Journal articles: 'Income equality'

1

Sharkansky, Ira. "Israeli Income Equality." Israel Studies 1, no. 1 (April 1996): 306–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/isr.1996.1.1.306.

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Sharkansky, Ira. "Israeli Income Equality." Israel Studies 1, no. 1 (1996): 306–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/is.2005.0042.

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Steiner, Hillel. "HOW EQUALITY MATTERS." Social Philosophy and Policy 19, no. 1 (January 2002): 342–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026505250219114x.

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“Should differences in income and wealth matter?” is a paralyzingly big question. Does it refer to some differences? All differences? Daily differences, periodic ones, initial ones? Do they matter regardless of how income and wealth are acquired? Regardless of what can be done with them? Regardless, indeed, of what ‘mattering’ means?

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Campiglio, Luigi. "Income Distribution, Public Expenditure and Equality." Labour 4, no. 1 (March 1990): 97–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9914.1990.tb00007.x.

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Park, Ji-Won, and Chae Un Kim. "Getting to a feasible income equality." PLOS ONE 16, no. 3 (March 30, 2021): e0249204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0249204.

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Income inequality is known to have negative impacts on an economic system, thus has been debated for a hundred years past or more. Numerous ideas have been proposed to quantify income inequality, and the Gini coefficient is a prevalent index. However, the concept of perfect equality in the Gini coefficient is rather idealistic and cannot provide realistic guidance on whether government interventions are needed to adjust income inequality. In this paper, we first propose the concept of a more realistic and ‘feasible’ income equality that maximizes total social welfare. Then we show that an optimal income distribution representing the feasible equality could be modeled using the sigmoid welfare function and the Boltzmann income distribution. Finally, we carry out an empirical analysis of four countries and demonstrate how optimal income distributions could be evaluated. Our results show that the feasible income equality could be used as a practical guideline for government policies and interventions.

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Kenworthy, Lane. "Is Equality Feasible?" Contexts 6, no. 3 (August 2007): 28–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ctx.2007.6.3.28.

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Lara, Bernardo, and Kenneth A. Shores. "Identifying Preferences for Equal College Access, Income, and Income Equality." Education Finance and Policy 15, no. 2 (March 2020): 270–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/edfp_a_00271.

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Revealed preferences for equal college access may be due to beliefs that equal access increases societal income or income equality. To isolate preferences for those goods, we implement an online discrete choice experiment using social statistics generated from true variation among commuting zones. We find that, ceteris paribus, the average income that individuals are willing to sacrifice is (1) $4,984 to increase higher education enrollment by 1 standard deviation (14 percent); (2) $1,168 to decrease rich/poor gaps in higher education enrollment by 1 standard deviation (8 percent); and (3) $2,900 to decrease the 90/10 income inequality ratio by 1 standard deviation (1.66). In addition, we find that political affiliation is an important moderator of preferences for equality. While both Democrats and Republicans are willing to trade over $4,000 to increase higher education enrollment by 1 standard deviation, Democrats are willing to sacrifice nearly three times more income to decrease either rich/poor gaps in higher education enrollment or the 90/10 income inequality ratio by 1 standard deviation.

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Rosen, Sumner M., Allison Quick, and Richard G. Wilkinson. "Income and Health: Towards Equality in Health." Journal of Public Health Policy 17, no. 1 (1996): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3342665.

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Lim Young-Kyu. "An Analysis of the Income Disparity between Expectation Income and Reasonable Income for the Income Equality Evaluation." Tax Accounting Research ll, no. 42 (December 2014): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.35349/tar.2014..42.003.

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Vedder, Richard. "TAXES, GROWTH, EQUITY, AND WELFARE." Social Philosophy and Policy 23, no. 2 (May 23, 2006): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026505250606016x.

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The scholarly literature suggests high or increased tax burdens tend to reduce economic growth, lowering incomes. Some argue, however, that low taxes and high economic growth can have adverse income distribution consequences or can lead to utility-reducing under-consumption of needed public goods. Evidence is presented questioning those assertions. People seek happiness by moving, and tend to migrate to low tax areas. Moreover, there is little evidence that governmental expansion leads to truly greater equality. Appropriately measured, income equality is actually far greater than typically claimed. Moreover, income data suggest that the international equalization of incomes and global reduction of poverty largely reflect private sector activity, namely market forces working where the rule of law and strong protection of property rights prevails.

