Relevant bibliographies by topics / Inclusive peace

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Inclusive peace'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 15 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Inclusive peace"

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True, Jacqui, and Yolanda Riveros-Morales. "Towards inclusive peace: Analysing gender-sensitive peace agreements 2000–2016." International Political Science Review 40, no. 1 (November 27, 2018): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118808608.

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The presence of gender provisions in peace agreements affects women’s participation in post-conflict societies as well as the chances that a post-conflict society will move towards gender equality. While there is an overall upward trend in the number of references to women’s rights and gender equality in peace agreements, gender-sensitive agreements are not a given. Why and how are peace agreements with gender provisions adopted? We use statistical analysis to explain why some peace agreements adopt gender provisions while others have no such provisions. Based on an analysis of 98 peace agreements across 55 countries between 2000 and 2016, we find that peace agreements are significantly more likely to have gender provisions when women participate in elite peace processes. Our study also shows that the likelihood of achieving a peace agreement with gender provisions increases when women’s representation in national parliaments increases and when women’s civil society participation is significant.
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Mendes, Isa. "Inclusion and Political Representation in Peace Negotiations: The Case of the Colombian Victims’ Delegations." Journal of Politics in Latin America 11, no. 3 (December 2019): 272–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x19889756.

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This article discusses the issue of inclusion in peace negotiations, in particular the Colombian peace process with the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionárias de Colombia, with special emphasis to a perceived tension between “direct” and “indirect” inclusive initiatives. It argues that, as currently discussed by the Peace and Conflict literature, inclusion tends to be seen as neutral and benign, which leaves little room for critical discussions about the political contention behind peace negotiations deemed “inclusive.” It thus proposes to discuss inclusion through the theoretical lens of political representation and apply such reflections to the specific case of the Colombian victims’ delegations that travelled to Havana in 2014 in order to take part in the table’s discussions on the victims and transitional justice topic. Ultimately, I will argue there was simultaneous utilisation and rejection of the language of representation.
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McClintock, Elizabeth, and Térence Nahimana. "Managing the Tension between Inclusionary and Exclusionary Processes: Building Peace in Burundi." International Negotiation 13, no. 1 (2008): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138234008x297940.

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AbstractThe tension between inclusive and exclusive approaches is present throughout peace processes. The challenge of facilitators, mediators, and parties alike is to determine how to manage these tensions, how to integrate various processes into a comprehensive whole and ensure that those required to implement the peace agreement have access to the process that creates the peace agreement. In particular, how can civil society, an actor of ever-increasing importance in the implementation of peace agreements, be effectively included in the design of the accords? This article examines the tension between inclusive and exclusive processes within the context of the Burundi peace process and the development of the Arusha Peace Accords.
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Cuhadar, Esra, and Thania Paffenholz. "Transfer 2.0: Applying the Concept of Transfer from Track-Two Workshops to Inclusive Peace Negotiations." International Studies Review 22, no. 3 (June 24, 2019): 651–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isr/viz031.

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AbstractThis article argues that the scholarly study of “transfer” from track-two workshops to track-one negotiations is highly applicable to the study of transfer from other modalities of participation to track-one in inclusive peace negotiations. During the last decade, other approaches to make negotiations more inclusive have also been increasingly employed, such as national dialogue conferences, variety of consultation mechanisms, or a diverse set of peace commissions. In this paper, we aim to expand the conceptualization of transfer beyond ICR workshops and discuss how the knowledge accumulated concerning transfer in the ICR literature during the last decades can be applied to understand and evaluate transfer from other inclusion modalities used in peace negotiations today. We therefore make a distinction between the first generation of transfer (1.0) developed by the ICR workshops scholars and practitioners and the transfer process from other modalities used in inclusive negotiations (2.0). To apply the lessons learned from transfer 1.0 to 2.0, we start with an overview of the concept as developed in track-two literature. We then suggest a conceptualization of transfer 2.0, based on insights from how it has unfolded in five of the seven inclusion modalities examined in our comparative case study. We discuss the similarities and differences between transfer 1.0 and 2.0 and how transfer 2.0 can be studied, including and beyond track-two initiatives. We conclude by suggesting a number of directions for future research on transfer 2.0 that are relevant to several inclusion modalities.
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Paffenholz, Thania, and I. William Zartman. "Inclusive Peace Negotiations – From a Neglected Topic to New Hype." International Negotiation 24, no. 1 (March 7, 2019): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-24011186.

