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1
Ozden, Tugba. "The Dalit Movement Within The Context Of The Indian Independence Movement." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606575/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyses the Dalit Movement with regards to the twentieth century Indian nationalism and independence movement. Within this epoch, India was dealing with both internal and external problems, and this thesis confronts with the process of double freedom movement rolled into one, in India. On one side Indian nation was fighting against the British Imperialism and on the other hand the least level of the ancient Hindu social order varna, the Untouchables, were fighting against the higher castes for eradication of their historical backwardness. This solution of both problems pointed out changes in social and political terms.
The mentioned movement under the leadership of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, who is recognized as the architect of the Indian constitution, aimed to obtain both political and social rights and freedom for the Untouchables. By this movement, Dalits initially managed to attain political rights and to outlaw discrimination among people. And then, in order to facilitate the integration of Dalits within the social sphere, they decided to convert from Brā
hmanism to Buddhism in year 1956 and ten thousands of Dalits converted following Dr. Ambedkar. In the present day, the ex-Untouchables are living under the umbrellas of Buddhism, Islam or Christianity in various parts of India. Even though the mentioned ex-Untouchables survive normally and non-problematically in urban, those of them living in the rural front against the violence of radical rightist, nationalist Hindus.
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Alberici, Thomas Anthony. "The untied state United States policy, Puerto Rican independence, and the independence movement /." Click here for download, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1495953601&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=3260&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Kowalchuk, Lisa. "The social basis of the Quebec independence movement /." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61321.
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This thesis assesses several theories about the social basis of the Quebec independence movement. The most prevalent of these theories locates the core of support for Quebec independence in the Francophone new middle class. The Marxist perspective offers a closely related hypothesis, according to which the independence movement is based in the Francophone new petite bourgeoisie. A third theory sees the new class as at the helm of the new social movements, among which is the Quebec independence movement. Finally, a fourth hypothesis is that the Francophone intellectuals and professional intelligentsia are the foremost separatists.The results of tabular and logistic regression analysis of data on referendum support for sovereignty-association refute the new middle class and new petite bourgeoisie hypotheses. The analyses indicate considerable support for sovereignty-association among a narrow variant of the new class. Within this narrow new class, or professional intelligentsia, support for sovereignty is most heavily concentrated among the Francophone intellectuals. The most discriminating predictor of separatism is not class, but the opposition between those in intellectuals vs. the business/managerial occupations. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Ardley, Jane. "The Tibetan independence movement : political, religious and Gandhian perspectives /." London [u.a.] : RoutledgeCurzon, 2003. http://swbplus.bsz-bw.de/bsz261069918inh.pdf.
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Grove, Adam. "The role of Ukraine's Communists in the Ukrainian independence movement." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/39794.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.Contrary to nearly all predictions, Ukraine's Communists supported the Ukrainian declaration of independence in 1991. Closer scrutiny reveals this should have been no surprise because Communist support for independence was the result of Marxist-Leninist i
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Ardley, Jane. "Resistance, religion and politics : Tibetan independence movement in comparative perspective." Thesis, Keele University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301459.
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Weeks, Deborah G. "Movement Of The People: The Relationship Between Black Consciousness Movements, Race, and Class in the Caribbean." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002340.
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Askersjö, Signe. ""I'm not a nationalist but"... : On mobilisation and identity formation of the Scottish independence movement." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Socialantropologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-157584.
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This study examines the mobilisation and identity formation of the Scottish independence movement post-referendum. By analysing arguments, emotions and actions in support for independence, I aim to discuss how the movement make use of cultural perspectives on history for continuous mobilisation. The study focuses on the members of the umbrella organisation of Yes Scotland, which is a diverse network of activist and party-political groups. To understand the movement, I have made use of a political and active approach such as participating in meetings and at demonstrations. Importantly, while I acknowledge how the Scottish independence movement navigates within a discourse of nationalism because of its nationalist character, I argue that the movement mainly make use of an alternative ideology. This ideology is tied to historical narratives which are remade in present forms and take several expressions. For instance, I claim that this ideology generates the practice of international solidarity as well as a specific identity which is constructed and reproduced for one specific political project: to achieve Scottish independence. This thesis is a contribution to the study of social movements, as well as it provides understanding of reasoning beyond and within nationalism.
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Hsu, Chien-Leng. "Revealing Virtual Political Networks : A Webometric Analysis of the Taiwanese Pro-Independence Movement." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.518200.
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Kouno, Hiromi. "The writing career of Lady Jane Francesca Wilde and the Irish Independence Movement." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.430579.
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RAGAN, MOLLY BAKER. "DIFFUSION OF NONVIOLENT CIVIL RESISTANCE AND THE UKRAINIAN INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT OF THE 1980S." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/614154.
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Much research has been conducted about the diffusion of nonviolent civil resistance and
its various mechanisms, with a majority of the attention being paid to diffusion on a
global level via external pressure and normative imitation. There is little research,
however, about the mechanisms that occur on a much narrower field via individual-level
communications, which lead to individuals learning from surrounding ideas and adapting
them to fit their situation. Using the case study of the independence movement of the late
1980s in the former Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, I provide a nuanced analysis of
these communications between the former republic and its neighbors, specifically Poland,
Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, all of which were going through their own independence
movements at the same time. I address the importance of these individual-level
communications to the movement's success and ultimately conclude that without them,
the diffusion of nonviolent civil resistance into Ukraine would not have occurred and the
movement would not have proven to be successful in bringing down the Soviet regime.
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Deede, Sara Elizabeth. "Activism and Identity: How Korea's Independence Movement Shaped the Korean Immigrant Experience in America, 1905-1945." PDXScholar, 2010. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/174.
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The Korean Independence Movement was a four decades long endeavor from 1905 to 1945 by Koreans to liberate Korea from Japanese colonization. Korean immigrants in America played a vital role in the movement. They contributed money, organized patriotic activities in their communities to raise awareness and issued appeals for support to the U.S. government. Throughout the years, and from generation to generation, Korean immigrants remained loyal to Korea's cause for liberation. This study discusses how this intense patriotic involvement to their homeland affected Koreans immigrants' experiences in America, namely, how such intense overseas nationalism shaped their Americanization process. Korean immigrants have told about their experiences in the form of memoirs, short narratives, interviews and speeches. These provide many first-person perspectives from which to understand Korean immigrants' changing senses of community, patriotism and acculturation. Many of these sources have come available in the last twenty years, but academic scholars have left these source largely untouched. Historians of Korean immigrant history often discuss the political components of the K.I.M. Although recognizing the importance of the Korean Independence Movement to Korean immigrants, scholars have, nonetheless, said very little as to how this movement affected them socially. This study examines how America influenced historical developments culturally by shaping the attitudes of Korea's most politically active nationalists--the Korean immigrants in America. Furthermore, this study argues that Koreans in America utilized the K.I.M. for much more than Korean independence and that their motives evolved throughout the decades. The early immigrants used the K.I.M. as a means to establish a Korean community and establish social networks while the later activists, particularly after 1919, used their demonstrations to broadcast their distinct Asian identity as well as their assimilation and loyalty to America. More simply put, Korean patriotism and Korean immigrant "Americanization," are intimately connected.
