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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Independent Electoral Commission

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Academic literature on the topic 'Independent Electoral Commission'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 23 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Independent Electoral Commission"

1

Sesa, Leonard L. "A Comparative Study of the Challenges of Being Independent: Case studies (Botswana Independent Electoral Commission and Electoral Commission of Zambia)." Politeia 33, no. 3 (2017): 6–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/3272.

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Elections in a democracy are a way to bring about a peaceful transfer of power in an organised and peaceful manner within a legal framework. However, this process, in most countries, carries with it elements of uncertainty and tension. Southern African countries like Botswana and Zambia have more experience with comparative democratic electoral politics than others. This article seeks to identify the legal framework that govern and the weaknesses and opportunities that exist in the electoral commissions of Botswana and Zambia in order to eradicate the current challenges faced by election management bodies (EMBs); more importantly, it seeks to understand their image as impartial players in the conduct of general and other elections that are held in Botswana and Zambia in order for the SADC region to learn from these two EMBs. The purpose of this article is to critically compare and analyse the independence of the Zambia Electoral Commission and the Botswana Independent Electoral Commission, in order to establish the extent of the adequacy of the legal frameworks that govern their independence. The article argues that an EMB has to win the confidence of all stakeholders in the electoral process.

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Marwa, Ryoba. "The Competence of the Electoral Commission to Conduct Free and Fair Elections in Tanzania: A Legal Analysis." Journal of Politics and Law 15, no. 3 (2022): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v15n3p54.

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The credibility of election being termed as free and fair election cannot be examined without examining the competence and independence of the Electoral Commission with mandates of conducting the elections. In Tanzania, Electoral Commission of Tanzania vested with mandates of conducting elections is constitutionally and statutorily described to be an independent body with the mandates of carrying out its functions without adhering to directives from any person. Nonetheless, the analysis in this study reveals that the Electoral Commission of Tanzania&rsquo;s set-up is unlikely to run elections and produce a government that reflects the will of Tanzanian voters. This is so because the said Electoral Commission is not independent of the ruling party, in particular the influence of the incumbent President. The incumbent President&#39;s legal mandates in interfering with the Commission&#39;s functioning give the ruling party an advantage over other political parties during elections. The incumbent President is more likely to dictate election results than the Electoral Commission. These create an unfair playground for other participating parties during elections. It is also revealed that the courts in Tanzania lack jurisdiction to deal with petitions against presidential results once declared by the Electoral Commission. As such, the independence and impartiality of the Electoral Commission to run free and fair elections remain a serious legal concern for the supporters of the effective functioning of democracy. Lastly, this paper concludes that the Electoral Commission of Tanzania is not competent, impartial and independent to run credible, free and fair election in the country. Thus, this calls for serious legal reform to establish an electoral body capable of conducting free and fair elections in the country.

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Makulilo, Alexander Boniface. "INDEPENDENT ELECTORAL COMMISSION IN TANZANIA: A FALSE DEBATE?" Representation 45, no. 4 (2009): 435–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344890903257409.

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Lekorwe, Mogopodi H. "The Role and Status of the Independent Electoral Commission." Journal of African elections 5, no. 2 (2006): 62–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2006/v5i2a5.

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RC, Eze, and Agena James E. "Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) Electronic Card Readers (ECR) and the 2015 General Elections in Nigeria." Scholars Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 7 (2016): 796–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.21276/sjahss.2016.4.7.8.

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Tsie, Balefi. "The Role, Functions and Performance of Botswana’s Independent Electoral Commission." Journal of African elections 2, no. 1 (2003): 145–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2003/v2i1a12.

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Milenković, Marko. "Electoral Management in the Western Balkans – Overview of Institutional Setting." Srpska politička misao 66, no. 4/2019 (2020): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/spm.6642019.2.

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Countries of the Western Balkans (WB) – former federal units of Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Albania have undergone a lengthy and complex process of democratisation from late 1980s. Free and fair elections are among the cornerstones of democratic consolidation. Even though the institutional setting for electoral management differs greatly across the globe, during the Europeanisation process it was widely recommended to transitional societies to set up independent electoral management bodies in other to guarantee fair electoral conditions, with standards mostly promoted by the Venice Commission of the Council of Europe (VC) and International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA). Based on this influence, all the countries of the WB have established electoral commissions that are to great extent formally independent from the executive, with the intention of being less prone to electoral meddling. This is enhanced by regular election monitoring in the region by the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the process being followed and evaluated by both the European Union institutions and member states as part of fulfilment of the Copenhagen criteria to join the EU. This paper gives an overview of the institutional setting of electoral management in the WB that was created following the model of independent bodies and outlines main features of their design.

