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Journal articles on the topic 'Independence movement'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 May 2024

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1

park kyumpyo. "Ambedkar and Independence Movement - Compared with Gandhi's Independence Movement -." Journal of South Asian Studies 12, no. 2 (February 2007): 29–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.21587/jsas.2007.12.2.002.

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2

Kim, Il-Su. "Kim Jin-man's Anti-Japanese Independence Movement." Institute of Korean Cultural Studies Yeungnam University 82 (December 31, 2022): 289–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.15186/ikc.2022.12.31.12.

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Kim Jin-man has been one of the representative literary painters of the 20th century who has established his art world through Sagunja painting and Gimyeongjeolji painting and influenced the flower bed for a long time since he had academic ability. In order to restore the independence of the Japanese colonial eran people and achieve national independence, he started the Reconstruction Achievement Friendship Association and the “Daegu Pistol Incident”. He was a representative anti-Japanese independence activist in Daegu in the 1910s who promoted the anti-Japanese independence movement. His anti-Japanese independence movement was inherited over three generations. Soon, he continued to his grandson Kim Il-sik, following his sons Kim Young-jo and Kim Young-ki. Through this, the Kim Jin-man family established the overall image of the three major independence movements. In addition, the three major independence movements of the Kim Jin-man family were consistent with the chang e in the route of the anti-Japanese independence movement in Japanese colonial era. The three major independence movements of the Kim Jin-man family have great implications for the direction that our society should view and predict even today in the 21st century.

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3

Abdullah, Abdullah. "Contribution of Al-Hilal in India’s Independence movement." International Journal of Scientific Research 3, no. 8 (June 1, 2012): 231–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22778179/august2014/67.

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4

Reayat, Nauman, Anwar-ul-Mujahid Shah, and Usman Ali. "Interplay of Two Socio-Political Movements: Khudai Khidmatgar Movement and Independence Movement." Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 19, no. 3 (October 2016): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2016.19.3.19.

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Khudai Khidmatgar Movement was an important historical movement which mobilized the polity in a bottom-up direction to awaken the people living in the then North Western Province and today's province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was a transformational and charismatic leader. He educated common people about non-violence as a tool for organization and accomplishment of designed objectives. The essence of whole movement was rooted in the religion Islam which is interesting against the background of inspiration drawn by Pushtuns nationalists for the legitimacy of their narratives. This work throws new light on historical legacy of Khudai Khidmatgar Movement led by Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan from a leadership perspective through historical comparative method. A new insight will be made to dig out various methods adopted by the leadership of the movement to gain the legitimacy of the movement and which had roots in religious text.

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5

Ross, Robert S. "Taiwan's Fading Independence Movement." Foreign Affairs 85, no. 2 (2006): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20031917.

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Haith, A. M., J. Pakpoor, and J. W. Krakauer. "Independence of Movement Preparation and Movement Initiation." Journal of Neuroscience 36, no. 10 (March 9, 2016): 3007–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1523/jneurosci.3245-15.2016.

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7

Soni, Jitendra Kumar. "Gandhian Movement in Pre-Independence Rajasthan." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, no. 5 (May 16, 2022): 54–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i05.008.

