Journal articles: 'Inclusive peace'

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True, Jacqui, and Yolanda Riveros-Morales. "Towards inclusive peace: Analysing gender-sensitive peace agreements 2000–2016." International Political Science Review 40, no. 1 (November 27, 2018): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118808608.

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The presence of gender provisions in peace agreements affects women’s participation in post-conflict societies as well as the chances that a post-conflict society will move towards gender equality. While there is an overall upward trend in the number of references to women’s rights and gender equality in peace agreements, gender-sensitive agreements are not a given. Why and how are peace agreements with gender provisions adopted? We use statistical analysis to explain why some peace agreements adopt gender provisions while others have no such provisions. Based on an analysis of 98 peace agreements across 55 countries between 2000 and 2016, we find that peace agreements are significantly more likely to have gender provisions when women participate in elite peace processes. Our study also shows that the likelihood of achieving a peace agreement with gender provisions increases when women’s representation in national parliaments increases and when women’s civil society participation is significant.

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Mendes, Isa. "Inclusion and Political Representation in Peace Negotiations: The Case of the Colombian Victims’ Delegations." Journal of Politics in Latin America 11, no. 3 (December 2019): 272–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x19889756.

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This article discusses the issue of inclusion in peace negotiations, in particular the Colombian peace process with the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionárias de Colombia, with special emphasis to a perceived tension between “direct” and “indirect” inclusive initiatives. It argues that, as currently discussed by the Peace and Conflict literature, inclusion tends to be seen as neutral and benign, which leaves little room for critical discussions about the political contention behind peace negotiations deemed “inclusive.” It thus proposes to discuss inclusion through the theoretical lens of political representation and apply such reflections to the specific case of the Colombian victims’ delegations that travelled to Havana in 2014 in order to take part in the table’s discussions on the victims and transitional justice topic. Ultimately, I will argue there was simultaneous utilisation and rejection of the language of representation.

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McClintock, Elizabeth, and Térence Nahimana. "Managing the Tension between Inclusionary and Exclusionary Processes: Building Peace in Burundi." International Negotiation 13, no. 1 (2008): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138234008x297940.

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AbstractThe tension between inclusive and exclusive approaches is present throughout peace processes. The challenge of facilitators, mediators, and parties alike is to determine how to manage these tensions, how to integrate various processes into a comprehensive whole and ensure that those required to implement the peace agreement have access to the process that creates the peace agreement. In particular, how can civil society, an actor of ever-increasing importance in the implementation of peace agreements, be effectively included in the design of the accords? This article examines the tension between inclusive and exclusive processes within the context of the Burundi peace process and the development of the Arusha Peace Accords.

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Cuhadar, Esra, and Thania Paffenholz. "Transfer 2.0: Applying the Concept of Transfer from Track-Two Workshops to Inclusive Peace Negotiations." International Studies Review 22, no. 3 (June 24, 2019): 651–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isr/viz031.

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AbstractThis article argues that the scholarly study of “transfer” from track-two workshops to track-one negotiations is highly applicable to the study of transfer from other modalities of participation to track-one in inclusive peace negotiations. During the last decade, other approaches to make negotiations more inclusive have also been increasingly employed, such as national dialogue conferences, variety of consultation mechanisms, or a diverse set of peace commissions. In this paper, we aim to expand the conceptualization of transfer beyond ICR workshops and discuss how the knowledge accumulated concerning transfer in the ICR literature during the last decades can be applied to understand and evaluate transfer from other inclusion modalities used in peace negotiations today. We therefore make a distinction between the first generation of transfer (1.0) developed by the ICR workshops scholars and practitioners and the transfer process from other modalities used in inclusive negotiations (2.0). To apply the lessons learned from transfer 1.0 to 2.0, we start with an overview of the concept as developed in track-two literature. We then suggest a conceptualization of transfer 2.0, based on insights from how it has unfolded in five of the seven inclusion modalities examined in our comparative case study. We discuss the similarities and differences between transfer 1.0 and 2.0 and how transfer 2.0 can be studied, including and beyond track-two initiatives. We conclude by suggesting a number of directions for future research on transfer 2.0 that are relevant to several inclusion modalities.

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Paffenholz, Thania, and I. William Zartman. "Inclusive Peace Negotiations – From a Neglected Topic to New Hype." International Negotiation 24, no. 1 (March 7, 2019): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-24011186.

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Abstract The objective of this special issue on inclusive peace negotiations is to advance the debate on negotiations. It sheds light on included and excluded actors, in particular political parties, civil society, business, youth and religious actors, and those armed actors that are either excluded or included. This special issue is particularly interesting as all articles combine a conceptual introduction of the role of the discussed actor in question in peace negotiations with a case study approach. This method enriches conceptual discussion and debates on the role of the various actors through analyses of several peace negotiations, including among others, DRC, Kenya, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Guatemala, El Salvador, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Macedonia, Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and Myanmar.

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Pamungkas, Cahyo. "The Campaign of Papua Peace Network for Papua Peace Land." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 21, no. 2 (December 5, 2017): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.30440.

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This article aims to narrate a series of peaceful campaigns conducted by Papua Peace Network (PPN) for Papua Peace Land. This informal network consists of several groups of civil societies, such as religious organizations, ethnic groups, NGOs, and academicians. The PPN has some objectives that are to connect conflicted groups in Papua land, and to help both Papuan people and Indonesian government preparing an inclusive dialogue. This article results from research between 2013 and 2017. The data collection used observation of peaceful campaign of PPN, interviews, and archival research. This research shows that although a series of peaceful campaigns have been conducted by PPN both at the national and local levels between 2013 and 2016, but political violence still increases in Papua land. On another side, the national government only focuses on social and economic development issues, in particular, infrastructure projects, instead of political issues. Government officials involved in peaceful campaigns conducted by PPN had no power enough to implement some peace recommendations due to the national government has no a roadmap to resolve the conflict between Jakarta and Papua peacefully. The article argues that a continuously informal communication between conflicted parties is a necessary condition, but it is not a sufficient condition to create a positive peace. Therefore, the National Government is strongly suggested to implement an inclusive national dialogue with Papuan people.

