Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Inclusive peace'

PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Embora constitua uma preocupação prática e teórica há muito mais tempo, a partir do fim da Guerra Fria, a Resolução de Conflitos tornou-se concomitantemente mais importante e mais complexa. A explosão de conflitos em grande medida represados durante as décadas anteriores, desencadeados por controvérsias sociais no geral muito enraizadas, forçou uma reinvenção da disciplina. Multiplicam-se demandas práticas por maior inclusão e transparência na condução de processos de paz, de modo que hoje dificilmente uma negociação que não faça acenos à população terá grandes chances de ser vista como legítima. Ao passo que especialistas começam a se debruçar sobre formas de promover a inclusão sem ao mesmo tempo entulhar a mesa de negociações de pontos de vista distintos, vai-se comprovando aos poucos que a paz inclusiva é também a paz durável. Esta pesquisa objetiva contemplar essa discussão por um ângulo menos usual - o da representação política. Ao invés de pensar na inclusão como instrumento de criação da representatividade, averiguaremos o papel da representação em possibilitar (ou não) a inclusão. Argumenta, portanto, que é preciso pensar a inclusão através da representação, e não o contrário. Para isso, será erguida uma ponte teórica entre os campos da Resolução de Conflitos e da Ciência Política. Acredita-se, em última análise, que a representação concretizada pelas mesas de negociação ajuda a explicar o surgimento de padrões de inclusão e exclusão em processos de paz.
While it constitutes a practical and theoretical concern for a much longer time, after the Cold War, Conflict Resolution became simultaneously more important and more complex. The explosion of conflicts largely suppressed over the previous decades, unleashed by ingrained social controversies, forced reinvention upon the discipline. Practical demands for greater inclusion and transparency in the handling of peace processes multiplied, which explains why today hardly ever a negotiation that does not consider popular needs will have great chances of being seen as legitimate. While specialists start to tackle ways to promote inclusion without, at the same time, hoarding the negotiation table with too many different points of view, it is becoming increasingly clearer that an inclusive peace is also a durable peace. This research aims to contemplate this discussion through a less usual lens - the one of political representation. Instead of thinking about inclusion as an instrument to achieve representativeness, we will evaluate the role of political representation in allowing (or not) for inclusion. It argues, thus, that it is necessary to reflect on inclusion through representation, not the other way around. In order to do that, it will build a theoretical bridge between the fields of Conflict Resolution and Political Science. Ultimately, the political representation put forth by negotiation tables may help explain the emergence of inclusion and exclusion patterns during peace processes.

Civil society inclusion in peace processes has been recognised to be crucial in achieving sustainable peace. The author first reviews the existing academic literature on this, before looking at how civil society, and especially civil society in non-western contexts and armed conflicts can be conceptualised. The variety of approaches and the limitations of Western actor-based concepts in non-Western contexts explains the choice of a function-based model of civil society being chosen to analyse it in the context of international peacebuilding efforts. Its involvement in formal peace processes and negotiations meanwhile is analysed using nine models of inclusion.  The case that is chosen for this exploration is Afghanistan. As a multi-facetted country with a long history of armed conflict and foreign involvement, the developments in the past two decades provide an interesting case study. The inductive desk research, using secondary data, is guided by the questions; which concept of civil society has informed the peace building process in Afghanistan in the past twenty years, how civil society in Afghanistan can be conceptualized and how this has affected the peace building process.  The findings paint a distinct picture of a country that has been shaped by armed conflict, tracing its roots back to the early days of modern Afghanistan and contrasting existing societal and political structures with Western concepts of civil society and state building. Civil society involvement is being analysed using exemplary stages of peace processes and external peace building efforts.  The research concludes that civil society inclusion has been limited by Western concepts of civil society being unfittingly applied to far more complex local realities, thereby excluding relevant actors and limiting the legitimacy and ownership of the peace process, with the prospect of peace being a long way off.