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The period after Gandhi's arrival in India from South Africa is called the 'Gandhi Era' of independence. The political activities going on in British India during this period were centered on Gandhi and Gandhism, that is, non-violence was especially followed in their movements. During this period, the independence movements of India also had an impact in Rajasthan. Various non-violent movements took place in Rajasthan right from the inception of the Congress. For example, when the messages of the Congress sessions of 1885, 1886 and 1889 reached Ajmer, the students of Ajmer formed the Congress Committee. At this time the Bijolia peasant movement was a non-violent movement in Rajputana, in which the peasants resisted the princely atrocities non-violently. During the non-cooperation movement, despite the moderate attitude of the kings towards the British rule, the people non-violently opposed the British laws and during these three visits of Gandhi to Rajasthan were important. The influence of Gandhi's non-violent teachings is clearly visible in the various peasant movements of Rajasthan. During the Salt Satyagraha, the people peacefully opposed the British laws. Apart from this, for the establishment of responsible government in Rajasthan, Prajamandal movement was started which were examples of non-violent movement. In this context, the said research paper studies the pre-independence Gandhian movements of Rajasthan in front of the society and presents a non-violent outline of all pacifist movements. Abstract in Hindi Language: भारत में गांधी के दक्षिणी अफ्रीका से आगमन के बाद के समय को स्वाधीनता का ‘गांधी युग’ कहा जाता है। इस दौर में ब्रिटिश भारत में जितनी राजनीतिक गतिविधियां चल रही थी उनके केन्द्र में गांधी और गांधीवाद था अर्थात् उनके आन्दोलनों में अहिंसा का विषेश रूप से पालन होता था। इस दौरान राजस्थान में भी भारतवर्ष के स्वाधीनता आन्दोलनों का प्रभाव रहा।राजस्थान में कांग्रेस की स्थापना से ही विभिन्न अहिंसात्मक आन्दोलन हुए। जैसे 1885, 1886 एवं 1889 के कांग्रेस के अधिवेशनों के संदेश जब अजमेर पहुंचे तो अजमेर के छात्रों ने कांग्रेस कमेटी बनायी। इस समय राजपूताने में बिजौलिया किसान आन्दोलन एक अहिंसात्मक आन्दोलन था, जिसमें किसानों ने रियासती अत्याचारों का प्रतिरोध अहिंसात्मक रूप से किया। असहयोग आन्दोलन के दौरान राजाओं का ब्रिटिश शासन के प्रतिरवैया उदारवादी होने के बावजूद जनता ने अहिंसात्मक रूप से ब्रिटिश कानूनों का विरोध किया तथा इस दौरान राजस्थान में गांधी की तीन यात्राएं महत्वपूर्ण रहीं। राजस्थान के विभिन्न किसान आन्दोलनों में गांधी के अहिंसावादी उपदेशों का प्रभावस्पष्टदिखाईदेताहै।नमकसत्याग्रह के दौरानजनता ने शांतिपूर्वक ब्रिटिश कानूनों का पुरजोर विरोध किया। इसके अलावा राजस्थान में उत्तरदायी सरकार की स्थापना के लिए प्रजामण्डल आन्दोलन चलाये जो अहिंसात्मक आन्दोलन के उदाहरण थे। इस संदर्भ में उक्त शोध पत्र राजस्थान के स्वतंत्रता पूर्व गांधीवादी आन्दोलनों का अध्ययन समाज के सामने रखताहै तथा समस्त शांतिवादी आन्दोलनों की अहिंसात्मक रूपरेखा प्रस्तुत करता है। Keywords: बिजौलिया किसान, असहयोग आन्दोलन, गांधी की यात्राएं, भील आन्दोलन, नमक सत्याग्रह, प्रजामण्डल आन्दोलन।

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8

Singh, Rajdeep. "Iranian Civil Rights Movement and Independence Movement in Kosovo? European Union’s Role in the Freedom Movements and State-Building." English Linguistics Research 8, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/elr.v8n1p8.

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Kosovo celebrated its independence in 2008, and many in the Balkans were eager to see finally peace replacing war into the war-torn region. Iranian civil rights movement also shares some interesting features with the Kosovo case. In this paper, we will show how these similarities are being used in Iranian political system. We will investigate the direct correlates between these two cases as well, especially in the case of Diaspora. In the Kosovo case, however, the path to independence has not been as easy and clear as was hoped for in the beginning. Many countries still refuse to recognize Kosovo as an independent state. Among them are even some European Union members. In this study, we explain the reasons behind the lengthy and difficult process of independence. We also investigate role of identity crisis and its direct link to the independence path. In fact, ethnic Albanians were expecting a reunion with their historical homeland in Albania and this mismatch between expectations and reality made it even harder for them to live inside the not yet well-defined new country, Kosovo. On the other hand, language and religious barriers between ethnic Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo keep alive tensions and hostilities in the region. Furthermore, we investigate the way European Union and Kosovo Diaspora play an important role for the future independent country.

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9

Lang, Catherine E., and Marc H. Schieber. "Human Finger Independence: Limitations due to Passive Mechanical Coupling Versus Active Neuromuscular Control." Journal of Neurophysiology 92, no. 5 (November 2004): 2802–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1152/jn.00480.2004.

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We studied the extent to which mechanical coupling and neuromuscular control limit finger independence by studying passive and active individuated finger movements in healthy adults. For passive movements, subjects relaxed while each finger was rotated into flexion and extension by a custom-built device. For active movements, subjects moved each finger into flexion and extension while attempting to keep the other, noninstructed fingers still. Active movements were performed through approximately the same joint excursions and at approximately the same speeds as the passive movements. We quantified how mechanical coupling limited finger independence from the passive movements, and quantified how neuromuscular control limited finger independence using an analysis that subtracted the indices obtained in the passive condition from those obtained in the active condition. Finger independence was generally similar during passive and active movements, but showed a trend toward less independence in the middle, ring, and little fingers during active, large-arc movements. Mechanical coupling limited the independence of the index, middle, and ring fingers to the greatest degree, followed by the little finger, and placed only negligible limitations on the independence of the thumb. In contrast, neuromuscular control primarily limited the independence of the ring, and little fingers during large-arc movements, and had minimal effects on the other fingers, especially during small-arc movements. For the movement conditions tested here, mechanical coupling between the fingers appears to be a major factor limiting the complete independence of finger movement.

