Relevant bibliographies by topics / Independent Labor Party (Manitoba)

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Academic literature on the topic 'Independent Labor Party (Manitoba)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 2 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Independent Labor Party (Manitoba)"

1

Robin, Martin. "The Trades and Labor Congress of Canada and Political Action 1898-1908." Relations industrielles 22, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 187–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/027780ar.

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An examination of the politics of the Trades and Labour Congress of Canada and its relationship with the radical political movement in English-speaking Canada between 1898 and 1908. The Congress moved left in the years around the turn of the Century and supported the principle of independent labour representation but refrained from endorsing the new Socialist movement. A Canadian Labour Party was launched in 1906 but socialists and independent laborities in the Congress remained unreconciled and the new party failed to get off the ground.
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2

Clark, Terry D., and Jovita Pranevičciūte. "Perspectives on communist successor parties: The case of Lithuania." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 41, no. 4 (November 9, 2008): 443–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2008.09.003.

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The successor party to the Lithuanian Communist Party (LCP) has shown amazing adaptability in weathering the transition period to remain a major political force throughout the post-communist period. The LCP severed all formal ties with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and became the independent Lithuanian Democratic Labor Party (LDLP) in late 1989. As the LDLP, the party was the governing party from 1992 to 1996. In early 2001 it merged with the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party (LSDP) to become the new LSDP. The LSDP has been the major party in governing coalitions from 2001 to the present. We explore the challenges that Lithuania’s successor party has faced and the reasons for its remarkable success.
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3

Octaviani, Jefahnia, and Andari Yurikosari. "AKIBAT HUKUM KRIMINALISASI PENGURUS SERIKAT PEKERJA ATAS TINDAK PIDANA PENCEMARAN NAMA BAIK TERHADAP KEDUDUKAN SERIKAT PEKERJA DI DALAM PERUSAHAAN (STUDI PUTUSAN PENGADILAN TINGGI DKI JAKARTA NOMOR: 95/PID/2018/PT.DKI)." Jurnal Hukum Adigama 2, no. 1 (July 24, 2019): 719. http://dx.doi.org/10.24912/adigama.v2i1.5258.

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One of the legal subjects in the employment sector is labor unions. Labor unions are considered as organizations that able to help workers fight for their rights. When there is an industrial relations dispute between employers and workers, labor unions can represent their members in the process of resolutions that includes three steps, which are Bipartite, Tripartite, and Court of Industrial Relations. Based on the applicable laws, in order to carry out their main duties and functions, labor unions must be independent and democratic. Referring to DKI Jakarta High Court Judgement No. 95/Pid/2018/PT.DKI, two of labor union officials in PT Damira are prosecuted by third party outside of Bipartite for criminal acts of defamation, and the prosecution itself build upon their statements on Bipartite. This kind of prosecution can be categorized as a form of criminalization of labor union officials, thus raises issues of how legal protections for labor union officials who are prosecuted by third party and the impact of the criminalization of labor unions officials to the standing of labor unions. The author analyzes both issues comprehensively using the normative legal research method. According to the research, can be councluded that the legal protections of labor union officials is not carried out as stipulated in the applicable laws. Furthermore, criminalization of labor union officials has important impact which includes two things, namely the legal uncertainty of labor union officials regarding their status as workers and the standing of labor unions within the company after the criminalization.
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Wahab, Abdul, Muhammad Nadratuzzaman Hosen, and Syafaat Muhari. "Komparasi Efisiensi Teknis Bank Umum Konvensional (BUK) dan Bank Umum Syariah (BUS) di Indonesia Dengan Metode Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA)." Al-Iqtishad: Jurnal Ilmu Ekonomi Syariah 6, no. 2 (July 29, 2014): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/aiq.v6i2.1229.