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Swan, Bernard. "An inclusive paradigm of peace: The Kingdom of God∗." Pacifica Review: Peace, Security & Global Change 7, no. 1 (January 1995): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14781159508412790.

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Jan, Inamullah, and Shabir Hussain. "Media, War and Peace: Towards Peace Journalism Strategies in Pakistan." Global Regional Review V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 340–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2020(v-i).37.

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In this article, the researchers have examined various factors that affect reporting of two deadly conflicts in Pakistan and identify peace-oriented strategies to help resolve these conflicts. For this purpose, comprehensive and inclusive interviews were conducted with reporters covering the Taliban conflict and the ethno-political conflict in Karachi. The researchers found that the nature of a conflict and threats from conflict stakeholders were the important factors that shape the production of conflict news. As far as peace journalism strategies are concerned, it was found that a more contextual way of reporting alongside humanization those sufferers would facilitate broader understanding and resolution of these conflicts in Pakistan.

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Brantmeier, Edward J., and Destin Webb. "Examining learning in the course, “Inclusive Leadership for Sustainable Peace”." Journal of Peace Education 17, no. 1 (September 26, 2019): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17400201.2019.1669145.

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Zanker, Franzisca. "Legitimate Representation: Civil Society Actors in Peace Negotiations Revisited." International Negotiation 19, no. 1 (March 13, 2014): 62–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341270.

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AbstractCurrent research suggests that negotiations which are more inclusive are more likely to achieve durable peace since they speak to the entire population. One way to ensure public support is through the inclusion of civil society groups, either directly at the negotiation table or indirectly in supportive roles. It is argued that through their inclusion there is a positive effect on the legitimacy of negotiations which in turn leads to more durable peace. Nonetheless, the reasons why and how involving civil society groups improves the legitimacy of negotiations remains little understood. This article considers the gap in research by using original empirical data to look at the peace negotiations held in Liberia in 2003 and Kenya in early 2008. A theoretical model of legitimate negotiations will be used to show in what ways the involvement of civil society groups can in fact make the conduct of negotiations and the outcome of an agreement more legitimate for the aggrieved population.

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Andisha, Nasir A. "An Enduring Lesson from the History of Peacemaking in Afghanistan." International Studies 57, no. 4 (October 2020): 331–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881720965366.

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Peace processes offer opportune moments for social and political transformation in embattled nations. There is no perfect formula or peace recipe. As per the existing literature, the ‘ripeness’ of circumstances and timing of a peace process and pertinence of the ‘substance’ of settlements to the root causes of conflict are the main components of a viable peace agreement. In the past 30 years, Afghanistan experienced two unsuccessful peacemaking episodes: first after the Soviet withdrawal in 1989 and the second following the removal of the Taliban in 2001. While failure of the former is primarily attributed to the complexities of circumstance at the time, ineptness of the latter is linked to the primacy of imposed deadlines over inclusive consultations and inadequacy of contents of the Bonn Agreement. By briefly examining substantive characteristics of peacemaking processes in the context of Najibullah’s National Reconciliation Policy and the Bonn process, this article argues that meaningful structural change in favour of an inclusive and participatory political system and institutionalization of a regional balance of interests in foreign relations remain central to enduring peace in Afghanistan.

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Quie, Marissa. "Peace and Exclusion." Humanity & Society 42, no. 1 (October 11, 2016): 21–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160597616667592.

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What does a “responsible end” to war in Afghanistan mean? As a panacea for international disengagement, the Afghanistan Peace and Reintegration Program (APRP) was launched in 2010. After the 2001 intervention, the Bonn Agreement laid the foundations for a new Afghan state. Its exclusion of the Taliban signaled continuing conflict. The APRP is ostensibly designed to address this and other exclusions and foster an “inclusive peace.” This article probes the peace process at the macro-, meso-, and micro levels within the context of ongoing war. It examines the abandonment and marginalization experienced by women, segments of the insurgency, civil society and human rights groups as well as fragile communities undergoing reintegration. I argue that these exclusions are facilitated by a coalescence of interests that have reinforced the cycle of war and deepened exclusion. Consequently, the peace process has become incapable of offering real solutions, instead functioning as a pretext for excluding already marginalized groups.

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Mbabazi, Veneranda, Resty Naiga, and Nkabala Nambalirwa Helen. "Towards Gendered Peacebuilding Processes for Sustainable Peace." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 24, no. 2 (March 12, 2020): 133–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598419896441.

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In 2000, the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 affirmed the importance of including women in conflict resolution and peacebuilding processes. Despite the existence of Security Council Resolution 1325, women continue to remain tokens in peacebuilding processes. There is need to have gendered peacebuilding process because it brings in new nuances and perspectives with regard to peacebuilding and conflict resolution. A gendered peacebuilding process counterbalances peace processes and policies that are influenced and informed by masculinity militarization. It also helps in formulating peacebuilding processes that are beyond masculinity and femininity lenses. A gendered peacebuilding process goes beyond the essentialist way of interpreting reality. More significantly, the inclusion of both femininity and masculinity perspectives creates a paradigm shift with regard to the use of languages and strategies employed in peacebuilding processes. A gendered peacebuilding approach contributes constructively to the achievement of responsive, inclusive, and sustainable peace because it draws from men’s and women’s experiences to address conflict issues that affect humanity.

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Zajdela, Emma, and Zafra Lerman. "Malta X Anniversary and COVID-19." Chemistry International 43, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ci-2021-0204.