Whereas reconciliation in Cambodia has mostly received academic attention in terms ofanalyzing state-institutions, this thesis explores the role of civil society actors. Of particularinterest is the impact, grass-root efforts can have on promoting an inclusive group identitythrough educational means. This will be researched through the analysis of attitudes towardselements of an inclusive group identity held by pre-service teachers, who were interviewedbefore and after they took part in a so-called genocide education workshop organized by theDocumentation Center of Cambodia. These attitudes will be examined in terms of theirjustifications, and if the workshop influenced their quantity as well as quality. In addition, bytaking into account justifications of attitudes supporting an inclusive group identity, threecommon denominators will be identified that can help strengthening the impact of futureeducational efforts within the framework of reconciliation. Of particular interest in this regardwill be the finding highlighting the relation of functionalist perception of perpetrators thatproofed to be supportive of the interviewees` acceptance of an inclusive group identity.

Women living in northern Nigeria face a herculean challenge of overcoming direct and indirect violence. These include domestic violence, political instability, social inequality, and the threat of Boko Haram. Boko Haram is an extremist militant group that has been known to kidnap, rape, and torture women and young girls as means of terrorizing the Nigerian community. Northern Nigerian women have also faced challenges within their own community as they are barred from participating in public activities, are under-represented in government, forced into early marriages, and are often victims of domestic violence. This study examines the lived experiences of women peacebuilders living in northern Nigeria as they negotiate regional conflicts and manage the peacebuilding process. Seven northern Nigerian females between the ages of 30 to 60 were recruited to participate in this study. All came from diverse backgrounds but shared a commonality of peace building and conflict management within their respective communities. The goal of this study was to better understand the meaning of these experiences and to uncover how these women handle these daily challenges. Feminist standpoint and structural violence theories provide the theoretical framework to dissect the essence of their experiences. The study adopted Clark Moustaka’s approach towards conducting transcendental phenomenological research methods and procedure. The results of the study will inform project design and policy formulation and serve as a source for future research and interventions by development agencies and other stakeholders interested in peace within the region.

The role of civil society in conflict resolution has moved from the margins to the core of analyses of peace processes. However, existing literature has put little attention on examining the contribution of civil society in the implementation of peace agreements in the immediate time upon their conclusion. I aim to fill this gap by asking “How does the mode of civil society inclusion during the pre-agreement stage influence the degree of civil society participation in the implementation of peace agreements?”. I argue that when civil society can directly influence the peace talks by having a seat at the negotiation table this can have downstream effects on how much they will be involved in the implementation of the agreed provisions. The research question is answered in the context of a qualitative study of the cases of the peace process in Mozambique and El Salvador, through the method of structured focused comparison. The findings do not support this expectation. The analysis rather indicates that direct participation is not enough for civil society actors to ensure continuity in their participation, and more substantive engagement and ownership might be needed.

This thesis aims to investigate why inclusion of civil society actors in peace processes leads to more durable peace in some cases while not in others. It argues that the influence, rather than inclusion, of civil society organizations (CSOs) explains this variation. It is hypothesized that when CSOs have influence in peace negotiations, peace is more likely to be durable, as well as when a wide range of CSOs have influence in peace negotiations, peace is more likely to be durable. This is explored through a structured focused comparison between the peace processes leading up to peace agreements in Sierra Leone in 1996, the DRC in 2002, the Ivory Coast in 2003 and Liberia in 2003. The empirical findings lend support to the hypotheses and point in the direction of influence of CSOs in peace processes being of importance for the durability of peace. Certain evidence suggesting legitimacy being the causal mechanism is found. However, the empirical analysis also points towards other factors being potential alternative explanations such as war fatigue and sequencing of the process. The suggestive findings and the potential alternative explanations should be investigated further in order to increase the chances of durable peace.