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Ezugworie, Chikwado, Christopher Ostar, and Okorie Albert. "INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION AND THE PROSECUTION OF ELECTORAL OFFENCES IN NIGERIA: IS THE 2010 ELECTORAL ACT IMPLICATED." International Journal of Business Management and Economic Review 04, no. 01 (2021): 50–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.35409/ijbmer.2021.3229.

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Prato, Carlo, and Stephane Wolton. "Citizens United: A Theoretical Evaluation." Political Science Research and Methods 5, no. 3 (2017): 567–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2017.7.

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The 2010 US Supreme Court’s decision on Citizens United v. Federal Electoral Commission lifted restrictions on the funding by unions and corporations of groups engaging in independent political advertising (outside spending). Many have criticized the majority opinion’s premise that outside spending cannot corrupt or distort the electoral process. Fewer have examined the implications of this decision under the Court’s assumptions. Using a game-theoretic model of electoral competition, we show that informative outside spending by a group whose policy preferences are partially aligned with the electorate may reduce voter welfare. This negative effect is more likely when policy information is highly valuable for the electorate or congruence between the group and voters is high. We further show that the regulatory environment produced by the Court’s decision is always suboptimal: the electorate would be better off if either groups were allowed to coordinated with candidates or if outside spending was banned altogether.

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Hyson, Stewart. "Electoral boundary redistribution by independent commission in New Brunswick, 1990–94." Canadian Public Administration/Administration publique du Canada 43, no. 2 (2000): 174–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-7121.2000.tb01566.x.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Independent Electoral Commission"

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Otto, Hannelie. "The creation of an internet public sphere by the Independent Electoral Commission / H. Otto." Thesis, North-West University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/487.

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A prerequisite for a healthy, sustainable democracy is an informed citizenry that partakes in the democratic process. This line of thought can be drawn back to the work of Habermas (Habermas, 1989:49). Accordingly, such active engagement necessitates communication to transpire between a citizenry and its chosen representatives as to sustain the democratic process. This also suggests that citizens should be able to participate in the communication process. Consequently, in recent years much discourse on the media and democracy correlation has focused on the potential role that the internet could play in the furtherance of democratic values. Optimistically, a virtual political public forum in which matters of general political concern are discussed could enhance political participation and the consolidation of political rights. The Habermasian public-sphere model incorporates three key elements, which could be applied in this context persons should have universal access to the sphere, the freedom to express diverse opinions, the freedom to receive diverse opinions and information, in addition to the freedom of participating in the public sphere without interference from state or mercantile imperatives (cf.Habermas, 1989). A qualitative content analysis of the web site of Elections Canada showed that the supposedly non-operational public-sphere model could be recovered within a new media context such as the internet despite the fact that the inherent interactive nature of the internet was not fully exploited by Elections Canada. Against this background, the assumption was made that the public-sphere's concepts could also be applied in the context of a developing democracy and accordingly that the sustainability of the democratic system could be further consolidated. The Electoral Commission (IEC) was chosen as a case study, since it is constitutionally mandated to establish a democratic South African society. The creation of an internet public sphere could therefore be one of the ways in which the IEC could contribute to this consolidation process. Through extensive content analysis, it was established that the organisational web site of the IEC was mainly expended as an information dissemination and organisational image-profiling tool. As a result the web site was did not focus on participatory communication. Universal access to the web site was also rather restricted, resulting in limited web site participation to voters from specific socio-economic, cultural, and language backgrounds. It was discovered, nevertheless, that some of the contents available on the web site could at least facilitate 'offline" participatory democracy and public opinion formation. Therefore, although the web site did not implement all of the normative prescriptions of the public-sphere ideal, voters were able to retrieve valuable electoral information that would assist them in capably participating in electoral democracy.<br>Thesis (M.A. (Communication Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2005.

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Okello, Edward Odhiambo. "Guaranteeing the independence of election management bodies in Africa : a study of the electoral commissions of Kenya and South Africa." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1227.