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Coles, Ryan Scott. "Equality and the Spirit of Capitalism: The Impact of Income Equality on Entrepreneurship." Academy of Management Proceedings 2019, no. 1 (August 1, 2019): 14940. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2019.14940abstract.

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Corak, Miles. "Income Inequality, Equality of Opportunity, and Intergenerational Mobility." Journal of Economic Perspectives 27, no. 3 (August 1, 2013): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.27.3.79.

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My focus is on the degree to which increasing inequality in the high-income countries, particularly in the United States, is likely to limit economic mobility for the next generation of young adults. I discuss the underlying drivers of opportunity that generate the relationship between inequality and intergenerational mobility. The goal is to explain why America differs from other countries, how intergenerational mobility will change in an era of higher inequality, and how the process is different for the top 1 percent. I begin by presenting evidence that countries with more inequality at one point in time also experience less earnings mobility across the generations, a relationship that has been called “The Great Gatsby Curve.” The interaction between families, labor markets, and public policies all structure a child's opportunities and determine the extent to which adult earnings are related to family background—but they do so in different ways across national contexts. Both cross-country comparisons and the underlying trends suggest that these drivers are all configured most likely to lower, or at least not raise, the degree of intergenerational earnings mobility for the next generation of Americans coming of age in a more polarized labor market. This trend will likely continue unless there are changes in public policy that promote the human capital of children in a way that offers relatively greater benefits to the relatively disadvantaged.

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Peragine, Vito. "Ranking Income Distributions According to Equality of Opportunity." Journal of Economic Inequality 2, no. 1 (April 2004): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/b:joei.0000028404.17138.1e.

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HONDAI, SUSUMU. "INCOME EQUALITY IN A COURSE OF INDONESIAN DEVELOPMENT." Singapore Economic Review 59, no. 01 (March 2014): 1450006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0217590814500064.

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Indonesia has done remarkably well in the areas of both economic growth and poverty reduction. However, the economic situations differ significantly among Indonesian provinces. Some provinces have already developed well, while the rest have been left behind. The variation in the situations will generate a synthetic long-run time series data of economic development as a whole and enable us to find out when income equality starts to improve in a course of economic development.

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Scharding, Tobey. "Income Inequalities in a Context of Political Equality." Social Theory and Practice 40, no. 1 (2014): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract20144015.

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Murthi, Mamta, and Erwin R. Tiongson. "Attitudes to Income Equality: The ‘Socialist Legacy’ Revisited." Comparative Economic Studies 51, no. 3 (May 21, 2009): 344–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ces.2009.4.

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17

Peragine, Vito. "Measuring and implementing equality of opportunity for income." Social Choice and Welfare 22, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 187–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00355-003-0282-2.

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18

Mack, Eric. "EQUALITY, BENEVOLENCE, AND RESPONSIVENESS TO AGENT-RELATIVE VALUE." Social Philosophy and Policy 19, no. 1 (January 2002): 314–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052502191138.

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Do differences in income or wealth matter, morally speaking? This essay addresses a broader issue than this question seems to pose. But this broader issue is, I believe, the salient philosophical issue which this question actually poses. Let me explain. Narrowly read, the question at hand is concerned only with inequality of income or wealth. It asks us to consider whether inequality of income or wealth as such is morally problematic. On this construal, the question invites us to consider whether the bare fact that Joshua has a greater income or net worth than Rebekah is a morally defective social state of affairs. Is there at least a significant moral presumption on behalf of equality of income or wealth such that, if an inequality of income or wealth obtains vis-à-vis Joshua and Rebekah, that inequality ought to be nullified unless some impressive positive justification for the inequality can be provided? On this narrow reading, the salient issue is whether there exists in particular an egalitarian presumption with respect to income or wealth. But I believe that the genuinely salient issue here is whether there exists in general an egalitarian presumption with respect to whatever factual condition of individuals one is supposed to attend to when assessing social states of affairs. The crucial question is not whether income or wealth or utility or well-being is the condition the unequal distribution of which is as such morally problematic.

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19

MacLeod, Colin M. "Partial Equality." Dialogue 37, no. 4 (1998): 775–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300009823.