Are peace agreements more likely to include gender provisions if women participate in the peace negotiations? The international community, national governments and civil societies around the world have assumed that women’s inclusion in peace negotiations result in higher quality peace agreements, where women’s interests are better taken into consideration. To date, there is a lack of empirical underpinning of the assumption. This study uses a twofold research design, combining statistical and qualitative methods to examine the interrelation between women’s descriptive and substantive representation in peace negotiations in the post-Cold War era. First, the statistical analysis suggests that peace agreements are more likely to include at least one gender provision referring to women’s rights and security if women participate in the negotiation. At the same time, the agreements are not more likely to address a higher number of different areas for increased rights and security measures for women. Second, the qualitative analysis examining the mechanisms shows that there is no guarantee that women will push for gender provisions, but that their particular experiences and interests in conflict, and the expectations from others give them strong reasons to do so. Important factors for women to successfully push for gender provisions have to do both with their individual will and personal ability, and external factors relating to the presence of traditional gender norms and the power balance between men and women in the country of conflict.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 88-95).
In conflict resolution literature, the principle of all-inclusiveness, which calls for all warring parties to be included in a peace process for it to be successful, has become conventional wisdom and orthodoxy. This study challenges the principles of all-inclusiveness by critically analysing problems related to issues of "inclusion" and "exclusion" of warring parties, as seen from a mediator's perspective. The literature on peace processes is examined in relation to five themes: The foundation for the principle of all-inclusiveness; the relationship between participation and the use of violence; consequences of exclusion; participation in relation to parties' characteristics; and consequences of all-inclusiveness. A set of questions are raised through which the issue of all-inclusiveness can be investigated, and on this basis, the 1998 peace process in Burundi is studied. The case of Burundi challenges the principle of all-inclusiveness as the process was successful despite the exclusion of several armed groups and highlights important dimensions for the question of participation. The central argument of the thesis is that the issue of participation, in particular its relation to success, is much more complex than recognised in the literature.

Ethno-politicization has been identified as a covert yet pervasive contributing factor in the various outbreaks of violence throughout Sierra Leone’s post-independence history. With the latest round of violent conflict having ended in 2002, the government of Sierra Leone in collaboration with local and international partners is presently engaged in peace-building. That being said, institutionalized peace-building has a considerable but imperfect track record of success. Furthermore, the intricate way in which ethno-politicization is woven into the social-political fabric of Sierra Leone is such that, if not effectively treated, it poses a continuing threat to the stability of the nation. Accordingly this thesis examined the extent to which ethno-depoliticization strategies have been directly incorporated into the peace-building framework. This task was accomplished through the development of a five-point definition of ethno-politicization that is based on the institutional instrumentalist theory. The definition provided an analytical framework used in the interpretation of results from a policy audit and field interviews with representatives of the peace-building architects. The research revealed that within the peace-building framework, ethno-politicization is not directly acknowledged as a real and ongoing threat to peace and stability and hence, a prioritized component of the peace-building architecture. However, some of the policy initiatives contained within the peace-building framework will indirectly result in ethno-depoliticization outcomes. These policy initiatives nevertheless require more rigorous and focused implementation and monitoring to be effective. Accordingly, the study recommends (i) the implementation of the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (ii) a constitutional amendment stipulating ethnic quotas for political party leadership and parliamentary candidates; (iii) the strengthening of civil society;(iv) an intensive nation-wide campaign promoting a national identity and; (v) the strengthening of democratic institutions, which also includes making ethnically-inclusive and ethnically impartial practices within public institutions as part of the performance evaluation of senior public servants.

Previous research has not specified the puzzling occurrence of the low prevalence of natural resource management (NRM) in intrastate peace- and ceasefire agreements. The purpose of this thesis is to address this gap by applying the theoretical perspectives on high natural resource abundance. High natural resource abundance produces conditions for poor economic management, which may serve as a possible explanation of the low prevalence of NRM. The result of the study indicates a negative correlation between high natural resource abundance and an inclusion of NRM in intrastate peace- and ceasefire agreements. Thus, the hypothesis “If a high level of natural resource abundance exits, there is a lower probability of an inclusion of NRM in intrastate peace- and ceasefire agreements” is upheld. Since the assumptions of the theories do appear to hold, the thesis offers findings that further our understanding of the low prevalence of NRM in intrastate peace- and ceasefire agreements.