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Abstract In December 2021, the Malta X Conference “Frontiers of Science: Innovation, Research and Education in the Middle East—A Bridge to Peace” will mark the celebration of the tenth anniversary of the Malta Conferences. The first Malta Conference was held on the island of Malta in 2003 amidst the height of the Second Intifada. Since then, the Malta Conferences Foundation (MCF) has been a pioneer in using science diplomacy as a bridge to peace and sustainable development in the Middle East [1]. MCF uses science diplomacy to advance the following four UN Sustainable Development Goals: 1. Ensure inclusive and quality education for all (Goal 4) 2. Ensure access of Water and Sanitation for all (Goal 6) 3. Ensure access to affordable, reliable, sustainable, and modern Energy for all (Goal 7), and 4. Promote Peace and Justice, as well as inclusive societies (Goal 16). In 2016, MCF received the UN NOVUS Summit award for Goal 16: Peace and Justice [2]. The Summit was held in the UN General Assembly.

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Roulston, Carmel. "Inclusive Others: the Northern Ireland Women's Coalition in the Peace Process." Scottish Affairs 26 (First Serie, no. 1 (February 1999): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.1999.0002.

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Spears, Ian S. "Understanding inclusive peace agreements in Africa: The problems of sharing power." Third World Quarterly 21, no. 1 (February 2000): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436590013251.

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Sharma, Rajendra. "Contract for Peace: Peace Agreements and its Security Implication." Journal of APF Command and Staff College 3, no. 1 (February 3, 2020): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/japfcsc.v3i1.27527.

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Negotiated settlements have been increasingly accepted as the preferred way of ending civil wars. Studies show that only 50 percent of negotiated settlements last beyond five years, while in others, negotiated settlements have been shown to keep the peace for only three and half years. Contrary to this, the peace agreements/understandings were universally considered as the pivotal blue print for conflict transformation and peace buildings. In our case, the management of arms and armies, reintegration of few former rebels in the national army, promulgation of the constitution from the constituent assembly etc. are the crucial tasks of the peace process. In this context, this paper highlights the major peace agreements (2005-2010) reached between the then Communist Party of Nepal (CPN)-Maoist and the seven parliamentary party alliance’s government and simultaneously tries to analyze these agreements’ influence on security. The 12-point understanding of 2005 concluded in New Delhi is the guiding framework of the Nepalese peace process and has its geostrategic implication as well. Likewise, the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA) of 2006 is a milestone in bringing about an end to the decade of old civil war and beginning an inclusive, secular, peaceful and democratic nation-building process. Despite everything, delaying the transitional justice process and staling the social reconciliation can be the potential reason for a reprisal of conflict

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Hellmüller, Sara. "A Global and Inclusive Agreement? Participation of Armed Actors in the Inter-Congolese Dialogue and Its Impact on Local Violence." International Negotiation 24, no. 1 (March 7, 2019): 38–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-23031147.

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Abstract This article provides an analytical framework to understand how participation of armed actors in peace negotiations influences local violence. It argues that the link between violence and exclusion or inclusion of armed actors is often indirect and depends on armed actors’ underlying motivations to be included and their corresponding strategies. Based on an analysis of the Congolese peace process from 1999 to 2003, the article assesses how the mandate of the peace process influenced armed groups’ motivations to be included. It then analyzes the strategies that armed actors used to be included and examines their impact on local violence. Thereby, it allows for a more nuanced understanding of how participation of armed actors in a mediation process influences prospects for peace.

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Vargas-Hernández, José G. "Entrepreneurial Models of Inclusive Civil Culture- The Case of Zapopan Agro-Ecological Park." Scholedge International Journal of Management & Development ISSN 2394-3378 7, no. 4 (August 18, 2020): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.19085/sijmd070401.

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This research aims to analyze the model of entrepreneurial inclusive civic culture created and developed in the Zapopan Agro-Ecological Park (PAZ). Based on the need to rescue vacant urban land use with the participation of residents residing in the surrounding colonies, social movements, civil society, and local government, they have designed and implemented actions to create PAZ (PEACE). The Zapopan Agro-Ecological Park is an area of green innovation where in addition to the cultivation of vegetables, vegetables, medicinal plants, and decoration under relations of cooperation, trust and community support, the formation of social capital that sustains a culture of peace based on environmental sustainability activities. The results of the implementation of this project, born from bottom of the social and power structures, constitute a significant experience in the regeneration of public spaces and green areas that provides greater economic efficiency in terms of family income, a greater relevance of equity, inclusion and social justice and improvement of environmental sustainability. It is concluded that Zapopan Agro ecological Park is a model of entrepreneurial inclusive civil culture. This park marks a milestone in the regeneration of public spaces with a project of social and environmental relevance.

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Omilusi, Mike, and Lucy Iyabo Jegede. "A theoretical exploration of non-State actors and gendered dimensions of conflict prevention/sustainable peacebuilding in West Africa." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 7, no. 2 (September 17, 2018): 228–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2018.v7n2.03.p228.

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In countries rebuilding from war and violence, women are becoming important voices for peace, rights and inclusion. They are increasingly mobilizing across communities and using their social roles and networks to prevent violence and promote peace. Women individually and collectively contribute to peacebuilding in many ways. Yet, their contributions are often overlooked because they take unconventional forms, occur outside formal peace processes, or are considered extensions of women’s existing gender roles. Even when women do not reach formal positions of power, they have been at the forefront of impactful movements related to global peace and nonviolence. Thus, building inclusive, sustainable, peace in societies affected by violent conflicts requires analysing and addressing gendered power dynamics, as well as gender roles and expectations. This study, therefore, examines the role of non-state actors in conflict prevention, management, and peacebuilding in the West African Sub-region, and seeks to evaluate the relationship among civil society groups, regional and sub-regional organizations from a gender perspective. It specifically investigates the role of women in conflict transformation and peacebuilding and concludes that women must be allowed and encouraged to bring their unique insights and gifts to the process because women and men have different experiences of violence and peace. Recebido em: abril/2018 Aprovado em: julho/2018

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Ryan, Jordan. "Infrastructures for Peace as a Path to Resilient Societies: An Institutional Perspective." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 7, no. 3 (December 2012): 14–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2013.774806.