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Abstract The objective of this special issue on inclusive peace negotiations is to advance the debate on negotiations. It sheds light on included and excluded actors, in particular political parties, civil society, business, youth and religious actors, and those armed actors that are either excluded or included. This special issue is particularly interesting as all articles combine a conceptual introduction of the role of the discussed actor in question in peace negotiations with a case study approach. This method enriches conceptual discussion and debates on the role of the various actors through analyses of several peace negotiations, including among others, DRC, Kenya, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Guatemala, El Salvador, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Macedonia, Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and Myanmar.
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Pamungkas, Cahyo. "The Campaign of Papua Peace Network for Papua Peace Land." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 21, no. 2 (December 5, 2017): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.30440.

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This article aims to narrate a series of peaceful campaigns conducted by Papua Peace Network (PPN) for Papua Peace Land. This informal network consists of several groups of civil societies, such as religious organizations, ethnic groups, NGOs, and academicians. The PPN has some objectives that are to connect conflicted groups in Papua land, and to help both Papuan people and Indonesian government preparing an inclusive dialogue. This article results from research between 2013 and 2017. The data collection used observation of peaceful campaign of PPN, interviews, and archival research. This research shows that although a series of peaceful campaigns have been conducted by PPN both at the national and local levels between 2013 and 2016, but political violence still increases in Papua land. On another side, the national government only focuses on social and economic development issues, in particular, infrastructure projects, instead of political issues. Government officials involved in peaceful campaigns conducted by PPN had no power enough to implement some peace recommendations due to the national government has no a roadmap to resolve the conflict between Jakarta and Papua peacefully. The article argues that a continuously informal communication between conflicted parties is a necessary condition, but it is not a sufficient condition to create a positive peace. Therefore, the National Government is strongly suggested to implement an inclusive national dialogue with Papuan people.
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Swan, Bernard. "An inclusive paradigm of peace: The Kingdom of God∗." Pacifica Review: Peace, Security & Global Change 7, no. 1 (January 1995): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14781159508412790.

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Jan, Inamullah, and Shabir Hussain. "Media, War and Peace: Towards Peace Journalism Strategies in Pakistan." Global Regional Review V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 340–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2020(v-i).37.

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In this article, the researchers have examined various factors that affect reporting of two deadly conflicts in Pakistan and identify peace-oriented strategies to help resolve these conflicts. For this purpose, comprehensive and inclusive interviews were conducted with reporters covering the Taliban conflict and the ethno-political conflict in Karachi. The researchers found that the nature of a conflict and threats from conflict stakeholders were the important factors that shape the production of conflict news. As far as peace journalism strategies are concerned, it was found that a more contextual way of reporting alongside humanization those sufferers would facilitate broader understanding and resolution of these conflicts in Pakistan.
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Brantmeier, Edward J., and Destin Webb. "Examining learning in the course, “Inclusive Leadership for Sustainable Peace”." Journal of Peace Education 17, no. 1 (September 26, 2019): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17400201.2019.1669145.

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Zanker, Franzisca. "Legitimate Representation: Civil Society Actors in Peace Negotiations Revisited." International Negotiation 19, no. 1 (March 13, 2014): 62–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341270.

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AbstractCurrent research suggests that negotiations which are more inclusive are more likely to achieve durable peace since they speak to the entire population. One way to ensure public support is through the inclusion of civil society groups, either directly at the negotiation table or indirectly in supportive roles. It is argued that through their inclusion there is a positive effect on the legitimacy of negotiations which in turn leads to more durable peace. Nonetheless, the reasons why and how involving civil society groups improves the legitimacy of negotiations remains little understood. This article considers the gap in research by using original empirical data to look at the peace negotiations held in Liberia in 2003 and Kenya in early 2008. A theoretical model of legitimate negotiations will be used to show in what ways the involvement of civil society groups can in fact make the conduct of negotiations and the outcome of an agreement more legitimate for the aggrieved population.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Inclusive peace"

