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Journal articles on the topic 'Independence of Namibia'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Haacke, Wilfrid. "Language Policy and Planning in Independent Namibia." Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 14 (March 1994): 240–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190500002919.

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An advantage of Namibia's late attainment of independence is that it can benefit from the experience of other African countries that achieved independence some thirty years earlier. Hence Namibia is unique in that it is the only country in sub-Saharan Africa that at the time of attaining independence already provided for constitutional rights for its local languages. The major policy document of the then liberation movement SWAPO, Toward a language policy for an independent Namibia (United Nations Institute for Namibia 1981), which was published in Lusaka by the institute (UNIN) as proceedings of a seminar held in 1980, essentially set the trend for the policies pursued since independence in 1990.

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2

Williams, Christian A., and Tichaona Mazarire. "The Namibian Independence Memorial Museum, Windhoek, Namibia." American Historical Review 124, no. 5 (December 1, 2019): 1809–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz1163.

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3

Willemot, Yves. "Namibië Drie Jaar Later: Politiek Ontvoogd Maar Economisch Wankel." Afrika Focus 8, no. 3-4 (February 2, 1992): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0080304002.

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Namibia, After Three Years : Political Independent but Economic Unstable Namibia became independent on the 21st of March 1990, after seventy-five years of South African colonial and racial rule. SW APO fought a long war for liberation, but the independence was also gained thanks to the diplomatic pressure from the United Nations. The United Nations were actively involved in the organisation of the first free elections which were held on the 7th of November 1989. The SW APO liberation movement became by far the most important political party in the Namibian Parliament. But from the beginning the SWAPO-leaders explained that the past should be forgotten. They promoted a constructive political and economic collaboration with all Namibians, African and European. Due to this atmosphere of reconciliation Namibia had a successful political independence. One of the world's most progressive constitutions was written. It ends all racial discrimination and guarantees an extensive review of the human rights. The rules for the organisation of the legislative, executive and judiciary power are respected by all political parties. Namibia is without any doubt an example for a lot of African countries, which are now making steps towards democracy and multi-partyism. The Namibian government has still a lot of problems to deal with. The major ones are the social and economic inequalities that still exist between African and European Namibians. The conditions of life of the European Namibians are comparable to these in modern western societies, while African Namibians are living in poverty. The government will have to change this, because in the long term one cannot expect to build democracy on empty stomachs. But in order to realize the necessary economic growth, Namibians are also counting on the support and the investments from abroad. A member of government recently said: “Now we’ve installed democracy and the human rights are respected, where are the foreign investments and the international aid?”

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4

Mbenzi, Petrus Angula. "An analysis of linguistic features in the selected speeches of Bishop Kleopas Dumeni in the pre-independence era in Namibia." JULACE: Journal of the University of Namibia Language Centre 3, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 74–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.32642/julace.v3i2.1386.

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Linguistic features were used by Bishop Kleopas Dumeni of Evangelical Lutheran Church in Namibia (ELCIN) in the pre-independence era to persuade the audience to support the struggle for independence. Bishop Kleopas Dumeni used linguistic devices in an attempt to convince his target audience that the Namibians suffered a great deal at the hands of the colonial authorities. Thus international community support was desired to break the shackles of colonialism. Although Bishop Kleopas Dumeni employed various linguistic features in his speeches as a tool to whip up support for struggle for independence of Namibia, his language choices were never subjected to a critical examination to unravel their contribution to the effectiveness of the speeches. This paper thus examines how Bishop Dumeni used linguistic devices in his speeches to appeal to his audience as well as the effects these features had on the audience to support the struggle for Namibian independence. The paper is pegged on Aristotelian theory to reveal how language choice affects the three appeals of Aristotle namely, ethos, logos and pathos. Content analysis was used to deconstruct the selected speeches of Bishop Dumeni thereby identifying and evaluating the linguistic features in the speeches. The conclusion from this investigation is that Bishop Kleopas Dumeni effectively used the linguistic devices to woo his audience to his side to support in his efforts to end the wickedness of colonialism in Namibia.

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5

VonDoepp, Peter. "Context-Sensitive Inquiry in Comparative Judicial Research." Comparative Political Studies 41, no. 11 (October 24, 2007): 1515–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414007308018.

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Research on the behavior of the Namibian judiciary highlights the importance of context-sensitivity in comparative courts research. Drawing from strategic understandings of judicial behavior, the analysis examines the extent to which political influences are affecting the behavior of judges in Namibia. The findings indicate that, for the most part, Namibia's judges have exercised high levels of independence in their decision making. Yet deference to other branches has been apparent among certain expatriate judges who have faced unique vulnerabilities in the Namibian political system. Context sensitivity proved critical to the study, as it enabled more effective operationalization of concepts and generation of variables to test existing theory. Beyond this, such awareness enhanced the ability to interpret the findings about judicial behavior in Namibia and generate new insights to inform inquiry.