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Sheridan, Sara Grace. "Identity and independence: the relationship between the Gaelic revival and the Irish separatist movement." Thesis, Boston University, 2004. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27766.
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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02
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Brown, Rachel V. "Liking, sharing, and posting change: the impactful use of facebook in social movements. An analysis of black lives matter and the catalan independence movement." Doctoral thesis, TDX (Tesis Doctorals en Xarxa), 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/670415.
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L’activisme en els mitjans de comunicació social (SMA) s’ha convertit en un element bàsic en gairebé tots els moviments actuals al voltant del món. L’atractiu d’aquesta eina és evident en la seva prevalença i en la diversitat d’usos. Les xarxes socials permeten que qualsevol persona de tot el món sigui escoltada en qualsevol lloc, incloses aquelles que puguin implementar els canvis necessaris a nivell mundial. Tanmateix, el món encara està per descobrir com es pot utilitzar de manera més eficaç i evitar els entrebancs de convertir-se en l’anomenat slacktivism en lloc d’activisme. Molts usuaris participen en moviments com una moda i no pels canvis que es busquen, fet que en comporta una inconsistència i una disminució de l’impacte. Altres usuaris infrautilitzen les eines o les fan servir de manera incorrecta. Hi ha diverses raons per les quals els moviments fracassen i la majoria d’aquestes es deriven de la forma en què els participants en el moviment utilitzen eines per a l’activisme. Com a resultat d’això, per tal de garantir que els moviments actuals i futurs puguin funcionar amb la màxima efectivitat, l’aspecte més important a estudiar dels moviments són els participants i la seva coherència.
Aquesta tesi aportarà sobre com implicar al màxim el possible els participants analitzant l’ús de Facebook per part dels participants al moviment Black Lives Matter, així com també pel Moviment per la Independència catalana, tant si els moviments han tingut èxit fins ara mitjançant una anàlisi dels canvis legals, i també mitjançant un examen de la consistència dels moviments al llarg del temps.
Aquests dos moviments semblen increïblement diferents, cosa que és bona per arribar a una conclusió imparcial, tot i que tenen moltes similituds en què tots dos han tingut diversos graus d’èxit al llarg dels anys i busquen canvis tant socials com legals que transformin molt les seves respectives societats. El moviment Black Lives Matter es va crear per combatre els assassinats il·legítims d’homes i dones negres als Estats Units, així com les lleis que permeten als assassins escapar impunes. El Moviment per la Independència de Catalunya es va crear per buscar la independència de la regió de Catalunya d’Espanya. Ambdós moviments van obtenir reconeixement internacional al llarg dels anys i compten amb membres molt apassionats de les causes, que busquen transformacions i aconseguir un futur millor.
Si comparem els resultats de la investigació per a cadascun d’aquests dos moviments extremadament diferents amb participants summament diferents en termes de geografia, ètnia, edat, etc., i objectius diferents, és ben clar que els patrons identificats de coherència, les respostes dels participants i fins i tot les ramificacions legals mostren, fins a cert punt, una evident correlació entre allò que ha estat efectiu en el moviment Black Lives Matter i en el Moviment per la Independència catalana. Com a resultat d’això, aquesta tesi aporta molta llum necessària sobre com utilitzar Facebook de manera més eficaç com a eina per a l’activisme, especialment mitjançant la comunicació, l’organització i la mobilització en els moviments socials. Aquesta visió ajudarà els moviments actuals i propers a aconseguir la transformació social i política que busquen i, en definitiva, a transformar el món.El activismo a través de los medios sociales se ha convertido en un elemento básico de casi todos los movimientos modernos del mundo. El atractivo de estas herramientas es obvio en su prevalencia y diversidad de usos. Las redes sociales permiten que cualquier voz, en cualquier lugar, sea escuchada por cualquier persona en todo el mundo, incluidas aquellas que tienen el poder de implementar los cambios necesarios a nivel mundial. Sin embargo, el mundo aún no ha descubierto cómo se puede usar de manera más efectiva y evitar las trampas de convertirse en el llamado slacktivismo (una virtualización que no es activa, en realidad, postureo) en lugar de activismo. Muchos usuarios participan en movimientos porque están de moda en lugar de por los cambios buscados, lo que conduce a la inconsistencia y a una disminución del impacto. Otros usuarios infrautilizan las herramientas o las usan incorrectamente. Hay varias razones por las cuales los movimientos fallan, y la mayoría de esas razones provienen de la forma en que los participantes del movimiento usan herramientas para el activismo. Como resultado de esto, para garantizar que los movimientos actuales y futuros puedan operar con la máxima efectividad, el aspecto más importante de los movimientos a estudiar son los participantes y la consistencia del uso. Esta tesis arroja luz sobre cómo involucrar a los participantes lo mejor posible al analizar el uso de Facebook por parte de los participantes en el movimiento Black Lives Matter, así como en el Movimiento de Independencia de Cataluña, si éstos han tenido éxito hasta ahora a través de un análisis de los cambios legales, y también a través de un examen de la consistencia de los movimientos a lo largo del tiempo. Estos dos movimientos parecen ser increíblemente diferentes, lo cual es bueno para llegar a una conclusión imparcial, sin embargo, tienen muchas similitudes en que ambos han tenido varios grados de éxito a lo largo de los años y buscan cambios sociales y legales que transformarán en gran medida sus sociedades respectivas. El movimiento Black Lives Matter fue creado para combatir los homicidios injustos de hombres y mujeres negros en los Estados Unidos, así como las leyes que permiten a los asesinos escapar impunes. El Movimiento de Independencia de Cataluña se creó para buscar la independencia de la región de Cataluña de España. Ambos movimientos ganaron reconocimiento internacional a lo largo de los años y están formados por miembros extremadamente apasionados por las causas, logrando las transformaciones que buscan y asegurando un futuro mejor para los afectados. Al comparar los resultados de la investigación para cada uno de estos dos movimientos extremadamente diferentes con participantes muy diferentes en términos de geografía, etnia, edad, etc., y diferentes objetivos, y luego de notar las similitudes en los resultados, es bastante claro que los patrones identificados de consistencia en las respuestas de los participantes e incluso las ramificaciones legales, en cierta medida muestran una correlación obvia entre lo que ha sido efectivo en el movimiento Black Lives Matter y en el Movimiento de Independencia de Cataluña. Como resultado de esto, esta tesis arroja luz muy necesaria sobre cómo utilizar Facebook de manera más efectiva como una herramienta para el activismo, particularmente a través de la comunicación, la organización y la movilización en los movimientos sociales. Esa idea puede ayudar a los movimientos actuales y futuros a lograr la transformación social y política que buscan y, en última instancia, ayudará a transformar el mundo.