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10

Auer, Matthew R. "Environmentalism and Estonia's Independence Movement." Nationalities Papers 26, no. 4 (December 1998): 659–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408593.

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The spirit of environmentalism generated some of the most memorable images of the eastern and central European independence movements of the late 1980s and early 1990s. In 1988, protesters formed a human chain around the Ignalina nuclear reactor in Lithuania. That same year, thousands of Hungarians marched through downtown Budapest to rally against their government's prospective participation in the construction of a dam on the Danube River. The environmental movements in the former eastern bloc marked the beginning of the end of Soviet era communism in Europe. However, many commentators have implied that environmental protest was a proxy for other, more politically explosive grievances. Environmentalism was decisive, it is argued, because it provided a release valve for pent-up frustrations and repressed nationalistic ardor. Re-examining the independence movement in Estonia, this article contends that environmentalism was not incidental to citizens’ larger aims. The specific, environmentally destructive activities people condemned embodied many of the features of the Soviet system that people despised generally. Resource-intensive and pollution-prone projects proposed by Moscow provoked a broadly conceived environmental revolt rather than environmental protest “in name only.” The environmentally related constituents of Estonia's independence movement included citizens’ opposition to pollution of the environment and waste of natural resources; perceived “mindlessness” of industrial policy in Estonia; the promise of new Russian-speaking immigrants to work in environmentally unfriendly industries; and economic exploitation of natural resources in Estonia for the benefit of other Soviet republics, especially the Russian RSFSR.

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11

Arrarás, Astrid, and Timothy J. Power. "The social basis of separatism: explaining support for the Puerto Rican Independence Movement." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas 1, no. 1 (December 30, 2007): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21057/repam.v1i1.1488.

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In the 1990s, particularly in the wake of the fall of the Soviet Union, comparativists rediscovered the enduring appeal of separatist movements around the globe. Many of the most significant political events of the past decade have revolved around issues of nationalism, ethnicity, irredenta, and the like. In light of these renewed preoccupations, it is surprising that U.S. scholars have largely ignored a nationalist movement closer to home. The Puerto Rican independence movement is by far the most significant separatist tendency under the U.S. flag, and is one of the few major anticolonialist movements to survive into the twenty-first century. Although supporters of Puerto Rican independence have typically drawn only three to five percent support in local elections and in plebiscites on the island’s political status, neither have they disappeared from the political scene. The remarkable durability of the independence movement demands systematic explanation. However, as strange as it may seem, to date there have been no serious scholarly studies of the social bases of the Puerto Rican independence movement.

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12

Phillips, Jim, and Denis Glencross. "The independence of reaction and movement time in programmed movements." Acta Psychologica 59, no. 3 (August 1985): 209–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0001-6918(85)90045-9.

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13

Reetz, Dietrich. "In Search of the Collective Self: How Ethnic Group Concepts were Cast through Conflict in Colonial India." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 2 (May 1997): 285–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00014311.

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When the concept of Western nationalism travelled to India in the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century it was carried by British officialdom and an increasingly mobile and articulate Indian élite that was educated in English and in the tradition of British society. Not only did it inspire the all-India nationalist movement, but it encouraged regional politics as well, mainly in ethnic and religious terms. Most of today's ethnic and religious movements in South Asia could be traced back to their antecedents before independence. Looking closer at the three major regional movements of pre-independence India, the Pathans, the Sikhs and the Tamils, one finds a striking similarity in patterns of mobilization, conflict and concept irrespective of their association with the national movement (Red Shirt movement of the Pathans, Sikh movement of the Akalis) or independent existence in opposition to Congress (non-Brahmin/Tamil movement)

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Bhat, Rouf, and Mohd Wani. "Development of women’s movement in India: A historical perspective." Temida 25, no. 1 (2022): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem2201093b.

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The purpose of this paper is to look at the antecedents of the Indian women?s movement and the achievements before and after independence. The status of women has been a central concern of many reform movements in India. Prior to India?s independence, the organizations and groups that addressed social issues and sought change for women were closely associated with the independence movement. The women?s movement during the 19th century in India emanated from the broader social reforms movement. Consequently, the 20th century freedom movement and women?s rights movement in the post-1970s has brought to the fore a wide range of women?s concerns. The subsequent events like the constitutional promise of gender equality, Towards Equality Report prepared by the Committee on the Status of Women in 1974 have surely promoted women?s concern to some extent. All these achievements were the result of women?s movement groups that worked for the promotion of women?s rights and equality. In the above-stated context, this paper also analysis the issues of women?s justice and equality taken up by women?s groups in pre and post-independent India.