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MENDES, ISA LIMA. "CONFLICT RESOLUTION AND REPRESENTATION: THEORETICAL PATHS FOR INCLUSIVE PEACE PROCESSES." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2016. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=31367@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Embora constitua uma preocupação prática e teórica há muito mais tempo, a partir do fim da Guerra Fria, a Resolução de Conflitos tornou-se concomitantemente mais importante e mais complexa. A explosão de conflitos em grande medida represados durante as décadas anteriores, desencadeados por controvérsias sociais no geral muito enraizadas, forçou uma reinvenção da disciplina. Multiplicam-se demandas práticas por maior inclusão e transparência na condução de processos de paz, de modo que hoje dificilmente uma negociação que não faça acenos à população terá grandes chances de ser vista como legítima. Ao passo que especialistas começam a se debruçar sobre formas de promover a inclusão sem ao mesmo tempo entulhar a mesa de negociações de pontos de vista distintos, vai-se comprovando aos poucos que a paz inclusiva é também a paz durável. Esta pesquisa objetiva contemplar essa discussão por um ângulo menos usual - o da representação política. Ao invés de pensar na inclusão como instrumento de criação da representatividade, averiguaremos o papel da representação em possibilitar (ou não) a inclusão. Argumenta, portanto, que é preciso pensar a inclusão através da representação, e não o contrário. Para isso, será erguida uma ponte teórica entre os campos da Resolução de Conflitos e da Ciência Política. Acredita-se, em última análise, que a representação concretizada pelas mesas de negociação ajuda a explicar o surgimento de padrões de inclusão e exclusão em processos de paz.
While it constitutes a practical and theoretical concern for a much longer time, after the Cold War, Conflict Resolution became simultaneously more important and more complex. The explosion of conflicts largely suppressed over the previous decades, unleashed by ingrained social controversies, forced reinvention upon the discipline. Practical demands for greater inclusion and transparency in the handling of peace processes multiplied, which explains why today hardly ever a negotiation that does not consider popular needs will have great chances of being seen as legitimate. While specialists start to tackle ways to promote inclusion without, at the same time, hoarding the negotiation table with too many different points of view, it is becoming increasingly clearer that an inclusive peace is also a durable peace. This research aims to contemplate this discussion through a less usual lens - the one of political representation. Instead of thinking about inclusion as an instrument to achieve representativeness, we will evaluate the role of political representation in allowing (or not) for inclusion. It argues, thus, that it is necessary to reflect on inclusion through representation, not the other way around. In order to do that, it will build a theoretical bridge between the fields of Conflict Resolution and Political Science. Ultimately, the political representation put forth by negotiation tables may help explain the emergence of inclusion and exclusion patterns during peace processes.
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Derlich, Stephanie. "Civil society involvement in peace processes : The case of Afghanistan." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-105429.

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Civil society inclusion in peace processes has been recognised to be crucial in achieving sustainable peace. The author first reviews the existing academic literature on this, before looking at how civil society, and especially civil society in non-western contexts and armed conflicts can be conceptualised. The variety of approaches and the limitations of Western actor-based concepts in non-Western contexts explains the choice of a function-based model of civil society being chosen to analyse it in the context of international peacebuilding efforts. Its involvement in formal peace processes and negotiations meanwhile is analysed using nine models of inclusion.  The case that is chosen for this exploration is Afghanistan. As a multi-facetted country with a long history of armed conflict and foreign involvement, the developments in the past two decades provide an interesting case study. The inductive desk research, using secondary data, is guided by the questions; which concept of civil society has informed the peace building process in Afghanistan in the past twenty years, how civil society in Afghanistan can be conceptualized and how this has affected the peace building process.  The findings paint a distinct picture of a country that has been shaped by armed conflict, tracing its roots back to the early days of modern Afghanistan and contrasting existing societal and political structures with Western concepts of civil society and state building. Civil society involvement is being analysed using exemplary stages of peace processes and external peace building efforts.  The research concludes that civil society inclusion has been limited by Western concepts of civil society being unfittingly applied to far more complex local realities, thereby excluding relevant actors and limiting the legitimacy and ownership of the peace process, with the prospect of peace being a long way off.
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Suleiman, Akef Venus. "Architecture for Positive Peace: The Role of Architecture in the Process of Peacebuilding within Conflict and Postwar Contexts." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1559058624350655.

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Leimeister, Timo. "“They only followed Orders” : Promoting an Inclusive Group Identity in Cambodia through Genocide Education?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Hugo Valentin-centrum, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-385144.

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Whereas reconciliation in Cambodia has mostly received academic attention in terms ofanalyzing state-institutions, this thesis explores the role of civil society actors. Of particularinterest is the impact, grass-root efforts can have on promoting an inclusive group identitythrough educational means. This will be researched through the analysis of attitudes towardselements of an inclusive group identity held by pre-service teachers, who were interviewedbefore and after they took part in a so-called genocide education workshop organized by theDocumentation Center of Cambodia. These attitudes will be examined in terms of theirjustifications, and if the workshop influenced their quantity as well as quality. In addition, bytaking into account justifications of attitudes supporting an inclusive group identity, threecommon denominators will be identified that can help strengthening the impact of futureeducational efforts within the framework of reconciliation. Of particular interest in this regardwill be the finding highlighting the relation of functionalist perception of perpetrators thatproofed to be supportive of the interviewees` acceptance of an inclusive group identity.
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Onyegbula, Roselyn Ifeyinwa. "Women’s Experiences in Peace Building Processes: A Phenomenological Study of Undeterred Female Leaders in Northern Nigeria." Diss., NSUWorks, 2018. https://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/110.