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"Election management bodies (EMBs) have thus been established throughout the world with the responsibility of administering elctions. However, merely creating a body to administer elections does not create public conficence and integrity in the electoral process. The establishment and operation of such a body must meet the key requirements of credible election administration. One such requirement is the need for the EMB to be independent of any party. The independence of the EMB is said, by and large, to attract the confidence of all the stakeholders in the electoral process and create integrity in the process. ... However, as one scholar has observed, the lack of autonomy of EMBs from the government in some African countries is one of the major challenges to the credibility of the electoral process on the continent. It is important to note at this point that the independence of EMBs, though not in itself a guarantee of free and fair elections, determines to a large extent the overall legitimacy and acceptability of an elected government by the electorate. Flowing from this discourse is the need for the independence of EMBs in Africa, both in theory and practice, in order to enhance democracy on the continent. ... Kenya and South Africa have established EMBs to manage elections in accordance with the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Organisation for African Unity/African Union (OAU/AU) Declaration of 2002. The Kenyan EMB has been in existence since 1991. Recently, the issue of its indpendence has become a central focus in a raging national debate on minimum constitutional reforms in Kenya. Similarly, the independence of the South African EMB, though believed to be sufficiently safeguarded, has also come to be questioned. These institutions play a crucial role in the democratisation processes in both countries, and one of the ways of achieving this goal, is by ensuring their independence from the political process. This study proposes to examine the independenct of the two EMBs and proposes ways of strengthening them with a view to enhancing the work of democracy in both countries. ... Chapter one introduces the study and the problem statement that has prompted the study. Chapter two analyses the concept of independence of EMBs. It also discusses the justification for their independence. A comparative analysis of the independence of EMBs of Kenya and South Africa is the subject of chapter three. Chapter four proposes to discuss the ways of further strengthening the indpendence of EMBs of Kenya and South Africa. The fifth and final chapter proffers conclusions and recommendations." -- Introduction.<br>Prepared under the supervision of Mr. Kingsley Kofi Kuntunkrunku Ampofo at the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana<br>Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2006.<br>http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html<br>Centre for Human Rights<br>LLM

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Tshifura, Khaukanani Obadiah. "The process of retrenchment in a public institution with reference to the independent electoral commission." Diss., 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1217.

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The dissertation examines the process of retrenchment in a public institution with reference to the execution of such a process by the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC). The aim is to establish whether or not the retrenchment was substantively and procedurally fair as required by legislation. Notwithstanding the fact that the staff may have been disadvantaged by the short retrenchment notice (the staff did not have representation prior to the announcement, and the swiftness of the process did not, under the circumstances, provide the staff with enough time to comprehensively apply their mind to the underlying issues), the dissertation finds that the retrenchments had been substantively fair given the fact that the IEC could not retain all staff because of budgetary constraints. The dissertation also finds that the process had been procedurally fair in accordance with section 189 of the Labour Relations Act, 66 of 1995.<br>Public Adminstration & Development Studies<br>M.A. (Public Administration)

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Dieudonne, Tumba Tuseku. "Stakeholders' perceptions on the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the Democratic Republic of Congo." Diss., 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/20300.

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This study investigated the perceptions of election stakeholders with regard to the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The involvement of civil society organizations, electoral experts and academia, including party agents as domestic observers and stakeholders in Congolese electoral processes, is crucial as they help electoral and participatory democracy to take root in the DRC. This study was underpinned by political trust, political support and neopatrimonial theories. Furthermore, a mixed methods research design was used in order to understand the perceptions of stakeholders on the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the DRC. The findings of the study showed that stakeholders‟ perceptions on the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the DRC were driven by both internal and external factors pertaining to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) that have the potential to affect the electoral processes as well as the level of trust in the INEC and other institutions involved in the electoral processes.<br>Political Sciences<br>M.A. (Politics)

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Gabie, Carmel Tshamalamala. "An assessment of the level of independence of electoral management bodies and their effects on democratisation in africa: the case of Ghana and the Democratic Republic of Congo." Diss., 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/26027.

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The basic problem in this study is to determine whether the electoral management body (EMB) in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is sufficiently independent and whether it complies with most of the criteria of an ideal independent EMB in order to conduct free and fair elections in the promotion of democracy in the DRC. However, an ideal type of an independent EMB is not easily realizable but Ghana’s electoral commission (EC) is widely regarded as a model of an independent EMB in Africa. Therefore, this study uses the EC as a workable ideal type of independent EMB that informs this study in assessing the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI)’s level of independence. The study discovered that while the formal legal framework guarantee the independence of the CENI, it lacks practical independence due to certain factors which include the mode of appointment and composition of the body, the unstable security of tenure of its members, the negative influence of the judiciary, executive and the parliament over the functioning of the CENI, and the lack of adequate funding. The study argues that the composition of the CENI has to be depoliticized; its members should enjoy a strong security of tenure and the issue of political parties funding should be effective and handled by the CENI in order to enhance political competitiveness in the electoral process. An adequate funding should be timely realized so that the CENI carries out its work with autonomy. The judiciary, the parliament and the executive should support the growth of democracy in the DRC by allowing the CENI to work without the interference of any quarter.<br>African Centre for Arts, Culture and Heritage Studies<br>M.A. (African Politics)

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Books on the topic "Independent Electoral Commission"

1

Consortium for Development Partnerships. Governance and Institution-Building in Africa and Codesria, eds. A study of the Independent National Electoral Commission of Nigeria. CODESRIA, 2010.