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Despite the diversity and important disagreement which characterizes theorizing in political philosophy, most contemporary theories of justice yield remarkably similar verdicts on the moral adequacy of current distributions of wealth, income, and opportunity. By almost any standard of justice defended today, we live in a profoundly unjust world. It is obvious, for instance, that utilitarianism, the difference principle, equality of resources, and even modest-sounding principles of equality of opportunity all condemn the yawning gulf which separates the rich and the poor of the world. Even Nozick's recommendation that the difference principle be used as a rough principle for rectifying historical injustice indicates how little immediate practical difference there is between Rawls's theory and its supposed libertarian antithesis. All this suggests that there is a surprising theoretical consensus about the immediate practical demands of justice. In short, moving toward justice requires substantially reducing the dramatic inequalities which plague our world.

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20

Haagh, Louise. "The Developmental Social Contract and Basic Income in Denmark." Social Policy and Society 18, no. 2 (August 31, 2018): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746418000301.

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In this article, I discuss why steps towards basic income (BI) ‘from within’ the state are institutionally plausible in Denmark, yet this ‘inside-out’ transition is contested in Danish society. I argue that implementation since the 1990s of the flexicurity regime – labour flexibility with social transfers and training – has stretched the developmental tradition that historically has fed the case for broadly inclusive reforms. An ‘Equality Paradox’ is shaped by two relationships, between high social equality and feasibility of basic income, on the one hand, and high social equality and developmentalism, on the other. The upshot is basic income rests on developmentalism indirectly, as state-promotion of economic equality, cooperative public finance, and human development-oriented governing of core institutions all contribute to the feasibility of a BI reform. The ‘Equality Paradox’ explains why rising inequality and precarity in Denmark make a case for basic income within the public sector but the source of this inequality – neo-liberalism – also puts it at risk.

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21

Beckfield, Jason. "The End of Equality in Europe?" Current History 112, no. 752 (March 1, 2013): 94–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2013.112.752.94.

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22

Naeem, Sidra, and Rana Ejaz Ali Khan. "Fiscal Decentralization and Gender Equality in Developing Economies: Dynamics of Income Groups in Economies and Corruption." Asian Economic and Financial Review 11, no. 9 (September 13, 2021): 745–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18488/journal.aefr.2021.119.745.761.

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A large number of studies on fiscal decentralization have supported the claim that decentralized governments have a greater capacity to approach local preferences and have greater potential for public service delivery, which demonstrates a favorable status of socioeconomic indicators. However, there is no empirical evidence on fiscal decentralization and gender equality. This study empirically examines the effect of fiscal decentralization on gender equality in 29 developing economies from 2006 to 2020 by employing the dynamic panel system generalized method of moments (GMM). The study uses three measures of fiscal decentralization—expenditure, revenue, and composite decentralization—to learn the dynamics of income groups in developing economies, and corruption from the perspective of fiscal decentralization and gender equality. The results demonstrate that fiscal decentralization improves gender equality in the sample of developing economies as well as in the sub-sample of developing economies, i.e., lower-middle income countries and upper-middle income countries subject to the control of corruption, otherwise fiscal decentralization may devastate gender equality in developing economies and upper-middle income economies. Corruption plays a dynamic role in the relationship between fiscal decentralization and gender equality. The desired results of fiscal decentralization may be attained through policy reforms to control corruption. The dynamics of income groups in the sampled economies also have implications for the relationship between fiscal decentralization and gender equality.

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23

Roca-Puig, Vicente. "The Symbiotic Bond of Income Equality and Organizational Equilibrium." Sustainability 12, no. 21 (November 8, 2020): 9267. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12219267.

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The corporate sustainability literature postulates that companies are social entities that constantly interact with the society in which they are located. Although this idea is generally accepted, one persistent research gap in this field relates to testing this connection through quantitative empirical studies. In this study, we shed light on the bidirectional relationship between income inequality and organizational equilibrium (i.e., balance in the employment relationship). From data on 2525 companies covering a nine-year period and using longitudinal structural equation modeling, findings demonstrate that equity in the distribution of resources among people in a society positively influences equity in the distribution of resources between employer and employees, and vice versa. A symbiotic union of mutual benefit between society and business is, therefore, developed over time. Theoretical and practical implications of our findings are presented.

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Tam, Mo-Yin S., and Renze Zhang. "Ranking Income Distributions: The Tradeoff between Efficiency and Equality." Economica 63, no. 250 (May 1996): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2554761.