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Women living in northern Nigeria face a herculean challenge of overcoming direct and indirect violence. These include domestic violence, political instability, social inequality, and the threat of Boko Haram. Boko Haram is an extremist militant group that has been known to kidnap, rape, and torture women and young girls as means of terrorizing the Nigerian community. Northern Nigerian women have also faced challenges within their own community as they are barred from participating in public activities, are under-represented in government, forced into early marriages, and are often victims of domestic violence. This study examines the lived experiences of women peacebuilders living in northern Nigeria as they negotiate regional conflicts and manage the peacebuilding process. Seven northern Nigerian females between the ages of 30 to 60 were recruited to participate in this study. All came from diverse backgrounds but shared a commonality of peace building and conflict management within their respective communities. The goal of this study was to better understand the meaning of these experiences and to uncover how these women handle these daily challenges. Feminist standpoint and structural violence theories provide the theoretical framework to dissect the essence of their experiences. The study adopted Clark Moustaka’s approach towards conducting transcendental phenomenological research methods and procedure. The results of the study will inform project design and policy formulation and serve as a source for future research and interventions by development agencies and other stakeholders interested in peace within the region.
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Karamichail, Evanthia. "Sequencing Inclusion of Civil Society Actors: From Inclusion in Peace Negotiations to Participation in Implementing Peace Agreements?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445267.

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The role of civil society in conflict resolution has moved from the margins to the core of analyses of peace processes. However, existing literature has put little attention on examining the contribution of civil society in the implementation of peace agreements in the immediate time upon their conclusion. I aim to fill this gap by asking “How does the mode of civil society inclusion during the pre-agreement stage influence the degree of civil society participation in the implementation of peace agreements?”. I argue that when civil society can directly influence the peace talks by having a seat at the negotiation table this can have downstream effects on how much they will be involved in the implementation of the agreed provisions. The research question is answered in the context of a qualitative study of the cases of the peace process in Mozambique and El Salvador, through the method of structured focused comparison. The findings do not support this expectation. The analysis rather indicates that direct participation is not enough for civil society actors to ensure continuity in their participation, and more substantive engagement and ownership might be needed.
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Sköndal, Ylva. "Inclusion, influence and increased durability of peace : Civil society organizations in peace negotiations." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-353734.

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This thesis aims to investigate why inclusion of civil society actors in peace processes leads to more durable peace in some cases while not in others. It argues that the influence, rather than inclusion, of civil society organizations (CSOs) explains this variation. It is hypothesized that when CSOs have influence in peace negotiations, peace is more likely to be durable, as well as when a wide range of CSOs have influence in peace negotiations, peace is more likely to be durable. This is explored through a structured focused comparison between the peace processes leading up to peace agreements in Sierra Leone in 1996, the DRC in 2002, the Ivory Coast in 2003 and Liberia in 2003. The empirical findings lend support to the hypotheses and point in the direction of influence of CSOs in peace processes being of importance for the durability of peace. Certain evidence suggesting legitimacy being the causal mechanism is found. However, the empirical analysis also points towards other factors being potential alternative explanations such as war fatigue and sequencing of the process. The suggestive findings and the potential alternative explanations should be investigated further in order to increase the chances of durable peace.
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Tengbjer, Jobarteh Isolde. "Women’s Participation in Peace Negotiations and the Inclusion of Gender Provisions." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-376589.

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Are peace agreements more likely to include gender provisions if women participate in the peace negotiations? The international community, national governments and civil societies around the world have assumed that women’s inclusion in peace negotiations result in higher quality peace agreements, where women’s interests are better taken into consideration. To date, there is a lack of empirical underpinning of the assumption. This study uses a twofold research design, combining statistical and qualitative methods to examine the interrelation between women’s descriptive and substantive representation in peace negotiations in the post-Cold War era. First, the statistical analysis suggests that peace agreements are more likely to include at least one gender provision referring to women’s rights and security if women participate in the negotiation. At the same time, the agreements are not more likely to address a higher number of different areas for increased rights and security measures for women. Second, the qualitative analysis examining the mechanisms shows that there is no guarantee that women will push for gender provisions, but that their particular experiences and interests in conflict, and the expectations from others give them strong reasons to do so. Important factors for women to successfully push for gender provisions have to do both with their individual will and personal ability, and external factors relating to the presence of traditional gender norms and the power balance between men and women in the country of conflict.
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Viken, Anne Schive. "Inclusion and exclusion as problems of peace processess : the case of Burundi." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/8998.