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Commission, Botswana Independent Electoral, ed. Perfomance audit of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) in respect of the Botswana 2009 general elections. Independent Electoral Commission, 2010.

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Iyayi, Festus. Elections, INEC, and the problem of election mindsets in Nigeria: Being a paper presented at the INEC National Conference on "Nigeria's 2007 General Elections: the Challenges Ahead, " held at the Ladi Kwali Hall, Sheraton Hotel and Towers, Abuja, 29th-31st August, 2006. Electoral Institute, Independent National Electoral Commission, 2007.

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Kamba, Walter. Towards a democratic South Africa: Personal experience with the Independent Electoral Commission. HRDC, Faculty of Law, University of Namibia, 1996.

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Citizens' Forum for Constitutional Reform (Nigeria). Memorandum submitted to the Senate Committee on Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). CFCR, 2005.

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Dundas, Carl W. Audit of the Independent Electoral Commission's (IEC) preparedness to conduct legitimate and credible elections in October 2004: Report of a team of consultants appointed to audit the operation of the 2004 elections in Botswana. Independent Electoral Commission, 2004.

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Commission, South Africa Independent Electoral. Report of the Independent Electoral Commission: The South African elections of April 1994. The Commission, 1994.

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Society, Electoral Reform. Stable government and electoral reform: The submission of the Electoral Reform Society to the Independent Commission on the Voting System. ERS, 1998.

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Society, Electoral Reform. Voter choice in electoral systems: The submissiion of the Electoral Reform Society to the Independent Commission on the Voting System. ERS, 1998.

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Society, Electoral Reform. Achieving proportionality in electoral systems: The submission of the Electoral Reform Society to the Independent Commission on the Voiting System. ERS, 1998.

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Book chapters on the topic "Independent Electoral Commission"

1

Oyeshola, Dokun, and Phebe Ubani. "The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the 2015 as Well as 2019 Elections in Nigeria." In Elections and Electoral Violence in Nigeria. Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-4652-2_11.

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"Composition of the Independent National Electoral Commission." In The National Assembly and Presidential Elections in Nigeria, 20 and 27 February 1999. Commonwealth, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.14217/9781848596962-20-en.

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Yacob-Haliso, Olajumoke, and Victor Adesiyan. "Political parties, independent national electoral commission, and electoral credibility in Nigeria." In Governance and Leadership Institutions in Nigeria. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003111405-19.

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Sridharan, E., and Milan Vaishnav. "Election Commission of India." In Rethinking Public Institutions in India. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199474370.003.0011.

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This chapter examines the evolution of one of the world’s most powerful elections bodies, the Election Commission of India (ECI). Blessed with a legal status as a permanent, independent body under the Constitution, the ECI has used its broad mandate to develop wide-ranging powers to regulate the conduct and management of elections. A series of skilled leaders have further pushed the agency to undertake consistent organizational and technological innovation. In spite of this progress, the agency has struggled mightily to curb the twin influences of money and “muscle” (serious criminality) in electoral politics. Unless the ECI is given more substantial legal authorities to address these challenges, the credibility of the electoral process will likely suffer. Legal ambiguity also makes the body vulnerable to political interference, although the multi-polar distribution of political power—coupled with widespread popular support and a sympathetic judiciary—mitigate this risk.

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Harris, Adam S. "Study Design and Empirical Ethnic Distance Measure." In Everyday Identity and Electoral Politics. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197638200.003.0005.

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This study relies primarily on original panel survey data of the Coloured population in Cape Town, South Africa, to test the empirical implications of the sociological attachment theory. Chapter 5 presents the survey and larger empirical strategy followed by the survey-based measure of ethnic distance. The core analysis that engages the original panel survey data around the 2014 elections is supplemented with survey experimental analysis and analysis using real vote returns data from the South African Independent Electoral Commission (IEC). The chapter discusses the ethical considerations that went into constructing the distance measure (which is based on skin tone) and validates the measure. This measure enables us to test the theory presented in Chapter 2.

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"Appendix: Timetable and Schedule of Activities for 2019 General Elections Independent National Electoral Commission." In Nigeria's 2019 Democratic Experience. De Gruyter, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110766561-017.

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Assay, Benjamin Enahoro. "Electoral Umpires and the Task of Tracking Political Campaign Funds." In Political Propaganda, Advertising, and Public Relations. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-1734-5.ch002.