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Osterreich, Shaianne. "China’s Retreat from Equality: Income Distribution and Economic Transition." Journal of Asian Economics 13, no. 4 (July 2002): 565–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1049-0078(02)00167-7.

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Baek, Inmee, and Andrew Chia. "Do types of foreign capital matter for income equality?" World Economy 43, no. 12 (June 22, 2020): 3243–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/twec.12984.

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27

Statman, Meir. "Culture in Preferences for Income Equality and Safety Nets." Journal of Behavioral Finance 17, no. 4 (October 2016): 382–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15427560.2016.1238828.

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Michel, Richard C. "Economic Growth and Income Equality Since the 1982 Recession." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 10, no. 2 (1991): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3325171.

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Wilson, Kathryn, Kristina Lambright, and Timothy M. Smeeding. "School Finance, Equivalent Educational Expenditure, and the Income Distribution: Equal Dollars or Equal Chances for Success?" Education Finance and Policy 1, no. 4 (October 2006): 396–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/edfp.2006.1.4.396.

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This article breaks new ground in the debate on school finance and equality of per pupil school expenditures. We are able to merge school district data with the individual and family data of the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID). This allows us to examine both student and school district characteristics and to assess several measures of equality of expenditure across the income distribution of parents and by funding sources. Unlike studies that use district-level data, our study finds a surprising degree of equality in the actual amounts expended per child in low- versus high-income families. But after adjusting expenditures for student body composition to reach equivalent education expenditures, we find a greater inequality in per pupil spending across the income distribution. In addition, there are substantial racial inequalities in expenditures across the income spectrum. In closing we discuss policy implications for school finance and increased equality of educational opportunity.

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Kraus, Michael W., Julian M. Rucker, and Jennifer A. Richeson. "Americans misperceive racial economic equality." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 114, no. 39 (September 18, 2017): 10324–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1707719114.

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The present research documents the widespread misperception of race-based economic equality in the United States. Across four studies (n = 1,377) sampling White and Black Americans from the top and bottom of the national income distribution, participants overestimated progress toward Black–White economic equality, largely driven by estimates of greater current equality than actually exists according to national statistics. Overestimates of current levels of racial economic equality, on average, outstripped reality by roughly 25% and were predicted by greater belief in a just world and social network racial diversity (among Black participants). Whereas high-income White respondents tended to overestimate racial economic equality in the past, Black respondents, on average, underestimated the degree of past racial economic equality. Two follow-up experiments further revealed that making societal racial discrimination salient increased the accuracy of Whites’ estimates of Black–White economic equality, whereas encouraging Whites to anchor their estimates on their own circumstances increased their tendency to overestimate current racial economic equality. Overall, these findings suggest a profound misperception of and unfounded optimism regarding societal race-based economic equality—a misperception that is likely to have any number of important policy implications.

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McKay, Ailsa. "Rethinking Work and Income Maintenance Policy: Promoting Gender Equality Through a Citizens' Basic Income." Feminist Economics 7, no. 1 (January 2001): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545700010022721.

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Levy, Gilat, and Ronny Razin. "Preferences over Equality in the Presence of Costly Income Sorting." American Economic Journal: Microeconomics 7, no. 2 (May 1, 2015): 308–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mic.20130031.

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We analyze preferences over redistribution in societies with costly (positive) sorting according to income. We identify a new motivation for redistribution, where individuals support taxation in order to reduce the incentives to sort. We characterize a simple condition over income distributions which implies that even relatively rich voters—with income above the mean—will prefer full equality (and thus no sorting) to societies with costly sorting. We show that the condition is satisfied for relatively equal income distributions. We also relate the condition to several statistical properties which are satisfied by a large family of distribution functions. (JEL D31, D63, H23)

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Eastin, Joshua, and Aseem Prakash. "Economic Development and Gender Equality: Is There a Gender Kuznets Curve?" World Politics 65, no. 1 (January 2013): 156–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887112000275.