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Kim, Jaigi. "Support Movement for Gwangju Student Independence Movement in USA." Society for International Cultural Institute 14, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.34223/jic.2021.14.1.149.

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Kim, Jai-Gi. "Support Movement for Gwangju Student Independence Movement in Cuba." Studies of Koreans Abroad 62 (August 31, 2023): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.38184/ask.2023.62.2.

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Choi, Woo-seok. "The response aspects about the March 1st Movement of the Education Bureau of the Japanese Goverment-General of Choseon." Association for Korean Modern and Contemporary History 107 (December 31, 2023): 179–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.29004/jkmch.2023.12.107.179.

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This article examined the measures taken by the Education Bureau of the Japanese Government-General of choseon to the March 1 Independence Movement and the responses of schools. Until now, schools have been understood as a space for independence movement. However, on the other hand, it was a space where the governance policy of the Japanese Government-General of choseon could be reflected in detail. With the 2.8 Declaration of Independence of Korean international students, the Education Bureau began to respond to the independence movement in earnest. The Education Bureau strengthened contact with the police officer and instructed schools at all levels to manage students. The director of the Education Bureau visited Tokyo to prevent the influence of the 2.8 Declaration of Independence from affecting colonial choseon. However, this preliminary response failed. After the start of the March 1st Independence Movement, the Education Bureau strengthened contact with the school authorities at provincial level and the government school. the Education Bureau crack down the school staff and students who participated in the Independence Movement and prevent school students strike and Independence Movement. In addition, foreign-run religious schools were cracked down. After the March 1st Movement, the Education bureau's status rose. As it became a department that manages religion and schools, it was in charge of post-processing of the March 1st Movement. On March 1, 1920, the private school regulations were revised to respond to the Independence Movement to commemorate the first anniversary of the March 1st Movement. Based on these changes, three foreign principals of private religious schools were canceled.

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Roh, Gi-uook, and Hyeon-chang Jeong. "Sohn Won-il’s Independence Movement in China - Independence Movement of Sohn Won-il in China -." Journal of Local History and Culture 18, no. 2 (November 30, 2015): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.17068/lhc.2015.11.18.2.191.

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19

Griffiths, Ryan D., and Louis M. Wasser. "Does Violent Secessionism Work?" Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 5 (July 3, 2018): 1310–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002718783032.

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Recent research suggests that the strategic use of violence may increase a group’s chance of gaining independence. We investigate this topic using comprehensive data on all secessionist movements between 1900 and 2006 and an original data set on the institutional and extrainstitutional methods that secessionists have used from 1946 to 2011. Our analysis yields several important findings. First, strategy depends on context. Not all secessionist movements are the same, and many have legal and/or institutional routes to independence that shape the methods that they employ. Second, no secessionist movement challenging a contiguous state has won its sovereignty without using institutional methods, either exclusively or in combination with extrainstitutional methods. Finally, we identify four successful combinations of secessionist methods and discuss how these movements develop in relation to their strategic setting. Overall, we find no evidence that violence helps a secessionist movement to gain independence.

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20

Jeong, Young-Hun. "Korean’s Independence Movement and Dangun-nationalism." Journal of Dangun Studies 43 (December 31, 2020): 167–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.18706/jgds.2020.12.43.167.

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21

Lee, Ji-won. "March 1st Independence Movement in Gaeseong." YŎKSA WA HYŎNSIL : Quarterly Review of Korean History 113 (September 30, 2019): 159–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.35865/ywh.2019.09.113.159.

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22

Ku, Wan-hoe. "March First Independence Movement in Jecheon." Journal of Local History and Culture 22, no. 2 (November 30, 2019): 109–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17068/lhc.2019.11.22.2.109.

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23

Tyson, James. "Christians and the Taiwanese Independence Movement." Asian Affairs: An American Review 14, no. 3 (September 1987): 163–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00927678.1987.10553647.

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Muhammad Tariq. "The Sir Syed and independence movement." Noor e Tahqeeq 6, no. 04 (November 13, 2022): 34–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.54692/nooretahqeeq.2022.06041833.

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In 1857 war of Independance ,Bahadur Shah Zafar`s defeat and the British`s victory had averted the entire scenario of sub-continent.It resulted that the rulers were became the slaves who were striving hard to secure their lives.The same history was repeated their subject too.The Muslims of sub-continent faced every type of torture and injustice.The Muslims were thrown to the jails, the scaffolds were made ready to hangout them.The Muslim families were suffering from financial crunch and the worst circumstances .It seemed that doom and depressionwere made finalized.Among these dejected circumstances,Sir Syed emerged as a Masiha of knowledge and wisdom stood stalwort in front of British.This article enlightens the services of Sir Syed for Freedom Movement.