Social Media Activism (SMA) has become a staple of almost every modern-day movement around the world. The appeal of this tool is obvious in its prevalence, and diversity of uses. Social media enables any voice, anywhere to be heard by anyone around the world including those that have the power to implement necessary changes globally. However, the world is still yet to discover how it can be used most effectively and avoid the pitfalls of becoming slacktivism instead of activism. Many users participate in movements because they are trendy as opposed to passion for the changes sought which leads to inconsistency and a decrease in impact. Other users underutilize the tools or incorrectly use them. There are various reasons why movements fail, and most of those reasons stem from the way movement participants use tools for activism. As a result of this, in order to ensure that current and future movements can operate at maximum effectiveness, the most important aspect of movements to be studied is the participants and consistency. This thesis sheds light on how to engage participants as best as possible by analysing the use of Facebook by participants in the Black Lives Matter movement as well as the Catalan Independence Movement, whether the movements have been successful thus far through an analysis of Legal changes, and also through an examination of the consistency of the movements over time. These two movements seem at face value to be incredibly different which is good for coming to an unbiased conclusion, however they have many similarities in that both have had various degrees of success over the years and seek both social and legal changes that will greatly transform their respective societies. The Black Lives Matter movement was created to combat the wrongful killings of Black Men and women in the United States as well as the laws that allow the killers to get away with murder and unfair treatment in general. The Catalan Independence Movement was created to seek independence of the region of Catalunya from Spain. Both movements gained international recognition over the years and consist of members who are extremely passionate about the causes, achieving the transformations they seek, and securing a better future for those affected. By comparing the results of the research for each of these two extremely different movements with extremely different participants in terms of geography, ethnicity, age, etc., and different goals, and then noting the similarities in the results, it is quite clear that the identified patterns in consistency, responses from participants and even the legal ramifications to some extent, show an obvious correlation between what has been effective in the Black Lives Matter movement and in the Catalan Independence Movement. As a result of this, this thesis sheds much needed light on how to utilize Facebook most effectively as a tool for activism particularly through communication, organization and mobilization in Social Movements. That insight will help current and upcoming movements to achieve the social and political transformation they seek and ultimately aid in transforming the world.
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Dahlqvist, Martin. "Spanjorer är vi allihopa? : En kvalitativ studie av hur spanska och katalanska tidningar identifierar Kataloniens självständighetsprocess." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-39282.
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The Catalan movement of Independence is a well debated subject in Spanish news for the last decade. This thesis aims to examine what kind of identityarguments that spanish versus catalan newspapers make about the independence movement, in relation to nationalism and national identity. This is to deeper the understanding about the current complex situation in the Iberian Peninsula. The research shows that identityarguments about the independence movement presented by catalonian newspapers clearly put focus on identifying the ethnic and cultural reasons for the growing nationalism in the region, as well as discussing the political possibilities and obstacles of a sovereign Catalonia. In comparison, the identityarguments presented by spanish newspapers has another view of the situation, where the political aspect of the nationalistic catalan movement, identify the process as defying the Spanish Constitution and challenging the traditional historic unity of Spain. Within the debate there is a red line pointing out the importance of achieving and maintaining ones own right to express the meaning of the ’nation’ and the ’national identity’. Spain conquer the political and juridical battles of national values, whereas Catalonia has power in its collective cultural values, which through the politic arena enhances its symbolic power for Catalonia.
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Lövgren, Anton. "The independence movement on Okinawa, Japan : A study on the impact of US military presence." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Avdelningen för japanska, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-145149.
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Güntzel, Ralph Peter. "The Confédération des syndicats nationaux, the idea of independence, and the sovereigntist movement, 1960-1980 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60027.
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During most of the 1960s, the CSN was both an advocate of provincial autonomy and a defender of federalism. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, however, a majority of its leaders and militants came to favour separatism. Many of them saw independence as a precondition for the creation of a socialist Quebec. In 1972, the CSN rejected capitalism, endorsed socialism, and envisaged an internal referendum on the independence issue. The internal debate, however, took place only after the Parti quebecois was elected to power in 1976. Fearing internal divisions and disaffiliations, the CSN did not endorse separatism. Being disappointed with the Parti quebecois' governmental record, the CSN was content to give a critical support to a yes vote in the referendum in 1980.
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Eperon, Charlotte C. "Advocacy organisations, the British labour movement and the struggle for independence in Rhodesia, 1965-1980." Thesis, University of Central Lancashire, 2015. http://clok.uclan.ac.uk/16641/.
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This thesis discusses the struggle for independence in Rhodesia, from the Unilateral Declaration of Independence in 1965 to internationally recognised independence in 1980. Whilst there are many existing accounts and discussions of the Rhodesia crisis, there is very little work that considers the role of advocacy organisations and the pressure they exerted on successive Governments and the broader left in Britain, and little consideration of the African nationalist movement outside of Rhodesia or the nationalist bases in neighbouring countries. The thesis builds on existing literature by considering how interest in the Rhodesia issue amongst advocacy organisations and the labour movement in Britain fluctuated over this 15 year period, according to key events in the timeline of the transition from Rhodesia to Zimbabwe. It examines the methods used by advocacy organisations in campaigning on the Rhodesia issue, arguing that they were constrained by pragmatism and adherence to familiar methods of campaigning, as well as a lack of will to break with these methods, one of which was to involve the labour movement and utilise their established networks to publicise the cause. This tactic was met with limited success because, for the majority of the period under consideration, the British labour movement was broadly disengaged with the Rhodesia issue, with other primarily domestic concerns taking precedence, although certain individuals gave ardent support to the cause. The rhetoric of the more middle class led advocacy organisations generally failed to find traction with much of the labour movement. Meanwhile, the African nationalist movement focused its attentions on the British Labour Party in the belief that they were the real power brokers, and maintained a polite relationship with its representatives, whilst espousing a strong anti-British rhetoric back in Rhodesia.
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von, Brömssen Kerstin. "2083 – A European Declaration of Independence - An Analysis of Discourses from the Extreme." Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-27400.