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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 88-95).
In conflict resolution literature, the principle of all-inclusiveness, which calls for all warring parties to be included in a peace process for it to be successful, has become conventional wisdom and orthodoxy. This study challenges the principles of all-inclusiveness by critically analysing problems related to issues of "inclusion" and "exclusion" of warring parties, as seen from a mediator's perspective. The literature on peace processes is examined in relation to five themes: The foundation for the principle of all-inclusiveness; the relationship between participation and the use of violence; consequences of exclusion; participation in relation to parties' characteristics; and consequences of all-inclusiveness. A set of questions are raised through which the issue of all-inclusiveness can be investigated, and on this basis, the 1998 peace process in Burundi is studied. The case of Burundi challenges the principle of all-inclusiveness as the process was successful despite the exclusion of several armed groups and highlights important dimensions for the question of participation. The central argument of the thesis is that the issue of participation, in particular its relation to success, is much more complex than recognised in the literature.
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Cole, Matilda. "Investigating the Inclusion of Ethno-depoliticization within Peace-building Policies in Post-conflict Sierra Leone." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23475.

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Ethno-politicization has been identified as a covert yet pervasive contributing factor in the various outbreaks of violence throughout Sierra Leone’s post-independence history. With the latest round of violent conflict having ended in 2002, the government of Sierra Leone in collaboration with local and international partners is presently engaged in peace-building. That being said, institutionalized peace-building has a considerable but imperfect track record of success. Furthermore, the intricate way in which ethno-politicization is woven into the social-political fabric of Sierra Leone is such that, if not effectively treated, it poses a continuing threat to the stability of the nation. Accordingly this thesis examined the extent to which ethno-depoliticization strategies have been directly incorporated into the peace-building framework. This task was accomplished through the development of a five-point definition of ethno-politicization that is based on the institutional instrumentalist theory. The definition provided an analytical framework used in the interpretation of results from a policy audit and field interviews with representatives of the peace-building architects. The research revealed that within the peace-building framework, ethno-politicization is not directly acknowledged as a real and ongoing threat to peace and stability and hence, a prioritized component of the peace-building architecture. However, some of the policy initiatives contained within the peace-building framework will indirectly result in ethno-depoliticization outcomes. These policy initiatives nevertheless require more rigorous and focused implementation and monitoring to be effective. Accordingly, the study recommends (i) the implementation of the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (ii) a constitutional amendment stipulating ethnic quotas for political party leadership and parliamentary candidates; (iii) the strengthening of civil society;(iv) an intensive nation-wide campaign promoting a national identity and; (v) the strengthening of democratic institutions, which also includes making ethnically-inclusive and ethnically impartial practices within public institutions as part of the performance evaluation of senior public servants.
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Books on the topic "Inclusive peace"

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1974-, Watanabe Lisa, and Geneva Centre for Security Policy, eds. A proposal for inclusive peace and security. Geneva: Editions Slatkine, 2007.

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International Centre for Ethic Studies, ed. Reconciling what?: History, realism, and the problem of an inclusive Sri Lankan identity. Colombo: International Centre for Ethic Studies, 2012.

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Ava, Shrestha, and United Nations Country Team, Nepal, eds. Gender equality and social inclusion: Independent evaluation : promoting the rights of women and the excluded for sustained peace and inclusive development. Lalitpur: Office of the UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator, United Nations Country Team, Nepal, 2011.

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Baños, Josep-Eladi, Carlo Orefice, Francesca Bianchi, and Stefano Costantini, eds. Good Health, Quality Education, Sustainable Communities, Human Rights. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-6453-896-9.

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The publication collects the contributions presented during the International Symposium of the Italian UNESCO Chairs (CONIUS) entitled Human Rights and Sustainable Development Goals 2030, which took place on 16 November 2018 at the University of Florence. The contributions of national and international experts address the Global Aims for Sustainable Development of the UNESCO including Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) n. 3 Improvement of the ‘Global Health’, n. 4 ‘Quality Education’, n. 11 ‘Cities and Inclusive Human Sett lements’ and n. 16 ‘Peace and Justice’, using transdisciplinary and transnational perspectives and implemented through theoretical studies and good practices.
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Pearson, Carlton. The gospel of inclusion: Reaching beyond religious fundamentalism to the true love of God and self. New York: Atria Books, 2008.

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Stories of inclusion?: Power, privilege, and cross difference organizing within a contemporary peace and justice network. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2008.