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This research note examines the relationship between economic development and gender equality. Drawing on the concept of the Kuznets curve, the authors hypothesize that the relationship between economic development and gender inequality is curvilinear (S shaped), with three distinct stages. In the first stage, economic development improves gender equality because it enables greater female labor-force participation. An independent income stream increases women's intrahousehold bargaining power. The opportunity to develop human capital confers greater political and social recognition. In the second stage, labor-force stratification and gender discrimination encourage divergent male/female income trajectories, which decrease the opportunity costs of female labor-force withdrawal and lend traction to social resistance against burgeoning gender norms. Consequently, there is a deceleration in initial equality gains. In the final stage, gender equality again improves, as greater educational participation and technological advancement provide new employment opportunities for women, increase the opportunity costs of staying home, and encourage the evolution of new social institutions and norms that overcome prior discriminatory practices. The authors find support for this argument in statistical tests of the relationship between economic development and gender equality on a panel of 146 developing countries for the period 1980–2005. They employ four indicators that reflect distinct dimensions of women's political, social, and economic status. They find economic development positively influences gender equality when per capita incomes are below $8,000–$10,000. These equality gains level off or decline slightly in the second stage, from $8,000–10,000 to about $25,000–$30,000. Beyond this level, economic development is again associated with improvements in gender equality. The key implication is that the effect of economic development on gender equality is contingent on the level of development. Policymakers and social activists should develop policy correctives to ensure that economic development confers improvements in gender equality across phases of development.

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Morris, Michael C. "Improved Nonhuman Animal Welfare Is Related More to Income Equality Than It Is to Income." Journal of Applied Animal Welfare Science 16, no. 3 (July 2013): 272–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10888705.2013.768921.

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Parris, Kristen Diane. "China's Retreat from Equality: Income Distribution and Economic Transition (review)." China Review International 9, no. 2 (2002): 522–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2003.0112.

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Sepulveda, Cristian F., and Jorge Martinez-Vazquez. "The Consequences of Fiscal Decentralization on Poverty and Income Equality." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 29, no. 2 (January 2011): 321–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c1033r.

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Bergh, Andreas, and Christian Bjørnskov. "Trust, welfare states and income equality: Sorting out the causality." European Journal of Political Economy 35 (September 2014): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2014.06.002.

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Trannoy, Alain. "Talent, equality of opportunity and optimal non-linear income tax." Journal of Economic Inequality 17, no. 1 (March 2019): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10888-019-09409-7.

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Aoyagi, Chie, Giovanni Ganelli, and Kentaro Murayama. "How Inclusive is Abenomics?" Journal of International Commerce, Economics and Policy 07, no. 01 (February 2016): 1650005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793993316500058.

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We assess the ongoing reform efforts in Japan in terms of inclusive growth. We use prefectural level panel data to regress a measure of inclusive growth, and its components of both average income growth and income inequality, on macroeconomic and policy variables. Our analysis suggests that achieving the Bank of Japan’s 2% inflation target has a positive effect on average income growth, but an adverse effect on income equality. In contrast, achieving higher female labor participation, lower duality, and larger labor input — which are included in the package of structural reforms planned under Abenomics — is found to be effective in fostering inclusive growth. While implementation of those policies can improve higher average income growth, only the female labor participation is found to improve the equality as well. The main policy implication of our analysis is that full implementation of structural reforms — especially labor market reforms — is necessary to both foster growth and increase equality.

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Jonrisman Sinaga and Machfud Sidik. "Analysis of Increase in Non-Taxable Income (NTI) in relation with Implementation of Equality Principles and Taxation Base Principles." Ilomata International Journal of Tax and Accounting 1, no. 1 (October 30, 2019): 12–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.52728/ijtc.v1i1.39.

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This research discussed an increase of non-taxable income that expected to be able to step-up the purchasing power, especially in consumption. Increase on non-taxable income which applies has not reflected the equality principle in taxation like what people feel, where non-taxable income has not touched the sense of equality. It becomes a dilemma to the government for expanding the taxation base by increasing non-taxation income. Increase in non-taxable income can reduce the taxation base. Practice in Simplicity or Easy of Tax Administration concept make the application on equality principle in taxation is not maximal, because non-taxation income equalizes all taxpayers’ —rich nor poor, sick nor health, and citizens who are on education. Implementation of this concept is inseparable from taxpayer database condition which based on Identity Number that has not beneficial. Increase of non-taxable income also decreases the Tax Revenue Article 21 where the revenue decreased by 4.65% in 2016. Increase in non-taxable income is expected to boost the purchasing power of citizen, hence demand on goods and service will increase. With the increase of demand, production to absorb the employment that becomes the object of Non-Taxable Income Article 21.