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The Comparation of Technical Efficiency Between Conventional Banks and Islamic Banks in Indonesia Using DEA MethodThis research is to compare the levels of technical efficiency between BUK and BUS by employing non-parametric Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA). This research assigns Third Party Funds, Labor Expenses and Fixed Assets which are input variable, meanwhile Total Credit and Other Incomes are determined as Output Variables. This research also examines the Profitability of BUK and BUS by Using Panel Regression Model with CAR, LDR, NPL and BOPO as independent variables, where ROA and ROE are dependent variables. The result showed that the average technical efficiency of the Conventional Banks is better than that of the Islamic Banks. That is because of the inefficient utilization of Input Variables, namely Third Party Funds, Labor Expenses and Fixed Assets in the Islamic Banks DOI:10.15408/aiq.v6i2.1229
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5

Farmer, Stephanie, and Sean Noonan. "Chicago Unions Building a Left-Labor-Community Coalition, United Working Families, to Restore Working-Class Democracy." Labor Studies Journal 44, no. 4 (November 13, 2019): 388–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x19887244.

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Neoliberal political institutions are beholden to the interests of capital and professional classes, leaving working people and communities of color without a voice to shape priorities that benefit their interests. To counteract this elite-dominated political system, the Service Employees International Union Health Care Indiana and Illinois (SEIU-HCII) and the Chicago Teachers Union (CTU), worked with community organizations to form the United Working Families (UWF) Party of Illinois in 2014. UWF is a model of labor-led working class organizing in the electoral system. UWF brings together a left-labor-community alliance under an independent political party formation to champion a left-wing social democratic platform to empower working class people in their workplaces and communities, and to fight against Black and Brown oppression. UWF has provided leadership trainings for a cadre of working class, people of color and women and has been successful electing their leaders to municipal, county and state level government offices.
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Teitelbaum, Emmanuel. "Mobilizing Restraint: Economic Reform and the Politics of Industrial Protest in South Asia." World Politics 62, no. 4 (October 2010): 676–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887110000225.

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The study draws on evidence from South Asia to explore how union partisan ties condition industrial protest in the context of rapid economic change. It argues that unions controlled by major political parties respond to the economic challenges of the postreform period by facilitating institutionalized grievance resolution and encouraging restraint in the collective bargaining arena. By contrast, politically independent unions and those controlled by small parties are more likely to ratchet up militancy and engage in extreme or violent forms of protest. The difference between the protest behavior of major party unions and other types of unions is explained by the fact that major political parties are encompassing organizations that internalize the externalities associated with the protest of their affiliated unions. Using original survey data from four regions in South Asia, the study shows that party encompassment is a better predictor of worker protest than other features of the affiliated party or the union, including whether the party is in or out of power, the ideological orientation of the party, or the degree of union encompassment. The analysis has implications for the policy debate over whether successful economic reform is contingent upon the political exclusion or repression of organized labor.
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Malau, Parningotan. "Basic Legal Study On Workplace Health And Safety Protection In Indonesia." Technium Social Sciences Journal 6 (April 13, 2020): 88–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v6i1.287.

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This study aims to examine the legal history and the concretization of the value of Pancasila as a legal basis in protecting the occupational safety and health of workers in Indonesia. The research method used in this study is a type of normative research using the Statute Approach. The analysis technique in this study was carried out in a descriptive way to describe the legal conditions and protection of workers in Indonesia. The results of this study indicate that the birth of labor law in Indonesia is based on a long history of labor suffering due to slavery, forced cultivation, slavery to forced labor, not vice versa because employers corporations are persecuted by the treatment of workers and employers. National labor law, specifically the Work Safety Health Act, must be able to position workers as independent legal subjects, not arbitrarily controlled by other legal subjects, be treated humanely in accordance with their dignity and status, and obtain justice as a weak party. In addition, to avoid discrimination, it must show the principle of unity in work relations, between employers and workers in corporations, or broader unity in industrial relations, namely between employers' organizations, labor organizations, and government
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8

Sholdice, Mark. "“Patronage, like Hamlet’s ghost will not down!”." Ontario History 106, no. 2 (July 25, 2018): 191–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1050693ar.