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Raymond, Jane E. "Movement direction analysers: Independence and bandwidth." Vision Research 33, no. 5-6 (March 1993): 767–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0042-6989(93)90196-4.

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Samanta, Bilash, Nimai Sannyasi, and Abdul Halim. "Study on Gandhi: Indian Independence Movement." International Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Studies 5, no. 2 (January 1, 2023): 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.33545/26648652.2023.v5.i2a.65.

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Rashid Manzoor Bhat. "THE GHADAR MOVEMENT: IGNITING THE FLAME OF FREEDOM IN INDIA." International Journal of Educational Review, Law And Social Sciences (IJERLAS) 3, no. 4 (May 31, 2023): 1123–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.54443/ijerlas.v3i4.926.

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The study attempts to explore the Ghadar Movement, a pivotal revolutionary organisation in the early 20th century that played a significant role in India's struggle for independence. It aims to understand the socio-political origins of the Movement, to analyse its key figures and strategies, to assess its impact on Indian nationalism, and to evaluate its global impact and enduring legacy. The study employs a historical and analytical methodology, using primary and secondary sources to gather data, which is then interpreted and contextualised. In-depth examination of archival documents revealed the influences of colonial oppression, global events, and the sentiments of the Indian diaspora in igniting the Ghadar Movement. The study identifies key figures, their motivations and the strategies they employed, such as direct revolts and protests, as well as indirect approaches like propaganda and international networking. The research finds that the Ghadar Movement significantly influenced the rise of Indian nationalism and other revolutionary movements, shaping the course of India's freedom struggle. It also managed to garner notable international support, leaving a lasting impact beyond India's borders. It finds that the movement though unsuccessful in its immediate goals, left an indelible legacy in post-independence India, influencing its socio-political fabric and contributing to the narrative of India's struggle for independence.

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Gozalo-Salellas, Ignasi. "Processes of Destitution in Spain: Unavowable Communities between the Regime of ’78 and the Total State." boundary 2 48, no. 3 (August 1, 2021): 191–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01903659-9155803.

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This essay analyzes what I call processes of destitution as a result of the various social movements that took place in Spain throughout the 2010s. I argue that the exhaustion of the Regime of ’78 meant an epistemological turn away from hegemonic concepts such as consensus, truth, and historical agreement toward those central to a new destituent process: dissent, divergence, and plurality, among others. Over the course of this essay, I carry out a genealogical review of the two intersecting social movements of the period which drove that change: first, the anti-austerity movement—better known as the indignados, or 15M, movement and its political derivatives, such as municipal platforms, the “mareas,” and Podemos—and second, the Catalan pro-independence movement. Finally, based on Carl Schmitt's political theology, I study the Spanish State's reaction beginning in 2017 as the creation of a state of exception based on the intensification of “the political” and on a shift in the “friend/enemy” paradigm, from a relationship between nation-states to an intranational relationship between the Spanish State and the Catalan pro-independence movement.

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29

Palmer, Brandon. "The Status of Studies on the Korean Independence Movement in the U.S." Association for Korean Modern and Contemporary History 105 (June 30, 2023): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.29004/jkmch.2023.06.105.61.

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The Republic of Korea has been among the United States’ most reliable allies over the past seventy years. The two countries have developed a security alliance and an economic relationship that is mutually beneficial; for example, the United States has armed forces stationed on the Korean Peninsula, and South Korea is America’s sixth largest trade partner. However, despite the closeness of the two nations, American society has remained Eurocentric. As a result, most Americans know little about South Korea, its history, or its struggles against Japanese colonialism, which are critical to Korean nationalism. This essay is an assessment of what Americans know about the Korean independence movement and how to rectify American ignorance of the Korean struggle for freedom.

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30

Kim, Do-hyung. "Ben C. Lyhm’s Independence Movement in America." Bukak History Academy 19 (January 31, 2024): 235–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.37288/bukak.2024.19.1.235.

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Ben C. Lyhm(Lyhm Beng Chik) studied in the United States in 1913 and returned home in 1949. Ben C. Lyhm's life met Syngman Rhee for the first time at the YMCA in Seoul, and he met him and went to the United States to study. In addition, after the Korean people declared independence in March 1919, Ben C. Lyhm followed Syngman Rhee in the Korean Commission to America and Europe for the Republic of Korea. Ben C. Lyhm went to Shanghai, China, with Syngman Rhee in December 1920, and assisted Syngman Rhee until the Korean Provisional Government issued an order to abolish the the Korean Commission to America and Europe in March 1925. And in December 1941, when the Japanese provoked war against the United States, Ben C. Lyhm went to Washington D.C. to help Syngman Rhee at the Korean Commission and conducted diplomatic activities with the United States. In September 1942, Syngman Rhee, chairman of the Korean Commission, appointed Ben C. Lyhm as a military attache and dispatched him to Los Angeles. As Lim performed his duties as a colonel for external activities, Americans called him ‘Colonel Ben’. Ben C. Lyhm supported Syngman Rhee from 1919 to the post-liberation and worked together in the independence movement. In fact, Ben C. Lyhm’s independence movement is a shadow of Rhee Syngman's independence movement because he was always with Ben C. Lyhm in the United States. Ben C. Lyhm can see his sincerity in doing his best in everything with the belief that his activities contribute to the independence of the nation. Ben C. Lyhm participated in the independence movement as Syngman Rhee's secretary after the March 1st Movement and spent his entire life in the Syngman Rhee government, serving as the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Ambassador to the United Nations.