This doctoral dissertation examines the inclusion and contribution of women in the elaboration and building of sustainable peace by showcasing the historical and institutional evolution of their role in implementing Infrastructures for Peace as a peace-building, conflict prevention and early warning mechanism. Moreover, it explores the successes, challenges and obstacles to an equal and inclusive implementation of Infrastructures for Peace through the specific case study of Kenya. Also, the potential key role played by communications for peace-building in enhancing effective and inclusive conflict prevention mechanisms is given specific attention.
Esta tesis doctoral examina la contribución de las mujeres en la elaboración, construcción y ejecución de las infraestructuras para la Paz, mostrando la evolución histórica e institucional del papel que han desempeñado en la construcción de la paz, la prevención de conflictos y la alerta temprana. Además, examina los éxitos, retos y obstáculos para la aplicación uniforme y global de las Infraestructuras para la Paz a través del estudio del caso concreto de Kenia, dedicando especial atención al papel fundamental desempeñado por la comunicación para la construcción de paz en la mejora de los mecanismos eficaces e inclusivos de prevención de conflictos.

The correlation between food insecurity and conflict has previously been studied and established in multiple studies. Furthermore, additional research has found linkages allying increased levels of female political participation and the de-escalation of conflict. Despite these facts, there are to date no studies examining whether female inclusion in peace processes has an effect on hunger. Thus, this dissertation addresses the relationship between female signatories’ presence in peace processes and food insecurity. Food insecurity is operationalized as prevalence of undernourishment, and female inclusion in peace negotiations is measured by the presence of female signatories in such processes. The study’s main conceptual claim is based on gaps found in previous literature, and argues that a higher level of female participants in peace processes leads to a lower level of food insecurity. The claim is evaluated in a quantitative statistical analysis, using data on food insecurity from the FAOSTAT Data for Food Security Indicators​, and incorporating statistics on female inclusion in peace negotiations from the ​Replication Data for Women’s Participation in Peace Negotiations and the Durability of Peace​. The analysis illustrates food insecurity’s dissemination in post-conflict societies and gender dispersals within peace negotiations, in order to demonstrate an existing correlation. Built on results from an ordinary least squares regression, the study confirms that higher presence of female signatories in peace processes decreases the likelihood of food insecurity in post-conflict societies.

This thesis is a study of the socio-economic changes in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela since the new government came into office in 1999. The research hypothesis for this thesis is that the changes and parallel socioeconomic structures being implemented in Venezuela since 1999 have decreased structural violence, and have provided more inclusion for previously excluded people. As the methodology used is qualitative, utilizing textual analysis to conduct a case study, academic journals from the fields of conflict resolution, sociology, political science, public health, cultural studies and economics were relied upon for the most part. This study of structural violence and exclusion has necessitated the contextualization of the situation, and as such, neoliberalism as a major influence has been discussed to aid in understanding and drawing conclusions. The results indicate that the changes and parallel socioeconomic structures being implemented in Venezuela since 1999 have decreased structural violence, and have provided more inclusion for previously excluded people.