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This article examines the issue of political patronage during the tenure of the United Farmers of Ontario (UFO)-Independent Labor Party (ILP) coalition government in Ontario, which held office between 1919 and 1923. The reform of political patronage became the focus of profound controversy during the UFO-ILP government because of an unresolved contradiction between the inequality inherent in the practice, and the importance of patronage to the agrarian community. Politically motivated appointments were not just result of simple hypocrisy but came about because of the government’s desire to include greater numbers of farmers and workers in the province’s political system.
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9

Rasmussen, Amanda. "The Rise of Labor: A Chinese-Australian Participates in Bendigo Local Politics at a Formative Moment, 1904–1905." Journal of Chinese Overseas 9, no. 2 (2013): 245–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341261.

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Abstract Chinese-Australian and son of an entrepreneur, Edward Ni Gan, a successful lawyer and would-be politician, was, in 1904, the first candidate in a Bendigo municipal election to tie his campaign to the Labor Party platform. Labor had just achieved the significant victory of three months in power at a federal level, and, although Ni Gan did not win in 1904, his support for the movement was well-received in Bendigo. When he tried to stand the following year as the endorsed Labor candidate, however, he was quickly disillusioned by procedural rules and his inadequate trade union networks. His speeches as an independent candidate showed his political position recast as a radical liberal in the Deakinite mode. In both campaigns, Ni Gan’s colour was a difference which could be accommodated since he otherwise so happily embodied the young, white, “fair and square” sportsman who was an ideal progressive Bendigonian. His engagement with Labor politics in the first decade of the twentieth century shows that the drive for “White Australia” which often dominated the national conversation, could be less powerful at local levels.
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10

Fine, Terri Susan. "Economic Interests and the Framing of the 1988 and 1992 Deomcratic and Republican Party Platforms." American Review of Politics 16 (April 1, 1995): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1995.16.0.79-93.

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In this paper, the role that economic groups play in attempting to shape party platforms is examined by analyzing economic group presence at the 1988 and 1992 Democratic and Republican platform writing hearings. Whether the same economic groups participating as witnesses in the platform writing hearings also contributed to the presidential campaigns is also explored. The findings suggest that economic interest group participation varied widely between 1988 and 1992 and declined across years. Trade associations dominated economic group participation whereas labor unions did not take an active role. Business interests showed a strong preference for the Republicans in 1988 and reasonably equal interest in both parties the following year. The participatory decline among these groups may be explained by a growing perception that platforms are less effective as campaign guides and policy tools in an era dominated by candidate centered elections, split ticket voting and increasing independent identification, all indicators of decreasing reliance on the parties at the mass and elite levels.
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Books on the topic "Independent Labor Party (Manitoba)"

1

Isabella Ford. Oxford, UK: Basil Blackwell, 1989.

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2

Woodhouse, Tom. Nourishing the liberty tree: Labour politics in Leeds, 1880-1914. Keele, Staffordshire: Keele University Press, 1996.

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3

Tomos, Angharad. Hiraeth am yfory: Hanes David Thomas a mudiad Llafur gogledd Cymru. Llandysul: Gomer, 2002.

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4

Labour of love: The story of Robert Smillie. Glasgow: NWP, 2011.

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Labour of love: The story of Robert Smillie. Glasgow: NWP, 2011.

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6

Archives of the Independent Labour Party. Reading, Berkshire: Research Publications Ltd., 1990.

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7

Religion and the Rise of Labour: Lancashire and the West Riding, 1880-1914. Edinburgh University Press, 1993.

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8

Red Scotland? The Rise and Decline of the Scottish Radical Left, 1880s-1930s. Edinburgh University Press, 2007.

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9

Kenefick, William. Red Scotland? The Rise and Decline of the Scottish Radical Left, 1880s-1930s. Edinburgh University Press, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Independent Labor Party (Manitoba)"

1

Bevir, Mark. "Permeation and Independent Labor." In The Making of British Socialism. Princeton University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691150833.003.0010.