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Kazandjian, Kolovich, Kochhar, and Newiak. "Gender Equality and Economic Diversification." Social Sciences 8, no. 4 (April 11, 2019): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci8040118.

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We show that gender inequality decreases the variety of goods countries produce and export, in particular in low-income and developing countries. We argue that this happens through at least two channels: first, gender gaps in opportunity, such as lower educational enrollment rates for girls than for boys, harm diversification by constraining the potential pool of human capital available in an economy. Second, gender gaps in the labor market impede the development of new ideas by decreasing the efficiency of the labor force. Our empirical estimates support these hypotheses, providing evidence that gender-friendly policies could help countries diversify their economies.

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PASCALL, GILLIAN, and JANE LEWIS. "Emerging Gender Regimes and Policies for Gender Equality in a Wider Europe." Journal of Social Policy 33, no. 3 (July 2004): 373–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004727940400772x.

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This article addresses some implications for gender equality and gender policy at European and national levels of transformations in family, economy and polity, which challenge gender regimes across Europe. Women's labour market participation in the west and the collapse of communism in the east have undermined the systems and assumptions of western male breadwinner and dual worker models of central and eastern Europe. Political reworking of the work/welfare relationship into active welfare has individualised responsibility. Individualisation is a key trend west – and in some respects east – and challenges the structures that supported care in state and family. The links that joined men to women, cash to care, incomes to carers have all been fractured. The article will argue that care work and unpaid care workers are both casualties of these developments. Social, political and economic changes have not been matched by the development of new gender models at the national level. And while EU gender policy has been admired as the most innovative aspect of its social policy, gender equality is far from achieved: women's incomes across Europe are well below men's; policies for supporting unpaid care work have developed modestly compared with labour market activation policies. Enlargement brings new challenges as it draws together gender regimes with contrasting histories and trajectories. The article will map social policies for gender equality across the key elements of gender regimes – paid work, care work, income, time and voice – and discuss the nature of a model of gender equality that would bring gender equality across these. It analyses ideas about a dual earner–dual carer model, in the Dutch combination scenario and ‘universal caregiver’ models, at household and civil society levels. These offer a starting point for a model in which paid and unpaid work are equally valued and equally shared between men and women, but we argue that a citizenship model, in which paid and unpaid work obligations are underpinned by social rights, is more likely to achieve gender equality.

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Scelles, Nicolas, and Aurélien François. "Does a country’s income inequality affect its citizens’ quest for equality in leisure? Evidence from European men’s football." Economics and Business Letters 10, no. 2 (May 31, 2021): 133–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17811/ebl.10.2.2021.133-139.

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Does a country’s income inequality affect its citizens’ quest for equality in leisure? To answer this question, the letter investigates the impact of competitive balance on fan demand (stadium attendance) in European men’s football over the 2006-18 period, splitting leagues into groups depending on their country’s income inequality. Competitive balance has a significant negative impact on stadium attendance in countries with lowest income inequality and a significant positive impact in countries with highest income inequality and the whole sample. Findings suggest that, in leisure, European football fans look for the (in)equality their national economy does not offer.

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Anduiza, Eva, Marc Guinjoan, and Guillem Rico. "Populism, participation, and political equality." European Political Science Review 11, no. 1 (February 2019): 109–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773918000243.

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AbstractThis article analyses the relationship between populist attitudes and political participation. We argue that populist attitudes can be a motivation for participation through their identity, emotional, and moral components, and that they have the potential to narrow socioeconomic gaps in participation. Using survey data from nine European countries, our results show that populist attitudes are positively related to expressive non-institutionalized modes of participation (petition signing, online participation and, in some contexts, demonstrating), but not to turnout. In addition, populist attitudes are found to reduce education-based gaps and even reverse income-based inequalities in political participation. The implications of these findings are discussed.

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Bardhi, Ejona. "Albanian Economy: Proportional or Progressive Taxation?" Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 1 (January 26, 2017): 176–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5901/mjss.2017.v8n1p176.