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Women Seen and Heard Project. Women seen and heard: A European Special Support Programme for Peace and Reconciliation project, aimed at creating a rights-based approach to social inclusion and participation. Belfast: Women Seen and Heard Project, 1997.

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Cortright, David, Conor Seyle, and Kristen Wall. Governance for Peace: How Inclusive, Participatory and Accountable Institutions Promote Peace and Prosperity. Cambridge University Press, 2017.

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Governance for Peace: How Inclusive, Participatory and Accountable Institutions Promote Peace and Prosperity. Cambridge University Press, 2017.

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Pathways for Peace: Inclusive Approaches to Preventing Violent Conflict. The World Bank, 2018.

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Book chapters on the topic "Inclusive peace"

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Carter, Candice C., and Linda Pickett. "Inclusive Peace Her/History." In Youth Literature for Peace Education, 123–47. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137359377_7.

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Lehti, Marko. "Towards a Locally Owned Inclusive Peace Process." In The Era of Private Peacemakers, 155–63. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91201-1_11.

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Kearney, Judith, Lesley Wood, and Richard Teare. "Designing Creative Projects with Young Adults: Peace-Building in Lebanon." In Designing Inclusive Pathways with Young Adults, 83–94. Rotterdam: SensePublishers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6300-157-1_8.

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Reardon, Betty A., and Tony Jenkins. "Gender and Peace: Toward a Gender Inclusive, Holistic Perspective." In Betty A. Reardon: Key Texts in Gender and Peace, 87–108. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-11809-3_7.

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Lowe, Robert D., and Orla Muldoon. "‘Unexpected’ and ‘Inclusive’ Social Identities in Intractable Conflict: The Case of Northern Ireland." In Representations of Peace and Conflict, 187–204. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137292254_10.

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Sims, Angela D., F. Douglas Powe, and Johnny Bernard Hill. "Disturbing the Peace: Theological Mandate to Construct an Inclusive Vision of Humanity." In Religio-Political Narratives in the United States, 19–37. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137060051_2.

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Wong, Pak Nung. "Redeeming Knowledge from Power: Towards a Christian Academic Spirituality for Peace and Inclusive Scholarship." In Discerning the Powers in Post-Colonial Africa and Asia, 149–66. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-287-511-2_7.

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Oduro, Franklin. "The Changing Nature of Elections in Africa: Impact on Peacebuilding." In The State of Peacebuilding in Africa, 163–80. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46636-7_10.

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Abstract Elections, particularly ones which transition societies from autocracy to democracy, are one of the central pillars of peacebuilding in Africa. How regular, inclusive, and credible they are will determine if they contribute to or undermine peace. This chapter probes the complicated nexus between elections and peacebuilding, as well as recent trends in election practice and technology that have impacted the way Africans perceive this vital element of democratic consolidation. It provides some provisional ideas on minimizing the “winner-take-all” ethos and other potential triggers for election-related violence in Africa.
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Otten, Sabine, Juliette Schaafsma, and Wiebren S. Jansen. "Inclusion as a Pathway to Peace." In Peace Ethology, 35–52. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118922545.ch3.

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Sriram, Chandra Lekha. "Colombia: The Limited Appeal of Inclusion Incentives." In Peace as Governance, 143–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230582163_6.

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Conference papers on the topic "Inclusive peace"

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Aguirre, César. "THE CONTRIBUTION OF UNIMINUTO AS AN INCLUSIVE UNIVERSITY TO THE PEACE PROCESS IN COLOMBIA." In 10th International Conference on Education and New Learning Technologies. IATED, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/edulearn.2018.1742.

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Mardila, Riana. "The Urgency of Woman Inclusion in Peace Negotiation." In International Conference Recent Innovation. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0009934404040410.

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Lopez varela, Susana, and Joan Moreno Sanz. "La red de transporte masivo como soporte del sistema de espacios abiertos metropolitanos. Caso de estudio: La Línea 2 del Metro de Lima." In ISUF-h 2019 - CIUDAD COMPACTA VERSUS CIUDAD DIFUSA. Valencia: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isufh2019.2019.9654.