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This paper analyses three of the dominating discourses Anders Behring Breivik used in his compendium, the official title of which is 2083 – A European Declaration of Independence, also known as Breivik's Manifesto. It is believed Breivik posted his Manifesto on the Internet shortly before the attacks in Norway in July, 2011. The number 2083 stands for the year when the "Western European Civil War" was expected to be completed, all traitors executed, and all Muslims deported from Europe. This article will discuss dominating discourses in the Manifesto, seen from a background of a European multicultural backlash, in which the political far-right movement is increasing. Furthermore, this article will end with a discussion of education and the importance of analysis of such phenomena within different subjects.
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GUNZELMANN, Hans Jonas. "Organizing Protest in Eventful Times : Secessionist Mobilization and the Contentious 1-O Referendum in Catalonia." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/107531.
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Algarve, Giovana Mendonça [UNESP]. "A língua portuguesa e seu papel na estrutura social angolana." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/138924.
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O trabalho busca analisar, a partir de uma contextualização da colonização de Angola e de seus processos, como se deu a organização da sociedade angolana, tendo como foco de análise o papel desempenhado pela língua portuguesa a partir de sua instituição como língua oficial do país. Essa análise passa por momentos decisivos da história angolana, como já mencionado, o momento em que se inicia a colonização de fato, a organização dos movimentos independentistas, principalmente do Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola – MPLA, a luta pela independência de Angola e, por fim, a constituição de um país livre, liderado pelo MPLA. Assim, procura-se analisar como o domínio da língua portuguesa em sua forma culta assume um papel de distinção dentro da sociedade angolana e se, mesmo com o fim da colonização, ainda é possível observar alguns resquícios coloniais nessa sociedade.
The research aims to understand, according to Angola’s colonization context and its process, how the organization of the Angolan society happened, focusing the analysis on the role of the Portuguese language since its establishment as the country’s official language. This study englobes decisive moments of the Angolan history as, the already mentioned, moment when the colonization actually started, the setting of independence movements – mainly the “Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola” – MPLA (Popular Movement for Angola’s Liberation) –, the struggle for Angola’s independence and, finally, the constitution of a free country, led by MPLA. Thus, the research aims to analyze how the knowledge of the Portuguese language, in its cultured form, assumes a role of social distinction among the Angolan society and that, even after the colonization period, it is still possible to observe some colonial vestiges in this society.
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Shu, Wei-Der. "Transforming national identity in the diaspora an identity formation approach to biographies of activists affiliated with the Taiwan Independence Movement in the United States /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Korson, Cadey. "Mapping Narratives of Self-Determination, National Identity, and (Re)balancing in New Caledonia." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1443154738.
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Mukapa, Tembo. "The decentralisation of powers and functions to local government under the 2016 Constitution of Zambia." University of the Western Cape, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6384.
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Department of Public Law and JurisprudenceAt independence in 1964, the United National Independence Party (UNIP)-led government in Zambia was, among other things, confronted with the challenge of transforming an inherited dual, undemocratic, racist and exploitative system of local government. Local government was a creature of national legislation, and thus did not have direct constitutional authority. Between 1964 and 1995, the government adopted several reforms aimed at democratising and improving the efficiency, effectiveness and responsiveness of the system of local government. However, local government remained a creature of national legislation. In 1996, local government was for the first time recognised in the Constitution as a tier of government. Article 109 of the 1996 Constitution of Zambia required the establishment of a system of local government whose details were to be prescribed by an Act of Parliament. The provision further provided that such a system shall be based on democratically-elected councils. Thus, the 1996 Constitution transformed local government from being a mere creature of central government into a tier of government. While the institutional integrity of local government in Zambia was enhanced, service delivery by local authorities remained poor.
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Lenong, Jentley. "A normative approach to state secession : in search of a legitimate right to secede." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85675.
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Thesis (LLM)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Secession is one of the oldest and probably more controversial themes of public international law. The potential of a right to secede draws even more controversy amongst international law scholars and lawyers alike. This research merges classical international law perspectives on secession and the right to secede in particular, within a contemporary setting. Two research questions are answered: (i) Does a legitimate right to state secession exist under contemporary international law; if so, what are its normative characteristics? (ii) What is the position of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in the realisation of a legitimate right to secede, considering its opinion in the Kosovo-case? The work follows a normative methodological approach in tackling and presenting the arguments towards and against the legitimacy of the right to secede. This allows for a clear interrogation of the norms constituting classic international law against the realities of an evolving pedagogy. Classical international law is traditionally statecentred, primarily due to the 1648 legacy of the Treaty (Peace) of Westphalia. However, contemporary international law has come to incorporate the roles of nonstate actors and even individuals. Consequently, the impact of secession extends beyond traditional international law norms like; territorial integrity and sovereignty, nationalism and uti possidetis. Moving forward, a critical inclusion within modern conceptualisation of secession needs to be considerations like, the right to selfdetermination and the promotion of human rights. The research departs with a clear comprehension of the status quo of a general theory of secession. The identification of a prescriptive general theory of secession remains rather elusive. However, cogent arguments are presented for the establishment of a right to secede with a sufficient legal foundation to support a general theory and find effective enforcement for the right. The arguments for the right to secede are rooted within a sound conceptual framework and historical context. In dealing with the normative characteristics of the right to secede, the historic reasoning of Shaw is utilised in order to establish a legal process for secession. This reasoning is applied in the presentation of the municipal manifestation of the right to secede, which traditionally is found in the constitutional entrenchments of the right. The relationship between the right to secede and selfdetermination is presented through a balancing of the components that constitute the right to self-determination. Following the Canadian Supreme Court’s contribution on the right to self-determination in the Quebec-case, the aspirations of peoples for selfdetermination needs to follow this dual view of self-determination as consisting of the right to internal and external self-determination. The contemporary position of the right to secede under international law is best illustrated in the ICJ treatment of secession in its Kosovo Opinion. The focus here is to present new insights into the impact of unilateralism and multilateralism in the interaction with secession. Ultimately, this research in its normative methodological approach presents the arguments both ancient and contemporary for the legitimate potential of a right to secede.