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Kim, Do-hyung. "Ben C. Lyhm’s Independence Movement in America." Bukak History Academy 19 (January 31, 2024): 235–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.37288/bukak.2024.19.7.235.

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Ben C. Lyhm(Lyhm Beng Chik) studied in the United States in 1913 and returned home in 1949. Ben C. Lyhm's life met Syngman Rhee for the first time at the YMCA in Seoul, and he met him and went to the United States to study. In addition, after the Korean people declared independence in March 1919, Ben C. Lyhm followed Syngman Rhee in the Korean Commission to America and Europe for the Republic of Korea. Ben C. Lyhm went to Shanghai, China, with Syngman Rhee in December 1920, and assisted Syngman Rhee until the Korean Provisional Government issued an order to abolish the the Korean Commission to America and Europe in March 1925. And in December 1941, when the Japanese provoked war against the United States, Ben C. Lyhm went to Washington D.C. to help Syngman Rhee at the Korean Commission and conducted diplomatic activities with the United States. In September 1942, Syngman Rhee, chairman of the Korean Commission, appointed Ben C. Lyhm as a military attache and dispatched him to Los Angeles. As Lim performed his duties as a colonel for external activities, Americans called him ‘Colonel Ben’. Ben C. Lyhm supported Syngman Rhee from 1919 to the post-liberation and worked together in the independence movement. In fact, Ben C. Lyhm’s independence movement is a shadow of Rhee Syngman's independence movement because he was always with Ben C. Lyhm in the United States. Ben C. Lyhm can see his sincerity in doing his best in everything with the belief that his activities contribute to the independence of the nation. Ben C. Lyhm participated in the independence movement as Syngman Rhee's secretary after the March 1st Movement and spent his entire life in the Syngman Rhee government, serving as the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Ambassador to the United Nations.

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KIM, Il-Su. "Independence Movement and Recognition about Independence before and after the 3・1 Movement - Focused on Daegu area -." Korean Society of the History of Historiography 38 (December 31, 2018): 67–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.29186/kjhh.2018.38.67.

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Anderson, Paul. "‘Independence 2.0’: Digital activism, social media and the Catalan independence movement." Catalan Journal of Communication & Cultural Studies 11, no. 2 (October 1, 2019): 191–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/cjcs_00003_1.

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This article examines the role and use of social media in the ongoing movement for Catalan independence by focusing on two pro-independence civil society organizations, Feministes per la Independència (FxI) and Òmnium Cultural (OC). Drawing upon elite interview data with representatives from both organizations and Catalan parliamentarians, it posits that social media platforms serve as crucial vehicles for these civil society organizations, particularly in terms of empowerment, mobilization, organization, participation and resistance. The increasing salience of digital activism in Catalonia is such that social media platforms have become fundamental pillars of the independence movement, helping to overcome state-imposed institutional obstacles as well as internationalize the issue across transnational networks. The analysis, however, also reveals a darker side to engagement with social media including the proliferation of biased narratives, dissemination of misinformation and trolling. On the basis of these reflections, the article concludes that while engagement with social media entails risks, hitherto such platforms have proved to be highly effective and will continue to be pivotal in promoting and generating support for the independence cause.

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CHOI, Byung-do. "A Study on the Activities and Trends of Individuals Involved in the First Round of the Gando Communist Party Incident." Association for Korean Modern and Contemporary History 108 (March 30, 2024): 85–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.29004/jkmch.2024.03.108.85.