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El modelo de desarrollo urbano disperso y monofuncional, ha incrementado la movilidad urbana y la dependencia de sistemas de locomoción individuales, generando externalidades negativas ambientales y sociales: contaminación atmosférica, fragmentación de los espacios abiertos, desigualdad social, etc. La planificación urbana orientada a la movilidad sostenible es uno de los retos del desarrollo urbano futuro. La promoción de sistemas de transporte masivo en entornos urbanos densos y mixtos, debería contribuir, no sólo a mejorar la eficiencia de las redes de transporte y a reducir el impacto de la movilidad, sino también a ayudar a estructurar un sistema de espacios abiertos metropolitanos. El presente artículo tiene como objetivo principal evaluar el papel de la red de transporte público masivo, como vertebrador de un sistema de espacios abiertos físicamente conectados y socialmente inclusivos. Como caso de estudio se ha tomado la nueva Línea 2 del Metro de Lima, actualmente en ejecución, y como insumo para la definición del sistema, el Plan de Espacios Abiertos e Infraestructura Ecológica en Lima (PEAIE). La complementariedad entre ambos podría contribuir a mejorar la conectividad ambiental y la inclusión social en los nuevos espacios abiertos asociados al proyecto. Metodológicamente se evaluarán, a partir de la definición de indicadores, las variables de conectividad, calidad ambiental e inclusión social de los espacios abiertos de Lima en relación a la nueva Línea 2 del Metro. En conclusión, la planificación urbana integrada y orientada al transporte masivo permitiría redefinir el papel de los espacios abiertos como un sistema interconectado, accesible e inclusivo.
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Lopez varela, Susana, and Joan Moreno Sanz. "La red de transporte masivo como soporte del sistema de espacios abiertos metropolitanos. Caso de estudio: La Línea 2 del Metro de Lima." In ISUF-h 2019 - CIUDAD COMPACTA VERSUS CIUDAD DIFUSA. Valencia: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isufh2019.2020.9654.

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El modelo de desarrollo urbano disperso y monofuncional, ha incrementado la movilidad urbana y la dependencia de sistemas de locomoción individuales, generando externalidades negativas ambientales y sociales: contaminación atmosférica, fragmentación de los espacios abiertos, desigualdad social, etc. La planificación urbana orientada a la movilidad sostenible es uno de los retos del desarrollo urbano futuro. La promoción de sistemas de transporte masivo en entornos urbanos densos y mixtos, debería contribuir, no sólo a mejorar la eficiencia de las redes de transporte y a reducir el impacto de la movilidad, sino también a ayudar a estructurar un sistema de espacios abiertos metropolitanos. El presente artículo tiene como objetivo principal evaluar el papel de la red de transporte público masivo, como vertebrador de un sistema de espacios abiertos físicamente conectados y socialmente inclusivos. Como caso de estudio se ha tomado la nueva Línea 2 del Metro de Lima, actualmente en ejecución, y como insumo para la definición del sistema, el Plan de Espacios Abiertos e Infraestructura Ecológica en Lima (PEAIE). La complementariedad entre ambos podría contribuir a mejorar la conectividad ambiental y la inclusión social en los nuevos espacios abiertos asociados al proyecto. Metodológicamente se evaluarán, a partir de la definición de indicadores, las variables de conectividad, calidad ambiental e inclusión social de los espacios abiertos de Lima en relación a la nueva Línea 2 del Metro. En conclusión, la planificación urbana integrada y orientada al transporte masivo permitiría redefinir el papel de los espacios abiertos como un sistema interconectado, accesible e inclusivo.
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Lonski, Jennifer Sanguiliano, Laurinda Lott, and Hank Van Putten. "PRINCIPLES FOR HOW WE TREAT EACH OTHER: EQUITABLE CONVERSATIONS IN OUR EDUCATIONAL AND PERSONAL SPACES." In International Conference on Education and New Developments. inScience Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36315/2021end151.

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Educators have the unique opportunity to promote equity, change, and social justice ideals to an entire generation. Through daily lessons, classroom norms, and beliefs, classroom teachers can disrupt inequity among students. The Peace and Justice Institute (PJI) at Valencia College has worked with approximately 140 educators through the week-long PJI Teachers Academy over the past three years. This workshop explores the basis of the PJI philosophy, the Principles for How We Treat Each Other: Our Practice of Respect and Community Building (PJI Principles), and discusses social justice practices and norms that research indicates support equity and inclusion in the classroom. This workshop will begin with a brief introduction to the Peace and Justice Institute and the presenter backgrounds. Research has indicated that the practice of reading the PJI Principles aloud, discussing them with members of the community, and focusing on application impacts the way we communicate with each other in our personal and professional spaces. In this session participants will read the PJI Principles aloud, hearing the voices of their online community as they discuss the implications of a standard set of norms. Following the initial reading, the presenters will dive deeper into three of the principles, working with participants to explore practical applications of the PJI Principles. With the understanding that social change towards equity and justice can begin with teachers and their classrooms, this workshop will conclude with research regarding personal and professional change related to the PJI Principles. This presentation is open to all participants.
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Reports on the topic "Inclusive peace"

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Chetcuti, Pauline, Sarah Pelham, Mathew Truscott, and Fionna Smyth. Conflict in the Time of Coronavirus: Why a global ceasefire could offer a window of opportunity for inclusive, locally-led peace. Oxfam, May 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2020.6058.