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To prevent conflict and move away from fragility towards resilient societies, states increasingly adopt systematic efforts and institutionalised mechanisms to build the necessary capacities to manage conflict and promote peace. One such approach, ‘infrastructures for peace’, offers an inclusive and respectful response. This reflective essay describes the central features of infrastructures for peace and examines how they strengthen resilience within societies. It provides examples of such structures that are being supported by the United Nations Development Programme and its national partners, and examines how they have contributed to national governance and transformed conflict situations.

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Cederman, Lars-Erik, Kristian Skrede Gleditsch, and Julian Wucherpfennig. "The Diffusion of Inclusion: An Open-Polity Model of Ethnic Power Sharing." Comparative Political Studies 51, no. 10 (November 21, 2017): 1279–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414017740602.

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While there is a growing consensus that ethnic inclusion produces peace, less is known about what causes transitions to power sharing between ethnic groups in central governments in multiethnic states. The few studies that have addressed this question have proposed explanations stressing exclusively domestic factors. Yet, power sharing is spatially clustered, which suggests that diffusion may be at play. Inspired by studies of democratic diffusion, we study the spread of inclusive policies with an “open-polity model” that explicitly traces diffusion from inclusion in other states. Our findings indicate that the relevant diffusion processes operate primarily at the level of world regions rather than globally or between territorial neighbors. Thus, the more inclusive the region, the more likely a shift to power sharing becomes. Shifts away from inclusion to dominance are less common since World War II, but they are more likely in regional settings characterized by ethnic exclusion.

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Bargués, Pol. "Cuando la paz depende de los objetos cotidianos." Revista de Estudios en Seguridad Internacional 7, no. 1 (June 21, 2021): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.18847/1.13.2.

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This article draws on philosophical pragmatism to examine the growing “new materialist” and “socio-natural” sensitivities in international peacebuilding processes. There has been a shift from the idea of liberal peace, in which international organizations tried to impose liberal and democratic transitions in societies affected by conflict, towards interventions that promote inclusive peace processes and put a premium on the material elements of the everyday. In turn, these processes are much more experimental, uncertain and unpredictable. The pragmatism of James and Dewey is useful both to understand the limitations and criticisms of liberal peace, as well as to anticipate the opportunities and risks that are taken when peace depends on everyday objects.

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Bista, Binod P. "Arts and Culture in Building and Sustaining Peace." SIRJANĀ – A Journal on Arts and Art Education 7, no. 1 (September 21, 2021): 36–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/sirjana.v7i1.39342.

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Peace, harmony and development are essential conditions for any society, developed or developing, to progress. The 2011 World Development Report revealed that growing recognition of the link between social services, conflict and peace has helped in inclusion of social services’ provision in peace agreements. A report from ‘Policy Link’ gives equitable development as the key to peace. Music plays a great role in building peace in conflict situations, so does religion, media, performance, theatre. For achieving peaceful conditions there is a need to strike a balance between two extremes including inner and outer peace. Salzburg Global Seminar (2014) focused on using soft power, especially arts and culture, since cultural engagement helps transform perceptions. Case studies referred to in this write up provide sufficient evidence of the high usefulness of arts and culture in every phase of conflict. A detailed portfolio of case studies covering seven countries including Nepal of Asia describes the importance of ‘narratives’ and ‘story telling’, preservation of historical artifacts, photographs etc. for building peace mostly in post conflict stage. The researchers were of the view that the affected persons or beneficiaries needed to be involved right from the beginning of a peace project. British Council’s publication named ‘The Art of Peace’ emphasizes on the importance of local actors’ engagement as well as arts and cultural programs in linking culture, security and development. A project launched by the World Bank and the United Nations, entitled pathways to peace, offered guiding principles, namely, target institutional failure responsible for conflict, to be of inclusive nature, and form sustainable overtime character. Arts and Culture have a distinct place in resolving conflict thus it deserves adequate government support and a networking with other actors such as local municipalities, societies and groups.

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Kurebwa, Jeffrey. "Women, Peace and Security in the SADC Region." International Journal of Civic Engagement and Social Change 5, no. 3 (July 2018): 48–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcesc.2018070104.

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The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda is a key part of the international, continental and regional programme for attaining sustainable and durable peace. Conflict and post-conflict situations have a different impact on women, men, boys and girls. During conflicts, women and children are more vulnerable to sexual violence and exploitation, displacement, a change to household relations and poverty. There have been concerted efforts to identify and address the impact of conflict on women and children and to provide for more responsive, representative and inclusive peace and security structures and processes. SADC countries have made great strides in enacting gender sensitive legislations, representation of women in cabinet, parliament, local government, and security sector institutions. Women have not adequately been represented in mediation and peace-building efforts and most peace agreements lack gender sensitivity. Peace agreements do not include reference to specific needs or interests of women.

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Moller-Loswick, Anna, Thomas Wheeler, Richard Smith, and Showers Mawowa. "Promoting Peace Through Sustainable Development Goals: What Role for FOCAC?" China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 01, no. 03 (October 2015): 397–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740015500190.