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This chapter discusses George Bernard Shaw's and Sidney Webb's respective political strategies and their roles in inspiring Fabian policy. The Fabians did not share a commitment to permeating other parties in order to promote incremental measures of socialism. For a start, Shaw would have liked an independent socialist party, but for much of the 1880s and 1890s he did not think that such a party was possible. Moreover, insofar as the leading Fabians came to agree on “permeation,” they defined it differently. Shaw thought of permeation in terms of luring Radicals away from the Liberal Party in order to form an independent party to represent workers against capitalists. In contrast, Webb defined permeation in terms of giving expert advice to the political elite. The response of the Fabian Society to the formation of the Independent Labor Party reflected the interplay of these different strategies.
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Bevir, Mark. "Socialism, Labor, and the State." In The Making of British Socialism. Princeton University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691150833.003.0015.

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This concluding chapter explores the later roles of Marxism, Fabianism, and ethical socialism in the Independent Labor Party, the Labor Party, and the social democratic state. The dominant strand of socialism fused Fabianism with ethical socialism. It promoted a labor alliance to win state power within a liberal, representative democracy, and then to use the state to promote social justice. Later in the twentieth century, the rise of modernist social science altered the type of knowledge on which the Labor Party relied, with Fabian approaches to the state and policy giving way to planning, Keynesianism, and other formal expertise. Whatever type of knowledge the Labour Party relied upon to guide state intervention, it was constantly challenged by socialists opposed to its liberal concept of democracy and the role it gave to the state. These latter socialists often advocated the democratization of associations within civil society itself.
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Barrett, James R. "Gatekeepers and “Americanizers”." In Frontiers of Labor. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041839.003.0009.

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This essay focuses on the later rather than the Famine-era migrants, on the American-born Irish, and on their impact on working-class America. Irish American workers were entrenched in workplaces and unions by the late nineteenth century, and their attitudes and actions had enormous consequences as the American working-class population was continually remade through later waves of migration. Too often their actions marginalized immigrants, the unskilled, women, and people of color, tendencies that left an enduring mark on the labor movement in the United States. They were architects of the conservative business unionism that came to dominate the labor movement and of the political machines that dominated many cities. But I also stress a tradition of progressive labor activism that helped lay the foundation for a new multiethnic movement in the course of the early twentieth century. This was especially true during the organizing drives in basic industry during World War I and in the unsuccessful efforts to organize an independent labor party in the wake of the war. We find important differences between the US and Australian cases in terms of the role of the Church, the character of Irish nationalism, the attitude toward independent labor politics, and elsewhere, but we risk misunderstanding Irish workers in both societies if we ignore the nuances in the narratives.
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Woods, Colleen. "The Anticommunist International." In Freedom Incorporated, 94–129. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501749131.003.0004.

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This chapter outlines how, by the late 1940s, the Philippine state—with the support of U.S. military dollars, equipment, and advisers—launched a war against its own citizens in the name of global anticommunism. After World War II, peasant uprisings in Central Luzon, labor strikes on U.S. military bases in the islands, and the appeal of the Philippine Communist Party threatened to dissolve U.S. policymakers' efforts to promote Philippine independence as a testament to the benevolence and anti-imperial impulses of U.S. foreign aid and policies. In opposition, a multiyear counterinsurgency campaign brought millions of dollars of U.S. military aid into the country, resulting in the increased militarization of Philippine society as well as the near total defeat of peasant and working-class alternatives to Philippine elite control of the state. But while Filipino politicians affirmed decolonization in Southeast Asia, they also faced the challenge of explaining how Philippine independence could effectively coincide with the substantial U.S. political, economic, and military intervention needed to quell the violence in Central Luzon. Despite U.S. and Philippine pronouncements that the nation represented a “showcase of democracy,” the bloodletting in Central Luzon would eventually attract the attention of the international press, which also called into question the stability and legitimacy of the newly independent Philippine Republic. In response, Americans and Filipinos effectively collaborated to reinterpret peasant complaints against the state through the lens of a global war against communism.
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