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6

Jellenz, Moritz, Vito Bobek, and Tatjana Horvat. "Impact of Education on Sustainable Economic Development in Emerging Markets—The Case of Namibia’s Tertiary Education System and its Economy." Sustainability 12, no. 21 (October 23, 2020): 8814. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12218814.

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The research’s fundamental investigation elaborates on interactions between tertiary educational factors and Namibia’s sustainable economic development. Sequential mixed-research-method guides the investigation towards its results: A quantitative statistical data analysis enables the selection of interrelated educational and economic factors and monitors its development within Namibia’s last three decades. Subsequent qualitative interviews accumulate respondents’ subjective assessments that enable answering the fundamental interaction. Globally evident connections between a nation’s tertiary education system and its economic development are partially confirmed within Namibia. The domestic government recognizes the importance of education that represents a driving force for its sustainable economic development. Along with governmental NDP’s (National Development Program) and its long-term Vision 2030, Namibia is on the right track in transforming itself into a Knowledge-Based and Sustainable Economy. This transformation process increases human capital, growing GDP, and enhances domestic’s living standards. Namibia’s multiculturalism and its unequal resource distribution provoke difficulties for certain ethnicities accessing educational institutions. Namibia’s tertiary education system’s other challenges are missing infrastructures, lacking curricula’ quality, and absent international expertise. The authors’ findings suggest that, due to Namibia’s late independence, there is a substantial need to catch up in creating a Namibian identity. Socioeconomic actions would enhance domestic’s self-esteem and would enable the development of sustainable economic sectors. Raising the Namibian tertiary education system’s educational quality and enhancing its access could lead to diversification of economic sectors, accelerating its internationalization process. Besides that, Namibia has to face numerous challenges, including corruption, unemployment, and multidimensional poverty, that interact with its tertiary education system.

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7

Saunders, Chris. "The Fall of the Berlin Wall and Namibian Independence." New Global Studies 13, no. 3 (November 18, 2019): 351–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ngs-2019-0033.

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AbstractThe Berlin Wall was breached as Namibia’s first democratic election was being conducted. It is therefore wrong to say that the fall of the Berlin Wall ushered in Namibia’s independence. That independence was on track when the Wall fell. But the fall of the Wall, and the associated collapse of the state socialist regimes of Eastern Europe, had significant consequences for the form of independence that emerged in Namibia in 1990.

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8

Rotberg, Robert I., Donald L. Sparks, and December Green. "Namibia: The Nation after Independence." African Studies Review 36, no. 2 (September 1993): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/524756.

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9

Campbell, Horace. "Namibia: What Kind of Independence?" Monthly Review 41, no. 4 (September 2, 1989): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-041-04-1989-08_2.

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10

Gerhart, Gail, and Lionel Cliffe. "The Transition to Independence in Namibia." Foreign Affairs 73, no. 6 (1994): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047003.

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11

Evans, Graham. "Namibia ‐ South Africa: Relations since independence." Round Table 81, no. 323 (July 1992): 293–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358539208454109.

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12

SILVESTER, JEREMY. "The Transition to Independence in Namibia." African Affairs 94, no. 375 (April 1995): 286–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098813.

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13

Gleijeses, Piero. "Cuba and the Independence of Namibia." Cold War History 7, no. 2 (May 2007): 285–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682740701284215.

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14

Klerck, Gilton. "Industrial relations in Namibia since independence." Employee Relations 30, no. 4 (June 27, 2008): 355–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01425450810879349.

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15

Zuern, Elke, and James M. Jasper. "Heroes and Victims in Divided Nationalism: The Case of Namibia." Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 14, no. 1 (July 28, 2020): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jnmlp-2020-0006.

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AbstractHeroes play a role in every nation's founding narrative, embodying a group's strength and courage, its dedication to protecting all within its fold, and its most important traditions and promises. Yet hero images and tropes have not received the attention they deserve in the social science literature on nations and nationalism. Recent theories of character work – the rhetorical construction of heroes, villains, victims, and minions – reveal the challenges of building an inclusive nationalism in post-colonial states. We engage the debates over some of Namibia's most prominent and contested heroes through the memorials dedicated to them and the commemorations honoring victims of past struggles. We study the victims that these heroes sought to defend and trace the process by which victims become heroes of endurance. The Namibian state has, after its recent independence, constructed a memorial to fallen heroes, Heroes Acre, and an Independence Memorial Museum. Alongside these state-sanctioned memorial sites, a range of citizens have sought to honor and defend their own heroes. By honoring different heroes, they have defined alternative understandings of the nation. We also demonstrate the power of victims in mobilizing present day campaigns for justice and reparations. In Namibia, as elsewhere, greater attention to victims could shift the balance of political power. This article demonstrates how a focus on struggles over the legitimacy of particular heroes and victims can provide unanticipated insights into the study of divided nationalism.