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die internationale reg, is sessessie (afskeiding) sekerlik een van die meer kontroversiële temas. Binne die geledere van akademici en praktisyns veroorsaak die moontlikheid van ‘n reg tot afskeiding selfs meer onenigheid. Met hierdie navorsing word die klassieke sienings hieroor in die internationale reg saamgesnoer binne ‘n meer hedendaagse uitleg. Twee navorsingsvrae word beantwoord: (i) Bestaan daar ‘n legitieme reg vir staatsafskeiding binne die hendendaagse internationale reg en indien wel wat is die normatiewe karaktereienskappe van so ‘n reg? (ii) Wat is die stand van die Internationale hof vir Geregtigheid (ICJ) aangaande die verwesinliking van ‘n legitieme reg op afskeiding in die lig van die hof se uitspraak in die Kosovo-Opinie. Die navorsing volg ‘n normatiewe metodologiese benadering om die argumente teen asook vir die legitieme reg op afskeiding te voer. Dit skep ruimte vir ‘n duidelike bevraagtekening van die klassieke internationale regsnorme teen die agtergrond van ‘n transformerende pedagogie. Die klassieke internationale reg is kenmerkend staatsgeorienteerd, grootendeels as gevolg van die nalatingskap van die 1648 Verdrag (Vrede) van Westphalia. Tog gee hedendaagse internasionale reg erkening aan die handelinge van nie-regeringsentiteite en selfs individue. Gevolglik, strek die impak van sessessie heel verder as tradisionele internasionale regsnorme soos; territoriale integriteit en soewereiniteit, nasionalisme en uti possidetis. 'n Kritiese blik op die moderne begrip van sessessie moet oorwegings soos die reg op selfbeskikking en die bevordering van menseregte in ag neem om vooriutgang te bewerkstellig. Die navorsing begin met 'n duidelike begrip van die status quo insake 'n algemene teorie van sessessie. Die identifisering van 'n voorskriftelike algemene teorie van afskeiding bly ongelukkig ontwykend. Tog word oortuigende argumente vir die vestiging van 'n reg om af te skei gevoer. Dit gaan gepaard met 'n voldoende regsgrondslag wat 'n algemene teorie ondersteun, asook die moontlikheid vir die doeltreffende uitvoering van die reg. Die argumente ter ondersteuning van die reg tot afskeiding word geïllustreer binne 'n verantwoordbare konseptuele raamwerk en historiese konteks. In die hantering van die normatiewe kenmerke van die reg word die klassieke redenasie van Shaw benut ten einde 'n regsproses vir afskeiding te vestig. Hierdie redenasie word toegepas by die handtering van voorbeelde oor plaaslike manifestasies van die reg to afskeiding. Hierdie plaaslike manifestasies word tradisioneel gevind binne state se grondwetlike erkennings van die reg. Die verhouding tussen die reg om af te skei en selfbeskikking word aangebied deur 'n balansering van die komponente waaruit die reg op selfbeskikking bestaan. Na aanleiding van die Kanadese Hooggeregshof se bydrae tot die reg om selfbeskikking in die Quebec-saak, is die aspirasies van volkere vir selfbeskikking gevestig in die reg om interne en eksterne selfbeskikking. Die kontemporêre posisie van die reg om af te skei ingevolge die internasionale reg word goed geïllustreer in die Wêreldhof se behandeling van afskeiding in die Kosovo-Opinie. Die fokus hier is die uitleg van nuwe insig oor die mag van unilateralisme en multilateralisme in die interaksies oor sessessie. Ten slotte bied hierdie navorsing in sy normatiewe metodologiese benadering die argumente, beide antiek en kontemporêre, vir die legitieme potensiaal van 'n reg om af te skei.
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Cabral, Estêvão. "Fretilin and the struggle for independence in East Timor 1974-2002 : an examination of the constraints and opportunities for a non-state nationalist movement in the late twentieth century." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.403799.
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Ali, Ahmed Hassan Elhag. "The Rise and Fall of Military Regimes in the Sudan, 1956-1989." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278382/.
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This study attempts to explore the factors that contributed to the rise and fall of military regimes in the Sudan from independence in 1956 to 1989. Further, the study tries to identify the factors that led to the collapse of either or both civilian and military regimes. Most of the studies on military politics have focused their research on either military coups or, more recently, on military withdrawal from politics. This work tries to synthesize the study of military coups and military withdrawal from politics into a single theoretical framework.
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Gyanfosu, Samuel. "The development of Christian-related independent religious movements in Ghana, with special reference to the Afrikania movement." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.248247.
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Felix, Keile Socorro Leite. "âESPÃRITOS INFLAMADOSâ: A CONSTRUÃÃO DO ESTADO NACIONAL BRASILEIRO E OS PROJETOS POLÃTICOS NO CEARÃ (1817-1840)." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2010. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=5423.
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CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel SuperiorA presente pesquisa busca analisar como se deu, no CearÃ, o processo de IndependÃncia e a formaÃÃo do Estado Nacional. Para tanto, nos propusemos, primeiramente, a investigar como se deu a desvinculaÃÃo polÃtica da capitania do Siarà grande da capitania geral de Pernambuco no ano de 1799 e a importÃncia desse fato tanto para uma maior autonomia local como para o desenvolvimento dessa capitania. AlÃm desse aspecto, analisamos como os grupos locais se colocaram diante da presenÃa da famÃlia real na colÃnia, Reino Unido a partir de 1815, destacando o movimento de 1817 como um primeiro momento de descontentamento com as ordens e medidas tomadas pela Corte Imperial que estavam indo de encontro aos interesses locais, sobretudo das capitanias do Norte. Discutimos tambÃm a participaÃÃo do Cearà no processo de IndependÃncia e na ConfederaÃÃo do Equador, destacando que a adesÃo a esse movimento refletia as divergÃncias existentes tanto nessa provÃncia como no recente paÃs a respeito de como ele deveria ser conduzido. E ainda debatemos sobre o movimento conhecido na historiografia como Revolta de Pinto Madeira, movimento de cunho restauracionista, que tinha, entre outros motivos, restabelecer D. Pedro I no trono brasileiro depois de sua abdicaÃÃo em sete de abril de 1831.
The present research seeks to analyze how did happen, in CearÃ, the independence process and the formation of the National State. Therefore, we proposed first to investigate how did occur the political disentail of the captainship of Siarà grande from the general captainship of Pernambuco in the year of 1799, and the importance of such fact both for a local bigger autonomy and for that captainship development. Beside this aspect, we analyze how did the local groups place before the Royal Familyâs presence in the colony, United Kingdom from 1815, putting in relief the 1817âs movement like a first moment of displeasure with the orders and measures taken by Imperial Court which were going opposed to the local interests, mainly the Northâs captainships. We discussed too the participation of Cearà in the process of independence, and in the Equator Confederation, detaching that the adherence to that movement reflected the existing divergences both in that province and in the recent country respecting to how it should ought be conducted. And l we still discuss on the movement known in historiography as Pinto Madeiraâs Revolt, a movement of restoring character that has, among other motifs, the re-establishment of D. Pedro I in Brazilianâs throne after his abdication in April seven 1831.