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After two years of discussion, UN member states have finally agreed on a new set of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which will replace the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and establish a global development framework for the next fifteen years. The SDGs which were formally adopted at the UN Substainable Development Summit on 25 September 2015. The Common African Position (CAP) calls for the SDGs to give adequate attention to peace and security, acknowledging the inextricable links between peace, security, stability, and development. While China has acknowledged the importance of peace for development, it initially voiced some skepticism over whether the issue should be addressed explicitly through the SDGs. Nonetheless, China has committed to coordinating its position with that of African countries and has now accepted the inclusion of Goal 16, which aims to promote peaceful and inclusive societies. Indeed, China has already expressed its strong support for African peace and security as an enabler for development in other forums. This paper demonstrates how many of the commitments made in the last Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) Action Plan (2013–2015) in fact overlap with many of the peace-related targets in the draft SDGs. This suggests that the upcoming 6th FOCAC meeting in South Africa in December 2015 could be an opportunity to discuss how the next Action Plan can serve as an implementation mechanism for the SDGs, particularly with regard to their focus on peace.

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Ernas, Saidin. "Architecture of Peace in Ambon: Reading Dynamics of Peace After Ten Years of Conflict." Al-Albab 5, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v5i2.504.

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The dynamics of peace in Ambon have been getting stronger during the last ten years, but to what extent this phenomenon can be considered as a solid basis for peace, would require a critical analysis. This paper is the result of field research on peace in Ambon using the theory of "peace architecture" developed by Luc Reychland (2006). The results of the analysis obtained several important conclusions. First, the peace process in the city of Ambon has been going on in a participatory manner in various aspects of life. Second, in an architectural perspective as put forward by Reychland, the peace in Ambon has sufficient potential to develop into a structure of peace which is getting stronger. It is characterized by the strengthening of an increasingly inclusive dialog and communication between citizens, as well as the effectiveness of public arenas such as markets, offices, schools and coffee shops as a medium of integration. It is also supported by the accommodative practices of economic and political transformation. Third, in line with the positive development, the public still need to be reminded of radical religious ideas and identity politics that are harmful to the sustainability of peace.

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Simonsen, Sven Gunnar. "The Authoritarian Temptation in East Timor: Nationbuilding and the Need for Inclusive Governance." Asian Survey 46, no. 4 (July 2006): 575–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2006.46.4.575.

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Three political arenas in East Timor are examined regarding the goal of consolidating peace: governance under Fretilin leadership, the issue of official languages, and the security sector. The article finds that inclusiveness, transparency, and efforts to minimize conflict are lacking in current policies and political processes.

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Bibi, Shehnaz, and Noor Fatima. "Comprehensive Peace Agreement and Challenges February 2020: A Case of United States and Taliban." Global Strategic and Securities Review V, no. II (June 30, 2020): 39–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2020(v-ii).05.

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Afghanistan remained the battleground for a long time period for number of strategic wars by external forces. Diverse and multifaceted Afghan society paved the way for external forces. Several negotiations were held for making the peace in country. Many peace agreements failed because the conflict was not addressed. There is a need to reach beyond the use of military force and to apply inclusive approach by involving the civil society in peace building. It is recognized as a crucial factor in the success of peace process. After more than 18 years of war, the US and the Taliban have reached an agreement to end the war. The central deal for the agreement is to withdrawal of US troops and counter terrorism assurance from Taliban. This study digs out, the factors involved in Afghan conflict and their demands from the peace process. The study relies on secondary sources to develop arguments.

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Caliman, Geraldo, Ranilce Guimaraes-Iosif, Jose Ivaldo A. de Lucena, and Vanildes Gonçalves dos Santos. "Youth leadership and global citizenship: alternatives for peacebuilding in Brazilian public schools." Ensaio: Avaliação e Políticas Públicas em Educação 28, no. 108 (September 2020): 672–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-40362020002802047.

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Abstract Peace is a social construct that demands a process of individual and collective awareness and commitment for the construction of a fairer and more inclusive world. The University and the school, as formal educational spaces, have a great potential as peacebuilders. This article discusses these two arguments from fragments of an experience held in two public schools from Distrito Federal. It was conducted by the Unesco Chair on Youth, Education, and Society (Catholic University of Brasília – UCB) from 2015 to the present. The first part discusses the current context of young people from the theoretical lens of global citizenship and the centrality of youth leadership and empowerment in the process of peace building. The second part emphasizes the role of the university and the public school in the construction of networks that act proactively in the citizenship education of young people, preparing them for facing situations of violence and intolerance. The final part of the article looks at the experiences of the last three years, examples of successful educational practices that have the potential to act in the prevention of school violence and in the construction of an inclusive and emancipatory global citizenship. The study shows that Unesco’s principles of education for peace and global citizenship are important alternatives for the promotion and building of peace.

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Krenn, Martin. "Inclusive history politics in the arts: Intervention at the Peace Cross St. Lorenz." Art & the Public Sphere 9, no. 1-2 (December 1, 2020): 119–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/aps_00037_1.

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The text discusses inclusion and social engagement in art, which are central to my practice. My projects operate at the interface between dialogical education and participatory as well as collective art making. By referring to Kester’s critique of New Labour policies of the late 1990s as leading to a de-radicalized Marxism I argue for an agonistic method that I connect with the idea of ‘radical inclusion’ as a strategic approach to democratization. The problem of Austrian history politics and how the country created the myth of Austria as the first victim of Nazi Germany is the main focus of my intervention at the Peace Cross St. Lorenz in Lower Austria, which serves as an example of my artistic practice of ‘radical inclusion’. The peace cross exists since the 1960s and is celebrating the Jockisch task force. Contemporary historical research has revealed that this combat group was actively involved in war crimes during the Second World War. To counter the myth of an innocent Wehrmacht I mounted in front of the cross a photomontage made in 1933 by the antifascist artist John Heartfield. Additionally, the memorial is augmented by five signboards which present collages produced by local school pupils during a workshop that took place over a period of six months.