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16

GEWALD, JAN-BART. "NEAR DEATH IN THE STREETS OF KARIBIB: FAMINE, MIGRANT LABOUR AND THE COMING OF OVAMBO TO CENTRAL NAMIBIA." Journal of African History 44, no. 2 (July 2003): 211–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853702008381.

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Namibian politics and society are today dominated by people who trace their descent from the settlements and homesteads of Ovamboland in southern Angola and northern Namibia. Yet, prior to 1915, and the defeat by South Africa of the German colonial army in German South-West Africa, very few Ovambo had settled in areas to the south of the Etosha Pan. In 1915, a Portuguese expeditionary army defeated Kwanyama forces in southern Angola, and unleashed a flood of refugees into northern Namibia. These refugees entered an area that was already overstretched. Since 1912 the rains had failed and, on account of the First World War, trade and migration had come to a standstill. As a result the area was experiencing its most devastating famine ever. Unable to find sanctuary in Ovamboland, thousands of people trekked southwards into central Namibia, an area which had only just come under the control of South Africa. The famine allowed for the easy entrance of South African military administrators and labour recruiters into Ovamboland and heralded the demise of Ovambo independence. By focusing on developments in the central Namibian town of Karibib between 1915 to 1916, the article explores the move of the Ovambo into central and southern Namibia. It traces the impact of war and drought on Ovambo societies, and follows Ovambo famine migrants on their route south into areas administered by the South African military administration. Discussion also concentrates on the reception and treatment of Ovambo famine migrants in the Karibib settlement, and argues that the refugee crisis heralded the establishment of Ovambo in modern central and southern Namibia.

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17

Bauer, Gretchen. "‘The Hand That Stirs the Pot Can Also Run the Country’: electing women to parliament in Namibia." Journal of Modern African Studies 42, no. 4 (November 3, 2004): 479–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x04000370.

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In early 2004, 29% of Namibian Members of Parliament were women, putting Namibia fourth in continental Africa and seventeenth worldwide in terms of women's representation in a national legislature. This article sets out to determine how such a high percentage of women has been elected to the National Assembly in Namibia since independence. It suggests that electoral gains have been achieved through a combination of factors: the use of a closed list proportional representation electoral system and voluntary quotas on the part of political parties at the national level, sustained pressure over the past three to five years from a nascent women's movement influenced by the global women's movement, and the active participation of women inside and outside the country in a protracted and violent struggle for independence that was only attained in 1990. The first two factors confirm past experience and accumulated knowledge on the significance of choice of electoral system and use of quotas, and the importance of women's organisations to elected women's legislative agendas and success. The last factor deviates from experience, and from a literature that suggests that women's active participation in political struggles has not always translated into tangible gains for women.

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18

Freeman, Linda. "The Contradictions of Independence: Namibia in Transition." International Journal 46, no. 4 (1991): 687. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202726.

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19

Freeman, Linda. "The Contradictions of Independence: Namibia in Transition." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 46, no. 4 (December 1991): 687–718. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209104600406.

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20

Arzt, Clemens. "Preventive Powers of Police in Namibia – A Rights-Based Approach." Verfassung in Recht und Übersee 52, no. 4 (2019): 504–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0506-7286-2019-4-504.

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Namibia gained independence and ended the rule of apartheid only in 1990. It is often lauded as a model of human rights-based countries in Africa. Immediately after independence, the country introduced a distinctly rights-based Constitution with a broad Bill of Rights and also promptly laid the base for a modern police by enacting the Police Act of 1990. In that framework the Namibian Police are endowed with a broad set of ‘police powers’, i.e. means or measures of the police like questioning, arrest, search and seizure etc. ‘Preventive’ powers as a legally distinctive feature refers to law and order policing and prevention of crime, both clearly to be distinguished from investigation of criminal offences. Standards of human and fundamental rights protection developed under criminal procedure law are not directly applicable when it comes to the broad field of “preventive” powers of police. Subsequently these powers often lack a clear cut notional and legal concept, resulting in a deficit of predictability and delimitations despite of a rights based approach in the Constitution and the Police Act in general.

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21

Buschfeld, Sarah, and Alexander Kautzsch. "English in Namibia." English World-Wide 35, no. 2 (June 2, 2014): 121–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.35.2.01bus.