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Cordeiro, Mariana Prioli. "Nada sobre nós sem nós: os sentidos de vida independente para os militantes de um movimento de pessoas com deficiência." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2007. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/17230.
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The social movements created by deficient people have had a profound effect on the quality of their lives. Such initiatives pertain to education, work, health and the involvement of these people in every social aspect of life. This work is about one of these movements, the Independent Living Movement (ILM). In this study, we aimed to identify the terms used to convey the feeling of independent living, as well as the possibilities associated with this life style. To complete this work, we acquired input from deficient people, an uncommon practice for projects of this nature. Besides allowing those people to speak, this work also aimed to fill a gap in the literature about deficiency and social movements the scarce literature regarding ILM. This movement s principles are in place in various countries and play an important role in international politics, which is why we thought these studies were important. To perform our studies, we analyzed, according to a constructionist perspective, documents from public domain produced by ILM and we conducted two focus groups with some of its members. Our findings indicated that independent life is understood as praxis, i.e., the process of putting theoretical knowledge into practice. In addition, we verified that the terms used to convey the concept of independent life were: independence, autonomy, empowerment, self-determination, participation and equal opportunities. The analysis of the documents from public domain and the focus groups allowed us realize that all these terms contributed to a new way of understanding deficiency. Using and practicing these terms, ILM members seek recognition as social actors, involvement in society and control of their lives. They believe the personal autonomy and the independent living are the factors that turn this reality possible. In other words, they believe that deficient people need to be accepted as ordinary citizens, without being stratified and be able to help each other to confront the social stigma that labels them as second-class citizens
Os movimentos sociais em defesa das pessoas com deficiência têm assumido um papel cada vez mais importante na luta pela melhoria da qualidade de vida dessa população. Suas principais reivindicações são relacionadas à educação, ao trabalho, à saúde e aos serviços que implicam maior participação dessas pessoas em todos os momentos do convívio social. Este trabalho aborda um desses movimentos, o Movimento de Vida Independente (MVI). Nessa abordagem, buscamos identificar os repertórios disponíveis para dar sentido à noção de vida independente, bem como as possibilidades de ação dos sentidos assim produzidos. Com isso, objetivamos, primeiramente, dar voz às próprias pessoas com deficiência, já que esta é uma prática pouco comum em trabalhos acadêmicos. Além disso, objetivamos, também, suprir uma lacuna na literatura sobre Vida Independente. Além de ser um grupo reivindicativo bastante ativo em diversos países, seus princípios direcionam políticas públicas internacionais. Por esta razão, pensamos ser da maior importância estudar esses princípios. Em especial, a noção de Vida Independente, uma vez que ela constitui o fundamento de todos eles, norteando a filosofia e as estratégias de luta e resistência desse movimento. Para tanto, analisamos, a partir dos pressupostos do construcionismo social, documentos de domínio público produzidos pelo MVI e realizamos dois grupos focais com alguns de seus membros. De acordo com essas análises, constamos que vida independente é entendida como práxis, ou seja, não há filosofia sem a prática de vida independente e vice-versa. Constatamos, também, que os principais repertórios utilizados para dar sentido a essa noção são: independência, autonomia, empoderamento, autodeterminação, participação e igualdade de oportunidades. A análise dos documentos e dos grupos focais nos permitiu concluir que todos esses repertórios contribuem para colocar em prática uma nova forma de compreender a deficiência. Por meio desses repertórios, temos indicativos de que os militantes do Movimento de Vida Independente buscam ser reconhecidos como atores sociais, participar ativamente da sociedade e assumir o controle de suas vidas. Eles acreditam que isso é possível somente por meio da conquista da autonomia pessoal e da vida independente. Ou seja, que isso é possível somente quando as pessoas com deficiência passam a ser protagonistas de suas vidas, passam a ser cidadãs plenas, desinstitucionalizadas, que se ajudam mutuamente e que confrontam o sistema social, sanitário e institucional que as colocam na condição de desviantes
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Baris, Hanifi. "Beyond multiculturalism, away from state-oriented nationalism : self-rule through residential political communities in Kurdistan." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2017. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=236438.
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Can national liberation movements envisage self-rule without statehood? This research examines the politics of a national liberation movement that claims to do just that. The research focuses on the incessant quest for self-rule in Kurdistan in general and the politics of dominant Kurdish liberation movements in Turkey and Syria in particular – with regard to the kind of political community they aspire to found. The research reveals that a salient aspect of Kurdish politics has been its detachment from state-building, and that this aspect dominates the politics of Kurdish movements in Turkey and Syria. Likewise, their project for self-rule in Kurdistan envisages a political community that differs greatly from its competitors; i.e. the hegemonic nation-state and its main opposition Islamic Ummah. I note that the Kurdish model draws heavily on the growing literature in political theory about the inadequacy of representative institutions and the risks of appealing to the notion of national sovereignty. I emphasize that the project shifts the origin of sovereignty from 'the imagined community', i.e. the nation, to residential communities (note the plurality). I also highlight that the Kurdish model of political community is built upon the exercise of political power through direct and semi-direct forms of democracy. Popular councils and assemblies within municipalities appear as the ultimate regulatory institutions. Sovereignty, thus, is dispersed and fragmented throughout autonomous, yet co-existing, and ideally horizontally organized political entities such as towns and cities. Accordingly, the primary form of political organization is not territorial state, but autonomous municipality. I argue that the claim to self-rule in the model is not in the name of the nation, but of communities of settlement, e.g. villages, neighbourhoods, towns, and cities. In a world of nationstates, the Kurdish movements' politics is an interesting example of post-nationalist and post-sovereign claims.
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Wileman, Jonathan Charles. "Youth ministry in the independent house church movement : a liturgical evaluation." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3010.
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Thesis (MTh (Practical Theology and Missiology))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.Young people, teenagers and children are members of various communities. These communities include their families, society, their schools and their churches or, more appropriately, their parents’ church. These various communities impact their lives in significant ways: they provide the frameworks which determine who they are and what they are going to become. Through their interaction within these communities, life is given meaning. All of these communities operate according to a “liturgy” i.e. an order or style that allows each individual to discover his or her purpose in life. Parents, as the primary community, should provide a healthy and positive environment in which the young life is shaped. However, this is not the only community in which the young person interacts. The church is another and has an enormous influence and vital responsibility in helping to facilitate this shaping process. If, however, the church does not identify fully with young people and their needs, it will become irrelevant and their young lives will be shaped by other communities of influence that are not necessarily positive. A new liturgy i.e. “New Wine” is required to be effective with today’s postmodern generation. The institutionalized church faces a very real danger of being complacent and apathetic in terms of “doing church” in a way that is relevant and attractive. The purpose of this dissertation is to propose a different form of faith community i.e. a “New Wineskin”, a wineskin that is elastic and flexible. Along with the positive nurturing and influence of the family, the church as a new faith community must become creative and authentic if it is to reach postmodern youth. Central to this new liturgy is relationships: relationship with God, with parents, with family, with friends and others. As the Godhead is made up of three “Beings” in relationship with each other, so we have been created to be in relationship firstly with God and then with each other. Thus in a postmodern society, relationships within the family and the church are essential in order to lead young people into a real, authentic and healthy relationship with God.