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Arimbawa, I. Komang Suastika, and Putu Ayu Septiari. "Teologi Inklusif Untuk Membangun Kerukunan (Analisis Teks Tutur Jatiswara)." Sphatika: Jurnal Teologi 11, no. 1 (July 2, 2020): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.25078/sp.v11i1.1495.

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Harmony can be interpreted as a living and living condition that reflects an atmosphere of peace, order, peace, prosperity, respect, respect, price respect, tolerance, mutual cooperation in accordance with religious teachings. Harmony that adheres to the teachings of each religion can make every group among fellow human beings who have different beliefs as an open group (inclusive). Regarding this reality, in the text of Tutur Jatiswara there is an inclusive theological concept that can be a "nutrient" to build harmony, so that a plural religious life can live harmoniously, peacefully and help one another in the joys and sorrows. Inclusive is a way of thinking and an open attitude to all differences. Inclusive theology opens the door to apology and recognizes the existence of truth and salvation in other religions.Based on several excerpts in the text of Tutur Jatiswara, that truth is not narrow and not exclusive, because the truth lies in a vast expanse. This means that the truth radiates on each side. Because it radiates on every side, humans must build an inclusive paradigm of thinking so that they can become 'religious people', not just 'feel' religious or do religious activities. By being a religious person, the application of life together will form mutual respect (price-respecting), compassion (love-loving), and fostering (respect) towards adherents of different religions because they have the same rights.

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Amaral, Joana. "Do peace negotiations shape settlement referendums? The Annan Plan and Good Friday Agreement experiences compared." Cooperation and Conflict 53, no. 3 (February 23, 2018): 356–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836717737569.

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Peace negotiations have traditionally aimed at reaching a negotiated settlement between political representatives in conflict settings. However, these settlements have seldom been rejected in referendums. This article uncovers whether the way peace negotiations are conducted influences peace settlement referendum outcomes in order to determine if and how they can better foster public support for peace settlements. It analyses and compares if and how specific characteristics of the Annan Plan and the Good Friday Agreement negotiations influenced the rejection of the former in 2004, and the acceptance of the latter in 1998, in their respective referendums in Cyprus and Northern Ireland. Through the qualitative analysis of elite interviews and documental data, it demonstrates that political inclusivity, civil society engagement and the public exposure of the negotiations shaped the opposing outcomes of the two cases, as well as differences in the support given by the local communities. It argues that peace settlement referendums require less secretive and more inclusive negotiation processes, which can better foster political support and civic mobilisation, and inform and engage the wider communities at earlier stages of the peace process.

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Nasir, Mohamad Abdun. "Conflict, Peace, and Religious Festivals." Interreligious Studies and Intercultural Theology 4, no. 1 (April 14, 2020): 102–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/isit.36471.

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This study elucidates the roots and patterns of conflict and the conditions that facilitate peace and tolerance among Muslims, Hindus, and Christians on Lombok in eastern Indonesia. Known as the island of “a thousand mosques,” Lombok provides examples of how the state, community leaders, and other authorities – both religious and secular – manage a pluralistic society, resolve conflict, and maintain a sense of community. The study reveals that the interreligious conflicts are the result of the island’s history of ethnic and religious segregation. The state policy on religion, which regulates the establishment of places of worship, has further deepened the segregation that sharpened the conflicts. Despite consolidation and mediation by the state, some conflicts remain unresolved because the peacemaking processes are not inclusive of all actors. While Muslims and Hindus perform co-rituals and share commonalities in history and genealogy, which helps to sustain their peaceful relationship, Christians and other minorities seek alternative mechanisms to negotiate their place in the community and adapt to the existing modes of interreligious exchange. For example, many Christians join civic associations or engage in social work, while others participate in public religious-cultural festivals.

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Mustain, Mustain. "WACANA PAHAM KEAGAMAAN TV ONE DAN METRO TV DALAM PEMBERITAAN DEMO 411 DI JAKARTA." Jurnal Penelitian Agama 18, no. 2 (November 18, 2017): 400–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/jpa.v18i2.2017.pp400-411.

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Abstract: This research is a qualitative research, using discourse analysis method of Teun Van Dijk. The news is the 6th issue with three details sourced from Tv One and 3 from Metro Tv. Discourse analysis in this case is used as a tool to see the discourse delivered by Metro Tv and Tv One in preaching peace action 411. There are three stages of text analysis, cognition analysis, and social analysis. The results showed that Tv One in preaching peace action 411 discourse that the Muslims who perform such acts as tolerant Muslims, maintaining unity and running the shari'ah of Islam, while Metro TV in preaching peace action 411 menyebanakan that Muslims who take peaceful action is a group of ideology hardline, anti-tolerance and likes to use violence. Keywords: Peace Action 411, Metro Tv, Tv One, Exclusive Islam, Inclusive Islam

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Shnabel, Nurit, Yaniv Belhassen, and Shira Mor. "From victimhood to peace activism: The potential role of personal loss and inclusive victim beliefs." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 21, no. 8 (May 6, 2017): 1144–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430217699463.

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Most of the literature on collective victimhood has focused on its negative consequences for conflict resolution. Only recently has the understanding emerged that collective victimhood can also play a role in reconciliation. The present research aimed to test this recent insight in the context of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. A sample of 200 Israeli Jews who participated in the 2015 Israeli–Palestinian Memorial Day ceremony organized by the Combatants for Peace organization completed online questionnaires. In line with our predictions, personal victimization (i.e., losing a significant other due to the conflict) and inclusive victim perceptions (i.e., perceptions of a “common victim identity,” namely, similarity between the ingroup’s and the outgroup’s suffering) predicted peace activism. However, perceptions of a common perpetrator identity failed to predict activism. These results were replicated in a sample of 106 Israeli Jews who participated in the 2016 ceremony. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.