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Even though Namibia was never under direct British rule, it has been a country with English as the de jure official language since 1990, the year of independence from South Africa. Surprisingly, the de facto role of English in Namibia has to date not been systematically and comprehensively investigated within the framework of World Englishes. This is a gap the present paper seeks to address. To this end, part one of our study provides insights drawn from a questionnaire-based inquiry into language use in the different domains of private and public life, questions of linguistic and cultural identity, as well as attitudes towards the different languages spoken in Namibia. Part two tentatively identifies some linguistic features on various linguistic levels as potential candidates for structural nativisation. Taken together, the overall results suggest an ongoing change of the status of English spoken in Namibia from English as a foreign language (EFL) to English as a second language (ESL).

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22

Iita, Ananias, and Sakaria M. Iipinge. "The Implementation of New Religious and Moral Education Curriculum in Post-Independent Namibia." Msingi Journal 1, no. 2 (August 27, 2018): 58–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.33886/mj.v1i2.77.

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This paper investigated the perceptions of Religious and Moral Education (RME) teachers with regard to the implementation of RME syllabus in Namibia. The paper engages a crucial global debate on paradigms for teaching religion and moral values while contributing to the literature through research in the Ompundja Circuit of Oshana Region, Namibia. Contrary to the previous colonial era when Christianity was the only recognized religion, the Republic of Namibia adopted a new constitution making it a secular state upon independence in 1990. This new constitution, however, brought new challenges to teachers who were previously trained only to teach Biblical Studies as a school subject. With this new constitution, Namibia adopted a policy of teaching a multi-cultural religious and moral education curriculum. The teaching of RME replaced Biblical Studies in the Namibian curriculum. Teachers are now required to make their learners aware of the different religious and moral values of Judaism, Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, African traditional religions, Bahai and others inextricably. This, paper, therefore, presents findings from a case study research conducted at Ompundja Circuit of Oshana Region in Namibia that examined the perceptions of Religious and Moral Education (RME) teachers with regard to the implementation of RME syllabus. Fourteen teachers from selected schools participated in this study. Teachers were interviewed, observed and later completed a set of questionnaire. Findings indicated that teachers’individual religious and moral values shaped the teaching and learning process; teachers’ individual religious and moral values played a major role regarding conflicting concerns over RME; and as most RME teachers were Christian, they felt a commitment to share their personal Christian religious beliefs and moral values. The paper recommends that teachers be provided with the necessary teaching resources and be trained to develop more confidence and broad understanding of RME as a subject.

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23

Kaxuxuena, Ndinelao, and Manfred Janik. "The pre-independence psychological experiences of the Namibian children of the liberation struggle: a qualitative study." South African Journal of Psychology 50, no. 4 (September 15, 2020): 587–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0081246320942125.

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The Independence of Namibia in 1990 witnessed the voluntary repatriation of exiled Namibian people back home. Children of the liberation struggle is the term used to refer to the grown-up children of veterans who were under the age of 18 years before Namibian Independence. Since 2008, demonstrations and demands for jobs from government by the children of the liberation struggle have taken place regularly, drawing harsh criticism about the behaviour and demands of the children of the liberation struggle from the general private and public Namibian domain. This study aims to explore the pre-Independence psychological experiences of the Namibian children of the liberation struggle in an attempt to understand their conduct. A qualitative approach was employed where in-depth interviews were conducted with 10 employed children of the liberation struggle in the Khomas region. The collected data were categorised by means of thematic analysis. The results revealed themes which demonstrate that most children of the liberation struggle experienced adversities like growing up separated from their parents, in unstable conditions, having experienced maltreatment, constantly afraid of the enemy and having endured traumatic war-related situations. The study recommends sensitisation of the broad Namibian public on the lived experiences of the children of the liberation struggle. Psycho-education programmes and psychological interventions in the form of therapeutic group sessions and individual sessions with children of the liberation struggle can assist with reflection on the past, making sense of it and find healing to move on with their lives. Government and the private sector should cooperate in rendering training and job opportunities for the children of the liberation struggle.

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24

George Barrie. "The Concept of “Indigenous Land Tenure” Surfaces in Namibia: A Comparative Overview ‒ Agnes Kahimbi Kashela v Katima Mulilo Town Council (SA 15/2017) [2018] NASC 409 (16 November 2018)." Obiter 42, no. 1 (May 2, 2021): 175–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/obiter.v42i1.11065.

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The facts in this case, which fell to be decided by the Supreme Court of Namibia in November 2018, can be succinctly put: in 1985, Ms Kashela’s late father was allocated a piece of land as part of communal land by the Mafwe Traditional Authority (MTA) in the Caprivi region of the then-South West Africa (now Namibia). In 1985, the Caprivi region fell under the then-South West Africa Administration. Following the independence of Namibia on 21 March 1990, all communal lands became property of the state of Namibia by virtue of section 124 of the Constitution of Namibia Act 1 of 1990, read with Schedule 5 of the Constitution. Paragraph (3) of Schedule 5 of the Constitution states that the afore-mentioned communal lands became property of the state “subject to any existing right, charge, obligation or trust existing on or over such property”.