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Weldemichael, Awet Tewelde. "The Eritrean and East Timorese liberation movements toward a comparative study of their grand strategies /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1610045481&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Roubaud, Maria Luísa da Silva Galvez. "Corpo e imaginário-representações do Corpo na Dança Independente em Portugal." Phd thesis, Instituições portuguesas -- UTL-Universidade Técnica de Lisboa -- -Faculdade de Motricidade Humana, 2001. http://dited.bn.pt:80/29357.
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Ignatius, Peter. "Dating the division between Disciples and Independents." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1987. http://www.tren.com.
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Hooper, Janice (Janice Otilia) Carleton University Dissertation International Affairs. "Post-Marxist development praxis: NGDOs and new social movement theory." Ottawa, 1993.
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Silva, José Antunes da. "The development of new religious movements in an African context." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1992. http://www.tren.com.
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Hardin, Les. "High octane Bible study a curriculum for teaching the independent study of the Scriptures /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2003. http://www.tren.com.
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Guzmán, Amaris DelCarmen. "Youth movements in Latin America 20th century stories of age, struggle,and socio-political independence /." To access this resource online via ProQuest Dissertations and Theses @ UTEP, 2009. http://0-proquest.umi.com.lib.utep.edu/login?COPT=REJTPTU0YmImSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=2515.
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Batubara, Chuzaimah. "Islam and mystical movements in post-independence Indonesia : Susila Budhi Dharma (Subud) and its doctrines." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0017/MQ54979.pdf.
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Rico, Omar Alejandro Sánchez. "Comunicação midiática e consumo de afetos : narrativas sobre protestos e ocupações contra a Reorganização Escolar em São Paulo." Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing, 2017. http://tede2.espm.br/handle/tede/240.
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The understanding of a journalistic narrative does not obey only rules strictly rational or logical. It is a product of the affections that the reader experiences from the stimuli that the imago-textual message provides. On the assumption that companies are organized in sharing of sensibilities in flux, we organize our theoretical object under the three-pronged perspective: that of the affections mobilized in the consumers of media narratives independent; the narrative of a social event through the enunciative action of the media independent; and the processes of subjectivation of individuals and collectivities in the state of social protest. To answer these questions, we use as theoretical apparatus a between the understanding of Marilena Chaui, Vladimir Safatle and Muniz Sodré about affections in the information media; the notion of narrative proposed by Michel de Certeau; and narrative identity of Paul Ricoeur; the double concept of politics and police proposed by Jacques Rancière; with the authors Oscar Aguilera and Rose de Melo Rocha We discuss concepts related to the political and aesthetic function within the informative narratives of violence during acts of social mobilization. We work with the empirical object of representations produced during demonstrations against the School Reorganization of the state of São Paulo, in the year 2015. From this social In particular, it is important to discuss the narrative identity of scenes of violence among students and the military police of the State of São Paulo, when independent online media. In this way, we inquire about the emotional basis of communication, from which the idea of a self-reflective subject emerges.
O entendimento de uma narrativa jornalística não obedece unicamente a regras estritamente racionais ou lógicas. É produto das afecções que o leitor experimenta a partir dos estímulos que a mensagem imago-textual fornece. Partindo do pressuposto de que as sociedades se organizam em partilhas de sensibilidades em fluxo, organizamos nosso objeto teórico sob a ótica de três vertentes: a dos afetos mobilizados nos consumidores de narrativas de mídias independentes; a narrativa de um acontecimento social por via da ação enunciativa das mídias independentes; e os processos de subjetivação de indivíduos e coletividades em estado de protesto social. Para responder a estas vertentes, utilizamos como aparato teórico um entrecruzamento entre o entendimento de Marilena Chaui, Vladimir Safatle e Muniz Sodré acerca das afecções nas mídias informativas; a noção de narrativa proposta por Michel de Certeau; e de identidade narrativa de Paul Ricoeur; o duplo conceito de política e polícia proposto por Jacques Rancière; com os autores Oscar Aguilera e Rose de Melo Rocha discutimos noções referentes à função política e estética dentro das narrativas informativas de violência durante atos de mobilização social. Trabalhamos com o objeto empírico das representações imagéticas produzidas durante as manifestações contra a proposta de Reorganização Escolar do estado de São Paulo, no ano de 2015. Desta manifestação social nos interessa, especialmente, discutir sobre a identidade narrativa das cenas de violência entre os estudantes e a polícia militar do Estado de São Paulo, quando agenciadas pelo jornalismo da mídia independente online. Desse modo, indagamos sobre a base emocional da comunicação, da qual emerge a ideia de um sujeito auto-reflexivo.
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Russell, Virgil E. "Grassroots of the Men’s Movement: An Ethnographic Case Study of an Independent Men's Group." Akron, OH : University of Akron, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=akron1248362500.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Akron, Dept. of Sociology, 2009."August, 2009." Title from electronic thesis title page (viewed 10/7/2009) Advisor, Kathy Feltey; Committee members, Matthew Lee, Clare Stacey; Department Chair, John Zipp; Dean of the College, Chand Midha; Dean of the Graduate School, George R. Newkome. Includes bibliographical references.
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Pickles, Eve V. "The politics of imagining nations : a comparative analysis of the Scottish National Party and the Parti quebecois since the 1960s." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32938.
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In nationalism studies, there has been insignificant analysis of the politics of imagining nations. This thesis addresses this lacuna in an examination of the form and design of imagined nations in Scotland and Quebec. I argue that the Scottish National Party and the Parti Quebecois have, since their advent in the 1960s, created a political-civic image of the nation that breaks with previous cultural conceptions. However, cultural images of the nation, propagated by centralist institutions, remain entrenched in contemporary Scotland and Quebec. The juxtaposition of centralist cultural images and nationalist political images of the nation have led to a dualistic, or what I have termed a 'Jekyll and Hyde', national consciousness in both countries. This exercise indicates that images of the nation are subject to multitudinous interpretations and (re)construction by various actors in the competitive state-nation political arena.