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Kamminga, Jorrit, Lotje Boswinkel, and Tamara Göth. Because She Matters: Ensuring women’s meaningful participation in peacebuilding in Afghanistan. Oxfam, Cordaid, Inclusive Peace, September 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2020.6430.

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While intra-Afghan talks have started, sustainable peace is still a distant reality in Afghanistan. Ongoing peace efforts ignore women’s meaningful participation: women are included in only one in every five meetings. Evidence shows that when women have a meaningful role in peace negotiations, peace is more sustainable. Afghan and international actors must stress the importance of including women in all stages of formal and informal talks at national and local levels. This research paper uses the seven modalities of the Broadening Participation framework to identify practical ways to include Afghan women meaningfully and pave the way for inclusive peacebuilding.
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Mohammed, Abdulwasea. A Crisis With No End in Sight: How the ongoing crisis in Taiz Governorate continues to put civilians at risk. Oxfam, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2020.7147.

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Despite a UN-brokered peace agreement in December 2018, the conflict in Yemen has run into its sixth year. In Taiz Governorate, civilians continue to bear the brunt of conflict. Every day, they face death or injury from indiscriminate attacks, gender-based violence in their homes and poor access to food, water and medical care. As people’s resources are further exhausted, their safety, security and well-being are only likely to worsen. The COVID-19 pandemic has added an additional layer to the ongoing crisis. The people of Taiz –and across Yemen as a whole – desperately need a lasting and inclusive peace process to end the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.
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Marchais, Gauthier, Sweta Gupta, and Cyril Owen Brandt. Improving Access to Education for Marginalised Girls in Conflict Areas. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.053.

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A high proportion of out-of-school children across the world live in conflict-affected contexts. To remove barriers to education for marginalised girls in those contexts, a key challenge is to understand the multiple and intersecting forms of marginalisation and their changing dynamics during violent conflict. Research from the REALISE education project in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) identifies key considerations for education programmes for marginalised girls in conflict areas, such as inclusive education for girls and boys, links between education and peace-building, and extra-curricular activities to support social relationships.
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Gordon, Eleanor, and Briony Jones. Building Success in Development and Peacebuilding by Caring for Carers: A Guide to Research, Policy and Practice to Ensure Effective, Inclusive and Responsive Interventions. University of Warwick Press, April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/978-1-911675-00-6.

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The experiences and marginalisation of international organisation employees with caring responsibilities has a direct negative impact on the type of security and justice being built in conflict-affected environments. This is in large part because international organisations fail to respond to the needs of those with caring responsibilities, which leads to their early departure from the field, and negatively affects their work while in post. In this toolkit we describe this problem, the exacerbating factors, and challenges to overcoming it. We offer a theory of change demonstrating how caring for carers can both improve the working conditions of employees of international organisations as well as the effectiveness, inclusivity and responsiveness of peace and justice interventions. This is important because it raises awareness among employers in the sector of the severity of the problem and its consequences. We also offer a guide for employers for how to take the caring responsibilities of their employees into account when developing human resource policies and practices, designing working conditions and planning interventions. Finally, we underscore the importance of conducting research on the gendered impacts of the marginalisation of employees with caring responsibilities, not least because of the breadth and depth of resultant individual, organisational and sectoral harms. In this regard, we also draw attention to the way in which gender stereotypes and gender biases not only inform and undermine peacebuilding efforts, but also permeate research in this field. Our toolkit is aimed at international organisation employees, employers and human resources personnel, as well as students and scholars of peacebuilding and international development. We see these communities of knowledge and action as overlapping, with insights to be brought to bear as well as challenges to be overcome in this area. The content of the toolkit is equally relevant across these knowledge communities as well as between different specialisms and disciplines. Peacebuilding and development draw in experts from economics, politics, anthropology, sociology and law, to name but a few. The authors of this toolkit have come together from gender studies, political science, and development studies to develop a theory of change informed by interdisciplinary insights. We hope, therefore, that this toolkit will be useful to an inclusive and interdisciplinary set of knowledge communities. Our core argument - that caring for carers benefits the individual, the sectors, and the intended beneficiaries of interventions - is relevant for students, researchers, policy makers and practitioners alike.
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