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25

Кулакова, Юлия, Julia Kulakova, Айна Нангуво Ималва, and Aina Nanguwo Imalwa. "Features of implementation of the principle of independence the judiciary in Namibia." Advances in Law Studies 6, no. 4 (December 28, 2018): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/article_5c23db218169e8.70552365.

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In this article, the authors consider the specifics of the existing in the state of Namibia system of checks and balances of the three branches of government, the positioning of the judiciary. The content of the work includes a comparative analysis of the implementation of the principle of independence of the judiciary in one of the countries of South Africa. Based on the analysis of the provisions of the Constitution, decisions of the Supreme courts, legislation, as well as law enforcement practice, the authors come to the statement of a number of patterns of coexistence of legislative, Executive and judicial authorities of Namibia, the unique characteristics of the implementation of the principle of independence of the judiciary in the country.

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26

Arich-Gerz, Bruno. "Muffling the Fimbifimbi." Matatu 50, no. 2 (February 13, 2020): 430–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05002001.

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Abstract After a South African air raid attack against the liberation-struggling independence movement of their parents, more than four hundred young Namibian refugees—preschoolers, primary school pupils and teenagers—arrived in the German Democratic Republic in 1979. This chapter evaluates representations of the deportation of the children and their experiences in the GDR by looking at (auto)biographical depictions. With regard to the question of whether their spectacular life stories have (co-)shaped the prevailing post-independence national narrative of Namibia or not, their own perspective yields both an unambiguous and, given the conditions under which they had been sent on their odyssey in the first place, surprising result. While the former exile children have ultimately been denied the privilege of being part of the country’s elite, they do not seem to resent their near invisibility in these self-images of the nation, and seem to have come to terms with their situation (and identity) as Africans with a German past.

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Forrest, Joshua B., and Henning Melber. "Re-examining Liberation in Namibia: Political Culture since Independence." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 38, no. 2 (2004): 477. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4107325.

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28

Bauer, Gretchen. "Namibia in the First Decade of Independence: How Democratic?" Journal of Southern African Studies 27, no. 1 (March 2001): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070120029491.

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29

SIMON, DAVID. "NAMIBIA IN SOUTHERN AFRICA: THE REGIONAL IMPLICATIONS OF INDEPENDENCE." Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie 82, no. 5 (November 1991): 377–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9663.1991.tb00801.x.

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30

Becker, Heike. "COMMEMORATING HEROES IN WINDHOEK AND EENHANA: MEMORY, CULTURE AND NATIONALISM IN NAMIBIA, 1990–2010." Africa 81, no. 4 (October 13, 2011): 519–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972011000490.

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ABSTRACTIn post-colonial Namibia public memory of the liberation war prioritizes the armed struggle from exile. This master narrative of national liberation, having become the new nation's foundation myth, legitimizes the power of the post-colonial SWAPO elite as the sole, heroic liberators from apartheid and colonialism. It has not remained uncontested, however. The article develops the complex transfigurations of liberation war memory, culture and nationalism in post-colonial Namibia around a discussion of two memory sites. The National Heroes’ Acre near Windhoek, inaugurated in 2002, appears as the cast-in-stone nationalist master narrative, aimed at homogenizing the multi-faceted agencies during the liberation war, whereas the Heroes’ Memorial Shrine at Eenhana, constructed in 2007, expressly recognizes the heterogeneity of war-time experiences. The Eenhana site further gives visual expression to recent Namibian unity-in-diversity discourses, which have followed, and partly been running alongside, a period of ideational emphasis on nation building, based on a national culture supposedly forged through the nation's joint struggle against oppression and colonialism. I argue that the social processes of remembering and forgetting political resistance, on the one hand, and those of cultural reinvention in the new nation on the other, are entangled, and that both registers of imagining the Namibian nation have shifted since the country's independence in 1990.

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31

Chipare, Mwakanyadzeni Abigail, Roy Tapera, Ronald Farayi Pachawo, and James January. "Exploring the evolution of health promotion in Namibia: opportunities and obstacles during the post-independence era." Global Health Promotion 27, no. 4 (August 4, 2020): 107–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1757975920938765.

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Namibia is a Southern African country with social inequalities. This paper discusses the historical development of health promotion in Namibia. The country has achieved tremendous progress in public health after gaining independence in March 1990, with increased life expectancy, reduced tuberculosis and AIDS mortality due to high coverage of antiretroviral therapy (90%) in 2012, and a reduced under-five mortality rate, from 74 deaths per 1000 live births in 1990 to 50 in 2013. However, challenges still exist in achieving health for all. Non-communicable diseases such as cancer, diabetes and cardiovascular diseases are among the top 10 diseases and top 15 causes of death, with diabetes emerging as one of the greatest threats to health. Opportunities and obstacles for effective health promotion are discussed. In conclusion, health promotion in Namibia has the potential to improve the health of the populace.

