sonra bölgede (Lek–Delfan’da) faaliyet gösteren Sultan İshak’ı inanç kurucusu olarak kabul eder. Öğreti de (İnanışta) yüce yaratıcının adı Farsça “Havendkâr” idi. (Havendkâr, Handkâr, Havendigâr, Hüdâvendigâr, Hünkâr) Türkiye Türkçe’sinde “Hünkâr” ve “Hüdâvendigâr” biçimi önem kazanarak, dünyevileşmiştir. Sadık Safizade’nin derlediği “Name-i Serencam” adlı inanca ait kutsal kitapta, Hünkâr Hacı Bektâş-ı Veli, yaşadığı zamanın Hünkâr’ıdır. İnancın ilk ve en önemli şairi Bayrak Kuşcuoğlu’nun şiirleri de Türkçe’dir. Sultan İshak’ın takipçileri Hünkâriler günümüz İran sahasında “Ehl-i Hak” (ve Ali İlâhi /Aliyü’l İlâhi) topluluklarıdır. İnançları esas olarak şiir formunda korunmuştur. “Farsça: Guyende, Arapça: Kelâmgu, Türkçe: Söyleyici” olarak hitap edilen 24 sufi söyleyici, başlangıç tarihlerinden itibaren inancı, Türkçe şiir-nefeslerle ifade etmişlerdir. İnanç kurucusu Sultan İshak’tan sonra inancın en kutlu kişisi, inanç kurucusunun torunu ve aynı zamanda Sultan İshak’tan sonra inancın liderliğini üstlenen Şah İbrahim’dir. Şah İbrahim döneminin söyleyicisi (kelâmgu, guyende) Bayrak Kuşcuoğlu, Ehl-i Hak inancın ilk söyleyicisi ve en önemli, en bilinen ve en ünlü şairidir.(Kuşkusuz sonraki dönemlerde diğer etnik gruplara hitap eden şairler de vardır.) Ehl-i Haklar’la ilgili çevreler, 24 guyendeden Kul Veli ve Kuloğlu’nun Hacı Bektaş’la, Yunus’un Yunus Emre ile ilgili olduklarını düşünmektedirler (Bu konunun da araştırılması umuduyla). İnancın takipçilerinden özellikle Türk-Ateş Beyli topluluğu, en büyük topluluk olup, çeşitli tahminlere göre, Ateşbeyliler’in oranı %30-40 arasındadır (Hünkâri inancı yani “Ehl-i Hak’lar” ve “Ali İlâhi /Aliyü’l İlâhi’ler” ayrı bir yazı konusudur.). Orta Doğu coğrafyasında bin yıllık Türk egemenliğinin başlamasıyla birlikte, Hünkâri inancının yeşerdiği Hemedan-Musul arasındaki bu “Hac ve Göç” yoluna, Türk soylu toplulukları yerleşmiş, yüzyıllar boyunca yolun güvenliği, öncelikle Türk soylu topluluklara emanet edilmiştir (Kanuni’nin 1533-1535 seferi sonrası Hemedan şehrinden Musul’a kadar topraklar Osmanlı yönetimindedir). Günümüzde Luristan bölgesinin ve Lekler’in etnik yapısı hakkında tartışmalar sürmektedir. Bu araştırmamızın gösterdiği gibi Lekler, Anadolu’da hatta İran’da soydaşları olan, Türk asıllı topluluklardır. Oryantalistlerin sürekli ilgi alanında bulunan bölge, kültürel tarihimizin bir parçasıdır.
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46

TOPCAN, Özlem. "Protestan Evanjeliklerin Amerika-İsrail İlişkilerindeki Rolü Üzerine Teolojik, Politik ve Tarihsel Değerlendirme." Turkish Academic Research Review - Türk Akademik Araştırmalar Dergisi [TARR] 7, no. 4 (December 29, 2022): 905–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.30622/tarr.1181376.