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Koopman, Sara. "Building an inclusive peace is an uneven socio-spatial process: Colombia's differential approach." Political Geography 83 (November 2020): 102252. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2020.102252.

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Luckham, Robin. "Building inclusive peace and security in times of unequal development and rising violence." Peacebuilding 6, no. 2 (April 2, 2018): 87–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21647259.2018.1449185.

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Papagianni, Katia. "Political Transitions after Peace Agreements: The Importance of Consultative and Inclusive Political Processes." Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 3, no. 1 (March 2009): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17502970802608175.

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Lindemann, Stefan. "Inclusive Elite Bargains and the Dilemma of Unproductive Peace: a Zambian case study." Third World Quarterly 32, no. 10 (November 2011): 1843–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2011.610585.

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Naseem, M. Ayaz. "Reimagining peace, reimagining education: Peace educational potential of social media." TARBIYA: Journal of Education in Muslim Society 2, no. 1 (June 22, 2015): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/tjems.v2i1.1474.

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Abstract In this paper I examine the potential of blogosphere for civic education. My main argument is that in in-crisis societies such as Pakistan the blogosphere is a space where conversations and multilogues on issues that are crucial to societal regeneration are taking place. These conversations and multilogues in/through the blogosphere are democratic and inclusive in that they are not confined by the traditional articulations of ‘expertise’, privilege and subject positioning. Neither the writer nor those who participate in the ensuing conversation are or have to be experts in a disciplinary sense. They are not privileged by credentials or by their positioning in the ‘knowledge’ hierarchy. Any and all agents of the civil society can either start or engage in these multilogues, many of which directly or indirectly, focus on issues of national and societal self-regeneration. Abstrak Dalam makalah ini saya meneliti potensi ruang-blog (blogosphere) untuk pendidikan kewarganegaraan. Argumen utama saya adalah bahwa dalam masyarakat yang sedang dilanda krisis seperti Pakistan ruang-blog (blogosphere) merupakan ruang di mana percakapan dan interaksi percakapan tentang isu-isu yang sangat penting bagi regenerasi sosial, berlangsung. Percakapan dan multilogues melalui ruang-blog ini bersifat demokratis dan inklusif karena tidak dibatasi oleh artikulasi tradisional yang mencirikan 'keahlian', pengaturan posisi berdasarkan hak istimewa dan subjek masalah. Baik penulis maupun orang-orang yang berpartisipasi dalam percakapan tidak harus ahli dalam disiplin tertentu. Mereka tidak diberi hak istimewa atas dasar prestasi atau posisi mereka dalam hirarki 'pengetahuan' . Setiap dan semua masyarakat sipil dapat memulai atau terlibat dalam interaksi percakapan ini, banyak di antara mereka yang baik langsung maupun tidak langsung, berfokus pada isu-isu regenerasi diri di tingkat nasional dan masyarakat.How to Cite : Naseem, M., A. (2015). Reimagining Peace, Reimagining Education: Peace Educational Potential of Social Media. TARBIYA: Journal Of Education In Muslim Society, 2(1), 1-11. doi:10.15408/tjems.v2i1.1474. Permalink/DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/tjems.v2i1.1474

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Schneiker, Andrea. "The UN and women's marginalization in peace negotiations." International Affairs 97, no. 4 (July 2021): 1165–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab068.

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Abstract Although UN Security Council Resolution 1325 calls for increased participation of women in all stages of a peace process, the number of women who participate in formal peace negotiations is still very limited. In order to augment their number, UN Women and other international organizations have published a series of policy reports in which they argue that women's participation increases the success of peace negotiations and leads to more inclusive peace agreements. However, based on an analysis of relevant policy reports and interviews with women and men involved in peace negotiations, I argue that the policy reports do not lead to women's empowerment. Instead, they contribute to women's marginalization in peace negotiations, because they entrap women between conflicting expectations. The type of behaviour that international advocates of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda expect of women when they participate in peace negotiations limits the women's room for manoeuvre—at best. At worst, this type of behaviour prevents women from participating in the negotiations, because it is dismissed by domestic (male) negotiators. But if women who participate in peace negotiations violate the behavioural script proposed by the policy reports, they are considered as not acting in line with the WPS agenda. Hence, no matter how women behave when they sit at the negotiation table, they either lose the support of international or national gatekeepers.

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Krylov, Danila Sergeevich. "Inclusive security architecture in the Middle East: peculiarities of functioning and Prospects for expansion." Международные отношения, no. 3 (March 2021): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2021.3.36184.

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This article explores the prerequisites for the creation and peculiarities of functioning of the inclusive security architecture in the Middle East. This system of ensuring and maintaining peace was established by Russia, and currently includes two cross-regional Middle Eastern powers – Turkey and Iran. The author analyzes the potential of involving new actors — Saudi Arabia and Israel – into the functioning of the security architecture. The article employs the method of SWOT-analysis for determining the advantages and disadvantaged of the inclusive security architecture in the Middle East, as well as outlining the major threats and capabilities of the system. The novelty of this research lies in giving definition to the concept of “inclusive security architecture”; assessing the strengths and weaknesses of the inclusive security architecture created by Russia in the Middle East; outlining the major threats and vulnerabilities of the system, as well as the potential attraction of new actors therein. The author also highlights the peculiarities of the key five pairs of conflict relations in the Middle East (Saudi Arabia — Iran, Saudi Arabia – Turkey, Saudi Arabia – Israel, Israel – Iran, and Israel – Turkey), the nature of which Russia should take into account within the framework of long-term planning. The conclusion is made that in the future, the inclusive security architecture may become one of the key pillars of peace and security in the Middle East, and gradually mitigate the conflicts in this region.