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Public Administration – Peace Studies, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2017.
Zimbabwe is in dire need of wholesale reform. Gross human rights violations which date back to the pre-colonial period could have been abated in 1980 when the magnanimous policy of national reconciliation promised a new start. The watershed opportunity was, however, lost mainly because no deliberate efforts were made to account for the wrongs of the past in order to start afresh. The result was that Zimbabwe won the independence, but peace remained elusive. This is evidenced in the continued instability, insecurity and uncertainty. The non-retributive pledge had inherent weaknesses; it lacked inclusive participation, hence, no broad ownership. Simply drawing a line between the wounded past and the present, meant burying the past without the prerequisite rituals bent on ensuring non-recurrence. The futility of this blanket amnesty is evident in the sustained legacy of gross human rights abuses and impunity. Political violence has been institutionalised through politicisation of all aspects of life. This research is guided by Lederach’s reconciliation theory which uses Psalms 85:10 to emphasise the importance of commitment in converging the seemingly divergent aspects of truth, peace, justice and mercy into a ‘meeting place’ called reconciliation. Using a mixed methods approach, this research established that the invariably top-bottom approaches massage the symptoms rather than address the root causes of conflicts. The victims’ agitations for revenge and retribution prompted me to design action research processes aimed at engaging the research participants in interactive activities. The action research component aimed at sensitising participants to the merits of letting go of the burdens of the past, and to use scars as reminders of hope and not victimhood. The issues of forgiveness without apology, compensation or even remorse were contentious. However, through give-and-take concessions, the dialogue intervention yielded invaluable by-products such as maximisation of indigenous knowledge systems. Building on the participants’ input, sustainable healing and reconciliation can be achieved through deliberate truth-recovery, the right to justice, reparation, forgiveness and non-recurrence assurances. The research outcomes show that Zimbabwe urgently needs a ‘hybrid’ transitional justice framework based on inclusive participation. Inclusivity is critical because politicians are not necessarily experts in peacebuilding. The yet to be implemented National Peace and Reconciliation Commission can be used as a tool to seek public opinion on how to overcome the entrenched ‘fearology and militarism’ (Oberg 2016) ahead of the watershed 2018 general elections. Uncensored national debates can be used to gather information on the way forward. The multiple merits of Information Communication and Technology should be fully maximised in peacebuilding.
D