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Chen, Lu. "Negotiating tensions between Christian faith and Chinese national identity : theological representatives of the Three-Self Patriotic Movement and the Independent House Church Movement." Thesis, Oxford Centre for Mission Studies, 2018. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.732944.
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Bargelli, Danièle. "Rise and evolution of nationalism in Algeria before 1962, or, why 'Berberistan' never happened to be." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84105.
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The fact that it took so long, in spite of successive waves of invaders and spirited yet sporadic resistance, to fashion a united national front, points out an anomaly in Algerian society: a divided identity. It took a cruel French occupation, the incompetence of colonial authorities, and the infiltration of European nationalist ideology to fashion a united front, but it was only a front, for immediately after independence, the unity was shown to be a temporary one.The Berber majority found itself excluded, both culturally and politically, from the new Algerian state. Strangers in their own land, Berbers were faced with a new, more insidious colonialism: Arabization.
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Manderson, Kate. "Fabian socialism and the struggle for Independent Labour Representation, 1884-1900." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0003/MQ43910.pdf.
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Stjärnqvist, Amanda. "Balancing Independence and Neutrality : A Study of Civil Society and State Interaction." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Statsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-35028.
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Interaction between the civil society and the state has increased in modern democracies. This thesis analyzes the forms and dynamics of the interaction between civil society and governmental institutions in Skåne about the issue of refugee reception. This is done by examining two overarching research questions: 1. How, why and between which actors interaction occurs; and 2. How interaction develops over time and which factors influence the changing nature of the interaction. With the theoretical framework of civil society and state relations, governance, social movements and critical junctures, a research model is developed to analyze the case of interaction between the spheres in Skåne. The research model is based upon semi-structured interviews with governmental institutions and representatives from civil society organizations. The development of the interaction is described through the framework of critical junctures, showing the interaction developed with an intention of increased interaction and participation, while being cautious of the independence and neutrality of the civil society at the same time. The results show that the interaction occurs through partnership, networks, funding and personal informal interaction. Shared goals and the intention of increasing interaction because it is believed to better solve the complex problems are reasons for interaction. The empirical findings point at factors such as ideological affinity, structure, resources and experience to be important to gain access to the interaction. Another important conclusion is the lack of representation of certain valuable perspectives, such as Muslim organizations or free churches. The issue of representation stems mostly from structural factors and lack of resources. Relations between the civil society and governmental institutions in Skåne has grown closer, and the interaction is complex and dynamic. Together, the spheres address the complex issue of refugee reception. It is characterized by a mutual respect and an awareness of the necessity of an independent and neutral civil society. In spite of problems with representation, the interaction does facilitate knowledge exchange and increases adaptability to complexity. It has increased the overall participation in interaction between the spheres.
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Chi, Chia-Lin. "Lee Teng-Hui’s political cross-straits policy and mainland china’s reaction." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/28534.
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By the end of the twentieth century, there were many secessionist groups, but, the move towards Taiwanese secessionism has arguably been the most significant of these. It triggered the 1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis, which resulted in a historical military confrontation between Mainland China and the US. As will be shown, from 1988 to 2000, Lee Teng-hui, as president of Taiwan, manipulated the political Cross-Straits relationship to promote what was ultimately a secessionist policy. This caused Mainland China to react strongly and triggered sharp tension between Taiwan and Mainland China. This thesis considers what motivated Lee Teng-hui to implement a secessionist Cross-Straits policy and why he supported unification while adopting a substantive secessionist policy. It looks at how he was able to instigate Taiwanese hostility towards Mainlanders, to transform the hostility into a sense of Taiwanese national identity and ultimately into Taiwanese secessionist ideology. A historical approach was used in exploring the origins of secessionism, and descriptive and analytical methods to review systematically and comprehensively political developments in the ROC and its civil war, and to study Lee Teng-hui’s life; the national identity of Taiwan and Mainland China; the implementation of Lee Teng-hui’s political Cross-Straits policy; and the reaction of Mainland China. The study showed that the main cause of Taiwanese secessionism was ethnic conflict between Taiwanese and Mainlanders. It originated from the 228 Incident of 1947, in which Mainlander-led troops slaughtered many Taiwanese. Soon after, the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan from Mainland China, and many Taiwanese (including Mainlanders) were killed during the State of Emergency in the 1950s and 1960s. Since the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan in its original central government form, the Mainlander élite occupied key positions in the government during the 1950s and 1960s. It resulted in unfair power-sharing for Taiwanese, and caused the Taiwanese élite to believe that they had to establish their own government (nation). Lee Teng-hui had participated in the CCP and had been under political surveillance by the Mainlander-led government for over twenty years. He weathered these political difficulties, but by reasonable inference, there was a close relationship between the political oppression by the Mainlander-led government and his secessionist political Cross-Straits policy. Because Taiwanese residents were indoctrinated by Chiang Ching-kuo and his father, Chiang Kai-shek’s administration for about 40 years, Chinese ideology was dominant and Lee Teng-hui initially paid lip-service to Cross-Strait unification whilst working towards secessionism as reflected in the Chingdao-Lake Incident (1994); the private dialogue between Lee Teng-hui and Shiba Ryotaro (1994); the address at Cornell University (1995); and his two-state theory (1999). However, due to strong pressure from Mainland China, he did not reach his secessionist goal during his presidential term (1988-2000). In conclusion, this thesis shows that Taiwan Island’s geopolitical importance is at the heart of the US’ support for Taiwan’s secession from the Mainland. Therefore, Lee’s secessionist Cross-Strait policy aside, US national interests lie in containing Mainland China and it has, therefore, always played an important role in the secessionist issue and always will. From the perspective of Mainland China, either in terms of nationalism or national security, Taiwan’s secession is a life-and-death issue. If Taiwanese authorities were to declare independence, the only option for Mainland China would be to launch a unification war. For the US, Taiwan is only a pawn that it uses to contain Mainland China. Therefore, in the Cross-Strait issue, the US has more options than Mainland China, namely, to use military intervention in the future to deter Chinese unification or to decide to share common peaceful international relations with Mainland China by accepting Cross-Strait unification.Thesis (DPhil (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2004.
Political Sciences
unrestricted
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Wilson, Ann Conner. "Putnam’s Two-Level Game: Case Studies of Serbian and Russian Reactions to the Kosovar and Chechen Independence Movements." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1274721632.
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Darrell, Bryan G. Nunnally Wave. "The hermeneutics of pentecostal-independent charismatic restoration theology in the United States and England an analysis of its ecclesiology, worship, and interpretive method /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1996. http://www.tren.com.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, 1996.Abstract. Appendix includes "An analysis of Debbie Roberts' book: Rejoice: a biblical study of the dance by Dr. Wave Nunnally." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 114-129).