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At the time of the First Round of the Gando Communist Party Incident, the majority of the individuals involved were in their 20s to 30s, with a significant number hailing from Hamgyeong Province. They received education on the Korean Peninsula and in Gando, and some had studied abroad in China, Russia, and Japan. Many of these individuals engaged in various social activities while working in the fields of education and media. Some of them also made efforts to stabilize the Korean community following The Gando Massacre. Those involved in this incident had been actively engaged in the independence movement since the March 1st Movement. They participated in the March 1st Movement on the Korean Peninsula and in Gando, and subsequently joined various organizations of National Movement and Socialist Movement, leading the independence movement in the early 1920s through activities such as independence movement fund-raising, anti-Japan armed struggle, and socialist movement both within and outside the Korean Peninsula. From immediately after the First Round of the Gando Communist Party Incident until liberation, they continued their independence movement in various ways. Some of them died while enduring hardships in prison, and some also persisted in their struggle even while incarcerated. Independence activists involved in the incident participated in the formation of Dongmanguyeokguk, a subordinate organization of the Korean Communist, and actively engaged in the organizational activities of the National United Party based on the National Cooperation Front. In other words, Dongmanguyeokguk was not only an integrated organization for various socialist groups but also a group with the character of the National United Party in the Dongman area, involving independence activists engaged in the national movement.

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SangKi Kim. "Systematization of the ChungBuk Region’s Korean Independence Movement Studies ‒Park, Geol-sun, ChungBuk Region’s Korean Independence Movement and Independence Fighters, Kukhakzaryowon, 2012‒." JOURNAL OF KOREAN INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT STUDIES ll, no. 53 (February 2016): 235–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15799/kimos.2016..53.007.

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Krais, Jakob. "MUSCULAR MUSLIMS: SCOUTING IN LATE COLONIAL ALGERIA BETWEEN NATIONALISM AND RELIGION." International Journal of Middle East Studies 51, no. 4 (November 2019): 567–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743819000679.

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AbstractThe Islamic reformist movement in Algeria is often seen as a precursor to the independence movement, in which religion was supposedly integrated into nationalist identity politics. Focusing on the Muslim scout movements between the 1930s and 1950s, this article challenges this view by arguing that Islam continued to play a role beyond that of an identitarian marker. Influenced by Christian youth movements, the Muslim scouts developed ideas of a “muscular Islam” that remained central even after the movement split in two—one association close to the major nationalist party and another linked to the reformists.

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LEE, Jang-gyu. "The Current Status of Korean Studies in France and the Revitalization of Korean Independence Movement." Association for Korean Modern and Contemporary History 105 (June 30, 2023): 79–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.29004/jkmch.2023.06.105.79.

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Korean Studies research in France has achieved remarkable growth both quantitatively and qualitatively due to Korea's economic growth and increasing cultural influence. Currently, in-depth research is being conducted across all fields, expanding the scope to Korean studies as a whole, not just Korean language education. Unfortunately, however, the field of research on the history of the independence movement is far from the interest of institutions, researchers, and students. In this situation, the emergence of the Korean-French Independence Movement History Research Association (Libertas), founded in 2017, is encouraging. Members held several international academic conferences related to the history of the Korean independence movement, and achieved significant results through active activities such as excavation of a large number of materials and posthumous writings of independence activists. Although the framework for research and dissemination of the history of the Korean independence movement in France has been established, it is still in a basic state due to realistic limitations. Financial and academic support, as well as the interest and active participation of many researchers in Korea, are needed to vitalize research on the history of the independence movement.

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McKeever, David. "Parties, Movements, Brokers." Contention 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cont.2021.090102.

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This article is a study of the consequences of brokerage for movements, and particularly for the role of political parties within social movements. My findings indicate that brokerage creates opportunities for minor groups to play a crucial role in mobilization, something that comes at a cost to a movement’s structure. I make my case with a study of brokerage in action, based on activist interviews, events data, and network data collected from the Scottish independence movement. Results demonstrate that the likelihood of the governing Scottish National Party participating in movement events only increases with the number of participating movement organizations. As the movement organizations transitioned from a referendum campaign to an autonomous movement, under-resourced peripheral groups took the lead in brokering the Nationalist movement.

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YI, Yang-hi. "Participation and significance of the March 1st Movement in the Oriental medicine community." Association for Korean Modern and Contemporary History 107 (December 31, 2023): 147–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.29004/jkmch.2023.12.107.147.

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In March 1919, the March 1st Movement began in about 10 cities across the country, including Seoul, Pyongyang, and Wonsan. At least 1 million Korean people participated. Oriental medicine doctors and pharmacists were no exception. By December, among those who had been arrested for the independence movement and whose indictments were confirmed, 81 were ‘doctors and medical students’ and 73 were medicine dealers. Of the 50 people who could be identified, 43 were brought to trial. In the case of oriental medicine doctors and pharmacists, it can be seen that the older generation was active in the independence movement. As key figures in the region, they were in a position to lead the local people, and with their ample economic power, they were able to support the expenses necessary for the independence movement. Oriental medicine doctors and pharmacists were mainly active in the early days of the independence movement. If these activities are categorized, the majority are leading and participating. They actively participated in the independence movement while doing funder, liaisons, and shelter providers. If the oriental medicine doctor or pharmacist held a position of district mayor, or was a religious executive, his or her influence was even greater. This is because oriental medicine doctors and pharmacists who have wide personal network would have had an advantage in encouraging the participation of other local influential figures and local residents in the independence movement.