Tese de Doutoramento em Turismo, Lazer e Cultura apresentada à Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Coimbra
Pretende-se com este trabalho analisar as Áreas Transfronteiriças de Conservação, no caso a ATFC KAZA – Área Transfronteiriça de Conservação Okavango-Zambeze, bem como o formato da organização da gestão entre os cinco países que a constituem, a questão do território (principalmente dos novos territórios), assim como o desenvolvimento sustentável do turismo, fundamentalmente o de natureza e de base comunitária. Identificou-se um projeto de Base Comunitária que está sendo desenvolvido na área da ATFC KAZA, na componente da Zâmbia. Este modelo de desenvolvimento centrado na comunidade é apresentado como ferramenta para inclusão social, económica, desenvolvimento do nível de vida das comunidades e para a sustentabilidade. O turismo é um sector com grande capacidade de resiliência, que apesar dos muitos problemas que o planeta vive, nomeadamente as tensões geopolíticas, as catástrofes naturais provocadas pelo próprio Ser Humano, a crise dos refugiados e a desigualdade na recuperação económica global, no ano de 2014 o turismo internacional atingiu um recorde histórico. Registaram-se 1133 milhões de turistas, com um crescimento anual a nível global de 4,4% e contribuiu com um total de 1,5 biliões de dólares em exportações globais, o que representou uma média de 4000 milhões por dia. Hoje o turismo representa cerca de 10% do PIB mundial, 6% das exportações totais e um em cada onze postos de trabalho no mundo. Assim, a sustentabilidade deverá estar nas prioridades do desenvolvimento do turismo, pois é um grande desafio a circulação das milhões e milhões de pessoas devido aos impactos que podem causar, tanto a nível ambiental e cultural, como a nível económico. Se o turismo for organizado e gerido de forma ética e sustentável, constitui-se como uma alavanca para o desenvolvimento das comunidades locais, criação de sociedades mais estáveis, promoção e protecção da biodiversidade, da geodiversidade e dos recursos culturais. Constatou-se que para a organização do modelo de turismo sustentável, são necessários indivíduos qualificados, para que estes possam vir a formar uma comunidade organizada e consciente, capaz de gerir o planeamento e execução da atividade turística da área em que estão inseridos. Assim, foi estruturado um modelo de investigação baseado na revisão bibliográfica, trabalho de campo, inquéritos por questionário e inquéritos por entrevista - instrumentos que permitiram reflectir sobre os tipos de turismo que podem ser desenvolvidos nestas áreas e de que forma o contributo do desenvolvimento do turismo sustentável nas áreas transfronteiriças de conservação, poderá contribuir para a inclusão das comunidades e para a promoção da paz. Dos resultados obtidos a partir dos questionários aplicados aos Pontos Focais das Áreas Transfronteiriças de Conservação da SADC (ATFCs da SADC), verificamos que 77,4% dos respondentes acha que o movimento transfronteiriço promove a paz e, ainda mais, cerca de 90,3% (tabela 24) responde que o turismo promove a paz. Relativamente aos questionários aplicados às comunidades da Área Transfronteiriça de Conservação Okavango-Zambeze (ATFC KAZA), quanto à análise da inclusão e do desenvolvimento das Comunidades, foi referido por 71,2% dos inquiridos que esta foi proporcionada pela ATFC KAZA. No que se refere à promoção da solidariedade, da segurança e da paz, cerca de 82,6% dos inquiridos afirmou que essa é feita através da gestão conjunta entre os países parceiros. Destaca-se a importância do desenvolvimento do turismo sustentável nas áreas transfronteiriças de conservação.
This works intent is to analyse the Transfrontier Areas of Conservation, in this case KAZA TFCA (Kavango-Zambezi Transfrontier Conservation Area), as well as the format of the organisation, which is formed by the five countries that it consists off, the territory issue (mainly the new territories), as well as the sustainable development of the tourism, ultimately the nature and community development. A project of community base as been identified and it is being grown in the KAZA TFCA area, specifically Zambia. This type of central growth in the community is presented as a tool for social inclusion, economy expansion, quality of the community’s life up growth as well as its sustainability. Tourism is a sector with large resilience capacities. Despite all the issues the planet is facing, particularly geopolitical tension, the natural catastrophes caused by man itself, refugee crises and inequality of the global economics recovery. In 2014 international tourism hit an historical record. 1133 millions of tourists were registered, with an annual global increase of 4,4% that contributes with total of 1,5 billion dollars in all-inclusive exports, representing an average of 4000 million per day. Today tourism represents around 10%of the worldwide PIB, 6% of the overall exports and finally one in eleven work stations globally. Therefore, sustainability should be placed as a priority in a developing tourism, as the circulation of millions and millions of people is challenging due to the impacts that can be caused, affecting the environment, culture and economics. If tourism is organised and managed ethically and sustainably, it can be used as a boost for the development of local community, the creation of a more stable society, promotion and protection of biodiversity, geodiversity and cultural resources. It was found that for the organisation of sustainable tourism are needed skilled individuals, so that they can come to form an organised and conscious community, able to manage the planning and implementation of tourism on the area in which they live. Thus, a research model was structured based on the literature review, fieldwork, questionnaire surveys and interview surveys - instruments that allowed to reflect on the types of tourism that can be developed in these areas and how the contribution of the developing sustainable tourism in cross-border conservation areas, may devote to the inclusion of communities and promote peace. The results obtained from the questionnaires to the focal points of SADC’s Transfrontier Conservation Area (SADC’s TFCA) shows that 77.4% of respondents think that the transfrontier movement promotes peace and, even more, about 90.3 % replies that tourism promotes peace. With regard to the questionnaires applied to communities of Transfrontier Area of Okavango- Zambezi Conservation (KAZA TFCA), regarding the analysis of inclusion and development of the Communities, it was reported by 71.2% of respondents this was provided by TFCA said that this is done through cooperative management between the associated countries. It is highlighted the importance of sustainable tourism development in the border areas of conservation.