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Hıristiyanlığın ilk dönem köklerini ve doğrudan kutsal kitap metinlerini esas alan Protestan Evanjelik kiliselerinin köktenci ve muhafazakâr dünya görüşleri, Hıristiyan Siyonizm anlayışının ortaya çıkmasına zemin hazırlamıştır. ABD’nin İsrail’e yönelik politikalarında belirleyici bir rol oynayan Hıristiyan Protestan Evanjelik lobiler ve Yahudi lobileri 19. yüzyılın sonları 20. yüzyılın başlarında ABD’de yükselişe geçen antisemitizm akımının kırılması için Nazi Almanya’sının 2. Dünya Savaşı sırasında Avrupa’da Yahudilere uyguladığı soykırımları lanetleyen propagandaları etkili bir şekilde kullanmışlardır. Yapılan bu propagandalar Ortadoğu coğrafyasında İsrail Devleti’nin kuruluşuna dayanak sağlamıştır. Teolojik kökleri kutsal kitap metinlerine dayanan “Siyonizm” ifadesi süreç içerisinde siyasi bir ideoloji/hareket haline gelmiştir. "Siyon" kelimesi, Kutsap Kitap’ta 163 kez (Eski Ahit'te 156 ve Yeni Ahit'te 7 kez) kullanılmıştır. Yahudilerin anavatanları olan İsrail topraklarında devlet kurması ve gelişip ilerlemesi amacıyla İsrail’e destek toplamak için dünya genelinde yürütülen faaliyetler “Siyonizm” şemsiyesi altında toplanmaktadır. İsrail ile ABD arasındaki güçlü bağın en önemli nedeni de “Hıristiyan Siyonizm” anlayışıdır. ABD’nin dış politikalarında dost müttefik bir ülke olduğu düşüncesiyle İsrail’e koşulsuz şekilde verilen desteklerde, her ne kadar jeopolitik ve stratejik anlamda ulusal çıkarlar gözetiliyor olsa da, Mesih’in dönüşünden önceki “binyıl öncesi gündem” (Premillenial Dispensational) teolojisine inanan Amerikan Evanjeliklerin dini kehanetlere olan bağlılıkları bu desteklerin altında yatan diğer bir etkendir. Hıristiyan Protestan Evanjelizmin gelecek görüşünün bir parçası olan “Premillenial Dispensational” teolojisinde “Tanrı'nın vaat edilen toprakları Yahudilere, O’nun seçilmiş halkına verdiği” inancı bulunmaktadır. Bu inancı sadakatle takip eden Hıristiyan Protestan Evanjelikler, gerçekleştirdikleri lobi faaliyetleriyle ABD’nin politik yaşamında aktif ve belirleyici bir konum işgal etmektedirler. Türkiye ve ABD arasındaki uluslararası ilişkilerde hatta Türkiye-İsrail ilişkilerinde Protestan Evanjeliklerin tutumlarının ne denli belirleyici olduğu hususunun çalışmada ortaya koyulmasının önem arz ettiği değerlendirilmektedir.
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47

Gür, Durmuş, and A. Nazlı Soykan. "Anadolu Kültüründe Nazar ve Nazarlıklar: Safranbolu Örneği /Evil Eye and Amulets in Anatolian Culture: The Case of Safranbolu." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 2, no. 3 (September 30, 2013): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v2i3.258.

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Öz Bu araştırma, Anadolu kültüründe yer alan nazar inancı ve bu inancın somut bir yansıması olan nazarlıklarla ilgili günümüze ulaşan bazı örnekleri incelemektedir. Araştırma kapsamında, günümüzde Safranbolu’da bulunan sivil ve dini mimaride, özellikle su yapılarında görülen nazarlık çeşitleri, teknik, tür ve çeşitlilik açısından incelenmiş ve fotoğraflarla belgelenmiştir. Safranbolu’nun Bağlarbaşı, Kıranköy (Atatürk Mahallesi), Gümüş, Hacı Halil, Baba Sultan, Çeşme, Karaali, Çavuş Mahalleleri’ndeki mimari eserlerde bulunan nazarlıklar, araştırma konumuzun kaynağını oluşturmaktadır. Araştırmada önce nazar inancı ile ilgili yaklaşımlar ve bu inancın tarihi kökenleri incelenmiştir. Daha sonra nazara inanan insanların, kötü niyetli insanların bakışlarıyla yaydıkları olumsuz enerjiyi başka alanlara yönlendirebilmek amacıyla kullanmış oldukları nazarlıklar incelenmiştir. Kullanılan nazarlık çeşitleri sınıflandırılarak benzer uygulamalar aynı başlık altında incelenmiştir. Araştırmanın son kısmında ise bu nazarlıkların özelliklerini gösteren bir tablo ile birlikte kullanılan malzeme ve teknikler hakkında bilgi verilmiştir. Ayrıca, araştırma evreninde yer alan nazarlıklara ait bazı fotoğraflar araştırma sonuna eklenmiştir. Abstract This article examines the belief in evil eye in Anatolian culture and its concrete reflection, using amulets to defend oneself against it. The aim of this essay is to investigate and to certificate the types of amulets in civil and religious architecture, especially in water structures, in Safranbolu. In the study, the amulets existing in Baglarbasi, Kirankoy, Gumus, Haci Halil, Baba Sultan, Cesme, Karaali, and Cavus districts of Safranbolu is handled. The first part of the article examines the belief in evil eye and the historical basis of this belief. The second part examines the amulets used by the people who believe that bad energy coming from evil eyes could be prevented by them. In the last part, the technique and materials used in production process of amulets is analyzed. Additionally, some photographs taken in research universe showing some amulet models attached to the article.
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KAHRAMAN, Hilal. "Yanılsamanın Sahnesi Dünya ve Nietzsche’nin Araçsal Değer Analizi." JOURNAL OF HISTORY AND FUTURE 8, no. 4 (December 22, 2022): 1016–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.21551/jhf.1207548.