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Lee, Dong-eon. "Independence CEO." Yu Gwan sun Research Senter 28, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 183–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.56475/ygsrc.2023.28.1.183.

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During the period of resistance against Japan, the Korean people did not give in to persecution and fought for independence in order to restore national rights from the Japanese invasion. In the process, procurement of the funds was very important in the independence movement. It was extremely risky to do so as Japanese surveillance was prevalent. Also, risking your entire savings to secure procurement was not an easy feat. The bold and noble sacrifice of these people was the true noblesse oblige that accomplished the historic task of gaining national independence. It is also true that there are only a few documents or materials remaining to prove these acts of procuring funds, as these were done in secret to avoid Japanese surveillance. However, according to the records, there are many independence activists who went to jail for participating in these acts. These heroes were the CEO’s of Korea’s independence movement. I believe it is a meaningful work to collect and organize the remaining resources regarding military or independence funds.

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Shah, Ali Shan, Muhammad Waris, and Mian Muhammad Azhar. "Independence of Judiciary: An Assessment of Lawyers Movement and its Impact on Civil Society of Pakistan." Global Regional Review III, no. I (December 30, 2018): 402–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2018(iii-i).30.

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Lawyers are important part of Pakistani society. They actively participated in the movement against the military regimes. Social movement are necessary for the renewal of the society. These movements help to make a society vibrant and prone to democratization. All the fractions of the society took keen interest in this movement. This historic movement gave youth the initial lessons of democracy and students took part in this movement as they were active in the first two decades of Pakistani political history. Students are the educated and informed part of the society and remained on forefront in the movements in the country. In recent years lawyers, media, students unions, military and ulema played important role in restoring of judiciary and played important role for Lawyers Movement in Pakistan 2007-09.Rule of law issue educated Pakistani civil society and the society became more vibrant about the democratization in the country.

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Behera, Anshuman. "People’s Movement under a Revolutionary Brand: Understanding The Maoist Movement in Odisha." Millennial Asia 11, no. 2 (August 2020): 211–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0976399620925442.

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A dominant narrative understands the Maoist movement in Odisha as a spillover effect from the neighbouring state of Andhra Pradesh. On the contrary, the Maoist movement in Odisha can be well understood through the resistance movements led by the communists, tribals, peasants and the labourers. Along with these movements, the Maoists in Odisha have evolved through many forms and shades. While the Maoist movement in Odisha, in its present form, claims to have brought together multiple people’s movements under its brand fold, many of these movements continue to be functioning without any link with the Maoists. Despite their independence in nature, these people’s movements are mostly engaged with and understood through the prism of the Maoists. The process of linking the people’s movements with the Maoists converts the ‘social’ aspects of the issues, grievances and demands to ‘security’ centric. Drawing from such understandings of the people’s movements and their interactions with the Maoists, the article critically engages with the Maoist movement in Odisha. A major objective of the article is to identify issues and contenders around people’s movements and the process through which they interact with the Maoists.

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Lee, Kyung Sook. "The Samil Independence Movement and Educational Subjects." Society and History 121 (March 30, 2019): 93–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.37743/sah.121.3.

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kwang sik kim. "Independence movement route of Mangong⋅Manhae⋅Kimgu." Maha Bodhi Thought ll, no. 31 (June 2019): 119–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.35768/taegak.2019..31.004.

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Kim, Dong-sun. "Choy Bongyoon's Independence Movement and National Consciousness." Journal of Studies on Korean National Movement 109 (December 31, 2021): 167–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.19162/knm.109.2021.12.05.

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Yi, Sang Hyun. "Catalonia’s Local Public Diplomacy and Independence Movement." Estudios Hispánicos 101 (December 31, 2021): 193–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.21811/eh.101.193.

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Jeong, Eulkyung. "The relationship between revolution and independence movement." Korea Journal of Donghak Studies 61 (March 31, 2022): 279–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.46639/kjds.2022.61.8.

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PARK, Kyung-mok. "Memory and Commemoration of Independence Movement Space." Journal of Korean Modern and Contemporary History 87 (December 31, 2018): 71–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.29004/jkmch.2018.12.87.71.

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Pratt, Michael, and William D. Coleman. "The Independence Movement in Quebec 1945-1980." Labour / Le Travail 17 (1986): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142607.

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Kim, Sang-tae. "March 1 Independence Movement, national self-determination." Journal of Studies on Korean National Movement 100 (September 30, 2019): 129–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.19162/knm.100.2019.9.04.

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