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Ndeshi Namhila, Ellen. "Uncovering hidden historical narratives of village women in Namibia." Qualitative Research Journal 14, no. 3 (November 4, 2014): 243–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/qrj-12-2012-0031.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to describe the research techniques used by the author in collecting, analysing and writing life histories of women in the war during Namibia's independence struggle. The interest in recording and writing about these women arose because writing about the independence struggle of Namibia is dominated by men and little has been written about women; the little that is written tends to portray women as victims rather than as independent actors conscious of their decisions and the consequences of such decisions. This history is in danger of being lost if not tapped while these women are still alive. Design/methodology/approach – A life history approach was followed to appraise the methods used to listening to the women narrating their life stories and to listen to their life stories narrated by those who knew them, worked with them, and shared a prison experience with them. These stories were collected through open interviews followed by more structured interviews with list of open-ended questions with each woman. Life history follows an induction approach, starting with the story and using the stories to create themes and a method or framework guiding the interview recordings, analysing, writing and presentation of the story. Findings – The stories of the five women led to the demystification of woman as mere victims of repressive regimes and military conflicts. In collecting oral history sources on a subject such as the liberation struggle in a society that was torn apart by a prolonged military conflict, apartheid and repression, a researcher must respect the stories as told, but an extensive verification of the credibility and reliability of the sources may be required. Authenticity is undermined by the fact that the current society glorifies the independence struggle, and everybody wants to be on the side of the winners, even those that fought against liberation have today become its evangelists. Research limitations/implications – The sources for the paper depend on what the women could still remember and there are no local institutions such as archives and or newspapers to document the events when they happened. Practical implications – This paper argues the case that publishing women's life stories promotes interests in local history and makes significant impact on the socioeconomic status of women. It further recommends methodological approaches in documenting local histories; dealing with authenticity and integrity in each story. Social implications – The paper shows that publishing the life stories of five village women in a book with the title Tears of Courage had positive impact on their individual lives; and that publishing such oral accounts is an excellent way to lift the contributions by women out of obscurity into the mainstream of Namibian history. Originality/value – It is an original paper written from practical research experiences of identifying sources, documenting, interviewing, analysing, writing and constantly cross referencing to verify authenticity and integrity of both written and oral sources.

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Simon, David. "Independence and Social Transformation: Urban Planning Problems and Priorities for Namibia." Third World Planning Review 7, no. 2 (May 1985): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/twpr.7.2.u6785867427g2h18.

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Becker, Heike. "‘New Things after Independence’: Gender and Traditional Authorities in Postcolonial Namibia." Journal of Southern African Studies 32, no. 1 (March 2006): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070500493753.

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Saunders, Christopher. "The Role of the United Nations in the Independence of Namibia." History Compass 5, no. 3 (May 2007): 737–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2007.00436.x.

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Karns, Margaret P. "Ad hoc multilateral diplomacy: the United States, the Contact Group, and Namibia." International Organization 41, no. 1 (1987): 93–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300000758.

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In April 1977 the United States and four other major Western governments embarked on a unique diplomatic exercise in the hope of negotiating an agreement for the independence of the territory of Namibia, or South West Africa. The “Contact Group” as it became known (or Western Five), consisting of the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Canada, and the Federal Republic of Germany, functioned actively from April 1977 until mid-1982 as an ad hoc multilateral mediating and facilitating team in close proximity to but not directly linked with the United Nations. The five countries secured basic agreement in 1978 on a plan calling for UN supervised elections for a constituent assembly in the territory leading to early independence and the appointment of a UN special representative to ensure the necessary conditions for such elections.

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Schumann, B., J. L. Walls, and V. Harley. "Attitudes towards carnivores: the views of emerging commercial farmers in Namibia." Oryx 46, no. 4 (October 2012): 604–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030605311000779.