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Nietzsche insanlığın başlangıcından beri var olan, uzlaşılarla geliştirilen değerleri birer araç olarak görmektedir. Ona göre insanlar dünyanın gerçek doğasını görmekten korktukları için bu araçları geliştirmişlerdir. Dünyanın görünüşünün ardında var olan gerçek halini görmek ve aslında yaşadıkları dünyanın amaçsız ve anlamsız olduğunu teşhis etmek insanlar için kolay değildir. Bu yüzden derin düşünmeden, yüzeysel kalarak oluşturdukları ortalama değerler aracılığıyla rahatlamayı ve yaşamayı tercih ederler. Oluşturdukları değerler onlar için amaçlarını gerçekleştirme yolunda birer araçtır, aynı zamanda kendi davranışlarını meşru kılmak adına bu değerler üzerinde değişiklikler yapabilir, lehlerine kullanabilirler. Yaşadığı dönemde var olan bozulma ve sıkıntıların kaynağında bu değerlerin bulunduğunu düşünen Nietzsche, değerlerin odağında bulunan ve dönemin Alman ulusuna hâkim olan Hıristiyanlık ve Tanrı anlayışına eleştirilerde bulunmuştur. Giderek bozulduğunu iddia ettiği Hıristiyan inancı, özellikle katı Katolik mezhebinin düşüncesi, aynı zamanda kendi buhranları ve yaşantısı Nietzsche’nin dini sorgulayarak eleştirmesine neden olmuştur. Kilisenin toplumlara yönelik baskın bir role sahip olduğu bu dönemde Tanrının dünyadaki eli olduğu iddiasında olan ve Tanrı adına hareket eden din adamlarına karşı tepki gösteren Nietzsche, bir Tanrı varsa aşkın bir karakterde bulunması ve tüm insanlığa aynı mesafede olması gerektiği düşüncesindedir. Tanrı bu dönemde aynı zamanda büyük anlatılar için insanlığın kullandığı bir araçtır. Dünyada var olan kaos içinde nesnel bir düzen olduğuna inanan insan, Tanrı aracılığıyla evrende bir amaç ve anlam bulmaya çalışmaktadır. İnsanın çaba ve mücadelelerinin boşuna olmaması ve temellenebilmesi için evrendeki hareketin özüne yerleştirebileceği bir Tanrı düzeni, bununla beraber yaşamın kendisine dair bir ilerleme inancı ve bunların yanında bir amaç bulması gereklidir. Ancak insan ihtiyaç duyduğu ve açıklamalarının merkezine yerleştirdiği Tanrısına ihanet etmektedir ve Nietzsche’ye göre bu durum ise kilisedeki bozulmalara ek olarak dünyada da bozulmalara neden olmaktadır. Bu çalışmada Nietzsche’nin aklın değil yanılsamaların sahnesi olduğunu iddia ettiği dünya ve üzerindeki bozulmaların kaynağına ilişkin düşünceleri analiz edilerek, geleceğe yönelik yeniden değerlendirilmesi gerektiğini ileri sürdüğü araçsal değerler ve yönelttiği eleştirilerini irdelemek amaçlanmaktadır.
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49

Hughes, Heather. "Violence in Inanda, August 1985." Journal of Southern African Studies 13, no. 3 (April 1987): 331–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057078708708149.

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50

Cooley, Jeffrey. "Early Mesopotamian Astral Science and Divination in the Myth of Inana And Šukaletuda." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 8, no. 1 (2008): 75–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921208786182446.

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AbstractThe Sumerian tale of Inana and Shukaletuda recounts how the goddess Inana is raped by a homely gardener upon whom she seeks and ultimately finds revenge. Though this general plot has long been understood, certain elements of the story have remained largely unexplored. Previous scholarship has often suggested that within Inana and Shukaletuda, the goddess Inana is often described in her astral manifestation (e.g. S. Kramer 1961, 117; K. Volk 1995, 177-179 and 182-183; B. Alster 1999, 687; J. Cooper 2001, 142-144). Nevertheless, to date there has been no systematic treatment of this assumption and this study seeks to fill this gap. It is my thesis that certain events of the story (i.e. Inana's movements) can be related to a series of observable celestial phenomena, specifically the synodic activity of the planet Venus. This also explains the heretofore enigmatic climax of the story, in which Inana crosses the entire sky in order to finally locate her attacker, as a celestial miracle required by the planet Venus' peculiar celestial limitations. Furthermore, since in ancient Iraq the observation of astronomical phenomena was often done for the purpose of celestial divination, I suggest that certain events within the story may be illuminated if situated within that undertaking.
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