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Souillac, Geneviève, KU Leuven, and Douglas P. Fry. "La antropología filosófica de la interculturalidad: Un medio para crear identidades inclusivas y paz positiva." Thémata Revista de Filosofía, no. 52 (2015): 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/themata.2015.i52.02.

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van Santen, Emma. "Inclusive peace mediation in the city: spatial segregation of violence and urban politics of ‘social’ inclusion in gang truces." Third World Thematics: A TWQ Journal 4, no. 2-3 (May 4, 2019): 201–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23802014.2019.1666029.

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Zaprulkhan, Zaprulkhan. "SIGNIFIKANSI DAKWAH INKLUSIF NURCHOLISH MADJID BAGI MASYARAKAT INDONESIA." MAWA'IZH: JURNAL DAKWAH DAN PENGEMBANGAN SOSIAL KEMANUSIAAN 7, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 41–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.32923/maw.v7i1.566.

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Articulation of religion in the public sphere of Indonesia is still much to be exclusive and puritan, unilateral in monopolizing the truth claims of religious truth, and intolerance towards various religious disagreement. Whereas in the context of a pluralistic Indonesian nation, whether of race, ethnicity, culture, class, and religion, religious messages should be delivered by inclusive proselytizing. Anyone who would articulate religious discourses in the public sphere of Indonesia, should ideally be through inclusive proselytizing. In the context of inclusive proselytizing, Islamic values such as justice (al-'adl), human rights, freedom (Hurriyah), democracy (Shura), universal benevolence (Khoir), egalitarian (Musawah), tolerance (tasamuh), balance ( tawazun), social ethics (morals), universal humanity (an-nas), as well as peace and safety contained in the doctrine of principle Islam but those are inclusive. Inclusive priciples could embrace all people regardless of race, culture, race, class, and even religion. This article is going to discuss the significance of Nurcholish Madjid‟s inclusive proselytizing for pluralistic Indonesian society.

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Obinna, Franklin. "Hybrid Regional Order." Journal of International Peacekeeping 20, no. 3-4 (August 17, 2016): 363–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-02003013.

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The un peace operations have undergone significant revisions to calibrate mission mandates in tandem with emerging threats to international peace and security, especially non-traditional security (nts) threats that stem from governance challenges. These multidimensional missions essentially perform statebuilding interventions (sbis) through capacity-building programmes. The future of these missions depends on negotiated political settlements that facilitate the creation of accountable institutions and inclusive societies. Scholars debate the future of un peace missions, especially as it relates to stabilization operations. On the one hand, are the “narrowers” who believe that peace operations should remain focused on stabilizing state authorities. On the other hand, are the “broadeners” who favor people-focused stabilization operations. This article argues for a broad approach. Focusing on the role of regional organizations under Chapter viii of the un Charter, it argues that successive failures by the African Union to implement its doctrinal instruments, particularly the Post Conflict Reconstruction and Development Policy, the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance and the Common African Defence and Security Policy has narrowed its peace interventions in Africa to peace enforcement operations. To be relevant, the African Union needs to focus on the challenges of governance in Africa.

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Gamaghelyan, Philip. "Towards an Inclusive Conception of Best Practices in Peace and Conflict Initiatives: The Case of the South Caucasus." International Negotiation 26, no. 1 (October 12, 2020): 125–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-bja10023.

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Abstract The field of peace and conflict studies has been maturing over the past few decades, not least thanks to the continual epistemological contestation between its philosophy and methodology. As a consequence, the methods of conflict resolution practice have been evolving. Dominated by realist approaches of conflict management during the Cold War, the field in the 1990s relied heavily on neo-liberal theories of economic interdependence, democracy building, and interest-based negotiations that can bring win-win outcomes. By the late 2000s, as the constructivist paradigm and critical theory started gaining ground in academia, the conceptual conversation shifted toward the possibilities of building inclusive societies and achieving structural and cultural peace via conflict transformation, rather than resolution, as the respective methodology.

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Khairil, Muhammad. "Preventing Post-Conflict Terrorism in Poso through Message of Peace: A Case Study of Peace-Striving Khalifah Group." International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 10 (April 30, 2021): 795–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2021.10.94.

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This study discussed a Peace-Striving Khalifah Group which consisted of several former convicts of terrorism case of Poso conflict. This study used a qualitative approach with case study method. The results revealed that the motivators and the activators of the Peace-Striving Khalifah Group were using a cultural message model at the self-disclosure stage. The cultural approach was used as a whole. While the psychological approach was not recognized as an initial route by motivators. The ideologies of the former terrorist convicts who were members of the Peace-Striving Khalifah Group were filled with issues of Khilafah, Pancasila, Thaghut and Takfir. One of the conveyed messages models of the group was peaceful-style religious da'wah which included inclusive da'wah messages and respect to the diversity of the people. The role of da'wah brought by the group thought a kind and soothing da'wah which is respected the people.

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Hendrix, Cullen S. "The Ins and Outs of Conceptualizing Inclusion: Theoretical and Empirical Implications for the Study of Inclusive Approaches to Governance and Peace-building." Journal of Global Security Studies 5, no. 1 (December 21, 2019): 110–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogz055.

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Abstract In the field of global security studies, inclusion, both in terms of process and outcomes, is certainly having a moment. Like many terms widely adopted by the international security and development communities, the utility of the discourse around inclusion stems in part from its ambiguity. The various contributions to this special issue make good and productive use of this ambiguity and have moved the discussion of inclusive approaches to governance, violence reduction, and peace-building forward. In doing so, however, they have put forth very different conceptualizations and operationalizations of inclusion and exclusion. Thus, my contribution to this symposium identifies these various conceptualizations, discusses the strengths and weaknesses of proposed measures, and concludes with remarks on the normative implications of these analyses.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Inclusive peace'

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