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AbstractThe emerging commercial farmers in Namibia represent a new category of farmer that has entered the freehold farming sector since Namibia's independence in 1990. Several assessments of agricultural training needs have been carried out with these farmers but the issue of human–carnivore conflict has not yet been addressed. This study investigated one of the key components driving human–carnivore conflict, namely the attitudes of these farmers towards carnivores and how this affects the level of conflict and carnivore removal. We observed that the attitudes of these farmers are similar to farmers elsewhere. In general, farmers reported high levels of human–carnivore conflict. Many farmers perceived that they had a carnivore problem when sighting a carnivore or its tracks, even in the absence of verified carnivore depredation. Such sightings were a powerful incentive to prompt farmers to want to take action by removing carnivores, often believed to be the only way to resolve human–carnivore conflict. Nonetheless, our study showed that farmers who understood that carnivores play an ecological role had a more favourable attitude and were less likely to want all carnivores removed. We found that negative attitudes towards carnivores and loss of livestock, especially of small stock, predicted actual levels of human–carnivore conflict. Goat losses additionally predicted actual carnivore removals. We discuss the implications of our findings in relation to the activities of support structures for emerging commercial farmers in Namibia.

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Kandandu, Angela Winnie, Edwin Beukes, and Olumide Henrie Benedict. "Evaluation of the audit committees of government ministries in Namibia: Their compositions, functions and regulations." Journal of Governance and Regulation 4, no. 4 (2015): 147–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/jgr_v4_i4_c1_p2.

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The aim of the underlying study to this paper is to evaluate the audit committees in the government ministries in Namibia; by assessing their composition, the function and regulations that govern committees. The study used a qualitative approach of inquiry. A purposive sampling method was used as the researcher selected ministries with audit committees. Thematic and content analysis was used in this study. Both primary and secondary and data were used. On primary data, interviews were conducted and recorded with a voice recorder. Secondary data was during the review of existing literature on the subject. The study found that from the 4 government ministries with audit committees, only one ministry consisted of independent members as well as an independent chairperson, while 3 ministries are chaired by members within their organisations. There was clear evidence of lack of accounting / financial /auditing competence among the committee members. This trend is contrary to the best practice which requires that the chairperson of the audit committees be independent of the ministry as well as the members of the audit committee. The finding indicates possibility of lack of capacity to carry out the functions of audit committees; weak internal control systems; chances of conflict of interest and complacency due to the lack of independence. There is avenue for further research as more ministries in Namibia are now establishing their audit committees, especially as the Namibian Code of Corporate Governance (the NamCode) gains more popularity among the public sector.

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Ngungu, Jedrin, and Julian Beezhold. "Mental health in Zambia - challenges and way forward." International Psychiatry 6, no. 2 (April 2009): 39–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600000424.

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Zambia, previously called Northern Rhodesia, was a colony of Great Britain until 1964, when it gained independence and changed its name. It is a landlocked country located in southern Africa and shares its borders with Zimbabwe, Namibia, Botswana, Mozambique, Malawi, Tanzania, Congo and Angola. It has an area of 752 612 km2, about three times the size of Britain, but a population of only 12 million.

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Cottrell, Jill. "The Constitution of Namibia: an Overview." Journal of African Law 35, no. 1-2 (1991): 56–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300008366.

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Namibia finally achieved independence on 21 March, 1990, after a long struggle and many false hopes and setbacks. In a nutshell: the territory was colonized by Germany. It was seized by South African forces during the First World War, and then made the subject of a League of Nations Mandate, administered by South Africa, after the war. Following the Second World War, South Africa tried to incorporate the territory, a move resisted by the United Nations. In 1966 the International Court of Justice denied standing to Ethiopia and Liberia to allege breaches of the mandate. However, shortly thereafter the UN voted to terminate the mandate. At about the same time the South West African People's Organization (SWAPO) launched its armed struggle. South Africa's response to these developments was to implement plans for the closer integration of the territory into the South African state, and into the system of apartheid. As a result, a system of native authorities, based on ethnicity, was introduced.In 1975 the “Turnhalle” talks were started which, although rejected by most of the black groups, led to the establishment of a constituent Assembly. During the same period, a “Contract Group” of Western Nations began to negotiate with South Africa over a settlement for Namibia. The ultimate proposals were accepted by the UN, SWAPO and South Africa, and the plans were recognized by UN Resolution 435. But immediately thereafter problems began to arise, and talks about implementation stopped and started for a number of years.

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Diener, Ingolf. "Melber, Henning (ed.). — Re-examining Liberation in Namibia. Political Culture since Independence." Cahiers d'études africaines 44, no. 173-174 (January 1, 2004): 473–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.4703.

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Levine, Sebastian, and Benjamin Roberts. "Robust Estimates of Changes in Poverty and Inequality in Post-Independence Namibia." South African Journal of Economics 81, no. 2 (June 2013): 167–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1813-6982.2012.01335.x.

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McGowan, Pat, and Thomas H. Johnson. "Sixty Coups in Thirty Years – Further Evidence Regarding African Military Coups d'État." Journal of Modern African Studies 24, no. 3 (September 1986): 539–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007175.