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Abstract Choosing the best system of taxation lies in the balance between equality and fairness or efficiency. It is an expression that should guide any fiscal policy. Given that one of the hottest economic topics that pits the political parties can not stay away from the attention of citizens and scholars of the economy. On the one hand we have a tax that provides the same percentage for all categories of income, on the other hand you have a tax increase progressively in line with revenues. therefore, taxes less progressive taxation individuals with lower incomes, but if the tax burden shifted progressively to individuals with higher incomes, it remains to be discussed. Like most developing countries, Albania differs in many respects from developed countries, among which capacity institutional, state, rule of law, the structure of the economy and other economic characteristics. Such differences justify a different tax policy. Progressive taxation has been applied in Albania since 2015. Is this a tax that provides equality for all? Stated every moment and in every public appearance of our politicians, "equality before the law" as a principle that should be applied objectively and accurately reports, but this system offers true equality before the law? What has brought the Albanian economy this system? What happened to investments or unemployment? Through this work I intend to present a clear analysis of income tax applied in Albanian economic system and how this tax has affected the economy as a whole. Also this work is also a reflection on the advantages and disadvantages of this tax system.

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McKay, Ailsa. "Why a citizens' basic income? A question of gender equality or gender bias." Work, Employment and Society 21, no. 2 (June 2007): 337–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017007076643.

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Current debates concerning the future of social security provision in advanced capitalist states have raised a citizens' basic income as a possible reform package: a proposal based on the principles of individuality, universality and unconditionality, ensuring a minimum income guarantee for all members of society. Arguments in favour of a citizens' basic income have traditionally been contrived within a fixed set of parameters associated with a particular view of the principles of economic organization.That is, a citizens' basic income is considered a model for social security reform that conforms to market based structures of exchange, particularly those associated with the market for labour, and as such contributes positively to the efficient functioning of capitalist economies. This article highlights the 'gender blind' nature of such debates and presents a case for a citizens' basic income based on a more inclusive notion of citizenship.

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Qaisrani, Ayesha, and Ather Maqsood Ahmed. "Exploring New Pathways to Gender Equality in Education: Does Information and Communication Technology Matter?" NUST Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 1, no. 1 (January 19, 2021): 26–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.51732/njssh.v1i1.2.

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Through the use of the System Generalized Method of Moments Technique, this study aims to establish links between Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs), gender equality in education and economic growth, for segregated levels of education. The study focuses on the decade of 2000-2010 for the case of Lower Middle Income countries. Through simultaneous solution of the models, it is concluded that ICTs do have some potential to promote gender equality but the relationship is not strong enough, either due to lack of relevant statistical data or due to inefficient integration of ICTs into the society. It is, however, deduced that the strongest factor promoting gender equality is the average schooling of adult population. Furthermore, the study finds out that for lower middle income countries, gender equality at lower levels of education plays an important role in economic growth than gender equality in higher education.

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Lo, Celia C., William Ash-Houchen, and Heather M. Gerling. "The Double-Edged Sword of Gender Equality." International Criminal Justice Review 27, no. 4 (April 21, 2017): 255–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1057567717700492.

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Objectives: While the literature confirms the applicability of routine activity/lifestyle theory in studying individual crime victimization, this study asks whether neighborhood disorganization as well as—on the level of the nation—income inequality, attitudes about gender equality, and the meeting of citizens’ basic human needs are associated with opportunity for crime and so might contribute to the explanation of victimization. The study measures demographic variables that could indicate the presence of motivated offenders and likely crime targets, as well as the absence of effective guardians. Methods: The data come from the sixth wave of the World Values Survey (collected 2010–2014), from the Social Progress Index Report, and from information compiled by the World Bank. The present sample numbers 64,861 respondents, representing 46 countries. Results: The data analysis suggests that risk of victimization increases in the presence of income inequality and gender equality, and decreases where people’s basic human needs are met. The relationship between neighborhood disorganization and one employed victimization measure was found to be moderated by attitudes about gender equality. Conclusions: Further investigation of the role of opportunity and routine activity/lifestyle factors (macro- and individual-level) could improve understanding of victimization, particularly related to the complex interplay between structural and cultural predictors of victimization.

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Siddiqi, Arjumand, and Clyde Hertzman. "Economic Growth, Income Equality, and Population Health among the Asian Tigers." International Journal of Health Services 31, no. 2 (April 2001): 323–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/yfxb-e27p-hqdq-04am.

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CHIAVACCI, DAVID. "Changing egalitarianism? Attitudes regarding income and gender equality in contemporary Japan." Japan Forum 17, no. 1 (March 2005): 107–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0955580052000337495.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Income equality'

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