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In some climes, the electoral law places a limit on the amount political parties and candidates can spend during campaigns. But very often, contestants and their parties flout the law on campaign funds limit especially in evolving democracies where the implementation of the law is weak. And this has prompted stakeholders in the political process to urgently canvass for the tracking of campaign funds by Election Management Bodies (EMBs). In Nigeria, despite the existence of a law which requires political parties to make public their campaign spending and submit same to the Independent National Electoral Commission for scrutiny, there appears to be a zero compliance with the Electoral Act. Political parties' non-compliance with the provisions of the law has placed INEC in a precarious situation as far as the tracking of campaign funds is concerned. It is against this backdrop that this chapter proffers solutions and recommends ways to make the electoral umpire live up to its responsibilities.

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Tunmibi, Sunday, and Wole Olatokun. "Anomalies in Nigeria Presidential Election Data and the Way Forward." In Election and Democracy in the Digital Age - Status, Challenges, and Trends [Working Title]. IntechOpen, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.106657.

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Nigeria presently runs a presidential system of government and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is saddled with the responsibility of conducting elections, every four years. A fraud-free and credible election is a necessary ingredient to the growth of democracy. However, election fraud has become a major challenge in the Nigerian political system. Till date, reports show that elections in Nigeria have been marred with vote buying, falsification of results, underage voting, and the use of security forces to intimidate voters, among others. Hence, the authors suggest the need for transparency in the voting process and in the collation of results. There is also a need for an electoral reform to address the issue of electronic voting and electronic transmission of results. Electronic voting should be supported and encouraged by all stakeholders. The INEC, executive and legislative arms of government are advised to work in tandem to provide credible electoral process and improve on the conducts of elections in Nigeria. The chapter concludes with suggestion on the possibility of adopting election forensic techniques to address anomalies in Nigeria electoral results. The authors believe that this chapter contribution will be of great benefit to Nigeria and Africa as a whole.

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Chigwata, Tinashe Carlton. "Multiparty Democracy in Zimbabwe after the Adoption of the 2013 Constitution." In Democracy, Elections, and Constitutionalism in Africa. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192894779.003.0006.

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Zimbabwe adopted a new Constitution in 2013 which, among other objectives, sought to give greater legitimacy to multiparty democracy. This Constitution strengthens the role of an independent electoral commission, entrenches an array of political rights and freedoms, and requires multilevel government elections. The harmonized elections of 2013 and 2018, which were held under its regime, did not seem to have changed the previous patterns of disputed electoral processes and outcome. Both the electoral process and outcomes for these elections were disputed and subjected to court challenges. The main opposition, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), continue to cry foul that elections are stolen in favour of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union—Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) political party. On the other hand, ZANU-PF argues that it wins elections fairly and squarely as it has always done in the past because it is the most popular political party. This chapter addresses the question of whether the new Constitution has been able to end a culture of disputed elections and, therefore promote effective multiparty democracy. If not, what are the major obstacles and areas of contention? It will do so by examining the harmonized elections that have so far been held under its regime—the 2013 and 2018 harmonized elections.

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Seabrook, Nicholas R. "Redistricting, Electoral Responsiveness, and Democracy." In Drawing the Lines. Cornell University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705311.003.0006.

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This chapter examines the effects of partisan gerrymandering on electoral responsiveness and the competitiveness of congressional districts when compared to bipartisan redistricting. Through systematic empirical analysis, it also considers the unintended consequences that the recent emphasis in the redistricting reform movement on advocating the use of independent or bipartisan commissions may have for subsequent congressional elections. The results support the theoretical assumption that bipartisan redistricting is more likely to protect incumbents due to collusion between the parties, whereas partisan redistricting is more likely to make incumbents of both parties vulnerable due to the emphasis on partisan advantage. Partisan redistricting contributes positively to the health of democracy by increasing electoral responsiveness in subsequent elections compared to bipartisan redistricting. Hence, the biggest threat to democracy, in the form of the subversion of electoral competition, is not partisan gerrymandering but bipartisan redistricting. The chapter suggests that redistricting reforms should focus on reducing the adverse effects that bipartisan redistricting has on electoral competition.

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Conference papers on the topic "Independent Electoral Commission"

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Shuaibu, Aishatu, Muhammadou Kah, and Olumide Longe. "THE IMPLEMENTATION OF ICT TOOL FOR THE FACILITATION OF ELECTORAL PROCESSES IN NIGERIA: A CASE STUDY OF THE INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION." In 13 th IADIS International Conference Information Systems 2020. IADIS Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.33965/is2020_202006c022.

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