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Decolonisation in sub-Saharan Africa began in January 1956 when the Sudan joined long-independent Ethiopia and Liberia as a new, post-colonial state. Although the process is not yet complete because of the disputed status of Namibia and South Africa's continued rule by a white minority, over the past 30 years as many as 43 new states have achieved independence from colonial rule, the most recent being Zimbabwe in April 1980.

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Evans, Graham. "A New Small State With a Powerful Neighbour: Namibia/South Africa Relations Since Independence." Journal of Modern African Studies 31, no. 1 (March 1993): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00011848.

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Namibiagained independence on 21 March 1990 after 106 years of colonial rule, first under Germany and then for 76 years under South Africa. As a consequence, throughout the greater part of the twentieth century the South West Africa/Namibia issue has been a constant item on the political and legal agendas of the international community, primary because of its ‘double-victim’ status as unwilling host to both imperial conquest andapartheid. Not unnaturally the independence process when it finally came, was widely hailed as a triumph for the United Nations and the ‘new political thinking’ that signalled the end of the cold war and the tentative (no more than that) beginnings of a ‘new world order’. Thus, sub-Sahara's last colony was also the first to proceed to self-determination unsullied by the need to define its existence in terms of superpower bipolarity. At the systemic level at least, the new state began with a virtual blank sheet, as well as a great deal of international goodwill and bonhomie.

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Haugh, Wendi A. "A Luta Continua:Coping with Threats to Prosperity and Health in Post-Independence Namibia**." Journal of Southern African Studies 35, no. 1 (March 2009): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070802685593.

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Gleijeses, Piero. "A Test of Wills: Jimmy Carter, South Africa, and the Independence of Namibia." Diplomatic History 34, no. 5 (September 29, 2010): 853–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.2010.00898.x.

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Isaak, Paul. "Education and Religion in Secular Age from an African Perspective." Education Sciences 8, no. 4 (September 21, 2018): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/educsci8040155.

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In this article the author shall argue that before Namibian independence in 1990, Christianity was used by some as a weapon of breaking down, or as a tool of, colonialism, racism, and apartheid. In the name of a religious god unashamed acts of violence and wars were committed and resulted in genocide of 1904 to 1908. However, such brutalities did not conquer the African spirit of what is identified in this article as the Ubuntu (humaneness). Inspired by their sense of Ubuntu the Africans, in the face of German colonialism and the South African imposed Apartheid system, finally emerged victorious and accepted the model of religious pluralism, diversity, and the principle of African Ubuntu. We shall, furthermore, argue that the Namibian educational system and the Namibian Constitution, Articles 1 and 21, the Republic of Namibia is established as a secular state wherein all persons shall have the right to freedom to practise any religion and to manifest such practice. It means religious diversity and pluralism is a value, a cultural or religious or political ideology, which positively welcomes the encounter of religions. It is often characterized as an attitude of openness in a secular state towards different religions and interreligious dialogue and interfaith programs. As an example we shall focus on the subject of Religious and Moral Education where such religious diversity and pluralism are directly linked to political, social, and economic issues, as well as moral values.

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Dodds, Linda S., and Ellen Hope Kearns. "A Review of Medical Laboratory Education in Namibia Pre and Post Independence and Recommendations to Strengthen Laboratory Education and Services in Namibia." American Journal of Clinical Pathology 138, suppl 1 (July 1, 2012): A279. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajcp/138.suppl1.258.

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HECHT, GABRIELLE. "HOPES FOR THE RADIATED BODY: URANIUM MINERS AND TRANSNATIONAL TECHNOPOLITICS IN NAMIBIA." Journal of African History 51, no. 2 (July 2010): 213–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853710000198.

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ABSTRACTThis article explores the transnational politics of technology and science at the Rössing uranium mine in Namibia. During the 1980s, Rössing workers refashioned surveillance technologies into methods for trade union action. When national independence in 1990 failed to produce radical ruptures in the workplace, union leaders engaged in technopolitical strategies of extraversion, and became knowledge producers about their own exposure to workplace contaminants. Appeals to outside scientific authority carried the political promise of international accountability. But engaging in science meant accepting its boundaries, and workers ultimately discovered that technopolitical power could be limiting as well as liberating.

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Melber, Henning. "Colonialism, Land, Ethnicity, and Class: Namibia after the Second National Land Conference." Africa Spectrum 54, no. 1 (April 2019): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002039719848506.

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Since independence in March 1990, the unequal distribution and ownership of land as a leftover of colonial-era dispossession and appropriation has been a major issue of sociopolitical contestation in Namibia. This article summarises the structural colonial legacy and the efforts made towards land reform. Reference points are the country’s first national land reform conference in 1991 and the second national land reform conference in October 2018. The analysis points to the contradictory factors at play, seeking to contextualise land reform in between the colonial legacy of racial discrepancies and ethnicity as well as class, as more contemporary influencing factors.

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