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1
Sarker, Md Masud. "US foreign policy toward India after 9/11." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2018. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/78216/.
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This thesis provides a critical analysis of shifting US foreign policy toward India. The study covers the period from the end of the Second World War up to the end of the first Obama administration. With Indo-US relations since India's independence in 1947 used as a backdrop, the focus is on policy from the end of the Cold war and, specifically, from the time of the 9/11 attack. The thesis explores, in both conceptual and empirical terms, the reasons for United States growing involvement in the South Asian region and its enhanced engagement with India. The principle aim of the study is to determine whether the ramifications of 9/11 were mainly responsible for present state of Indo-US relations, or whether US policy toward India was driven by the broader changes in international affairs associated with globalisation, among which the rise of China is paramount. The approach taken is a critical historical analysis that has involved review of secondary literature and close examination of a range of primary US and Indian government material, supplemented by field work conducted in the US that involved interviews with policy makers and academics. This thesis shows that US policy toward India has two major dimensions: the first is the US adaptation of its foreign policy in response to the changed international political climate after the Cold War, a shift in which the question of its relative decline from sole superpower status was critical. The second dimension is India's rise, which has given it growing geo-strategic importance in the 21st century and has created the potential for India to become an essential partner in US attempts to maintain the stability of the international order and its own hegemonic role with this order. The argument of the thesis is that US policy toward India is more one of continuity than change, and that the driving force behind recent Indo-US relations is not primarily the consequences of 9/11, but is rather the result of power shifts within a more globalised world. In this changed context both the US and India have looked for closer, strategic relationships with countries that share their interests. While far from being united in this respect, their interests are sufficiently common so that from the end of the Cold War the US and India have developed a closer partnership. The effects of 9/11 contributed to an environment conducive to this partnership, but they were not the primary factor.
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Georgekutty, Thadathil V. (Thadathil Varghese). "India's Nonalignment Policy and the American Response, 1947-1960." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331601/.
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India's nonalignment policy attracted the attention of many newly independent countries for it provided an alternative to the existing American and Russian views of the world. This dissertation is an examination of both India's nonalignment policy and the official American reaction to it during the Truman-Eisenhower years. Indian nonalignment should be defined as a policy of noncommitment towards rival power blocs adopted with a view of retaining freedom of action in international affairs and thereby influencing the issue of war and peace to India's advantage. India maintained that the Cold War was essentially a European problem. Adherence to military allliances , it believed, would increase domestic tensions and add to chances of involvement in international war, thus destroying hopes of socio-economic reconstruction of India. The official American reaction was not consistent. It varied from president to president, from issue to issue, and from time to time. India's stand on various issues of international import and interest to the United States such as recognition of the People's Republic of China, the Korean War, the Japanese peace treaty of 1951, and the Hungarian revolt of 1956, increased American concern about and dislike of nonalignment. Many Americans in high places regraded India's nonalignment policy as pro-Communist and as one that sought to undermine Western collective security measures. Consequently, during the Truman and Eisenhower presidencies the United States took a series of diplomatic, military, and economic measures to counter India's neutralism. America refused to treat India as a major power and attempted to contain its influence on the international plane by excluding it from international conferences and from assuming international responsibilities. The Russian efforts to woo India and other nonaligned countries with trade and aid softened America's open resistance to India's nonalignment. As a result, although tactical, a new trend in America's dealings with India was visible during the closing years of Eisenhower's presidency. Therefore, America sought to keep nonaligned India at least nonaligned by extending economic aid.
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Tuke, Victoria. "Japan’s foreign policy towards India : a neoclassical realist analysis of the policymaking process." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2011. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/49539/.
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This thesis analyses the formation of Japanese foreign policy through the case study of relations with India. The study concentrates on three streams of Japanese diplomacy; namely economic relations, nuclear policy and security issues through the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism (NCR). This approach, considered the ‘third generation’ of the mainstream paradigm, utilises neo-realism’s focus on structural factors and ultimately places primacy on systemic forces. Yet NCR seeks a more nuanced appraisal of foreign policy and incorporates internal structures into analysis. The dissertation argues that structural factors including India’s economic growth, the rise of China and facilitation provided by the US, initiated interest in India and continues to shape the development of policy. ‘China-hedging’ does not provide the only rationale. Furthermore, whilst structure is vital, with differing influential weight dependent on policy, it is unable alone to explain the exact nature and timing of policy decisions. In order to achieve this, the domestic ‘black box’ needs to be explored through analysis of unit-level variables such as policymakers’ perceptions, business interests, public opinion and norms. Elites in Japan have been particularly slow to appreciate India’s strategic worth despite favourable environmental conditions. The business community is noted as an important influence but whilst public opinion plays a minimal role overall, the prevalence of norms is able to dictate how policy is framed. The scope of the research project is confined to approximately the past two decades, though attention is given to historical relations to place contemporary analysis in context. Empirical data was sourced from academic, government and media outlets in addition to extensive interview fieldwork in Tokyo, Delhi, London and Washington DC. This thesis contributes to a nascent literature on an increasingly important area of not only Japan’s diplomacy but the regional dynamics of region no scholar of international relations can ignore.
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Muchinguri, Tawanda. "Investment Promotion; Foreign Direct Investment Determinants and Policy Framework Analysis for India: Lessons for Zimbabwe." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/28389.
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Today Zimbabwe finds itself on the cusp of a new era, an inflection point which should set the country on a path towards recovery and sustainable economic growth, after years of being in a socio-economic quagmire yet extravagantly endowed with natural resources and extraordinary human capital. This study seeks to examine how best to unlock this untapped and embedded value for the emancipation of Zimbabwe’s people by looking at how other countries have extricated themselves from similar situations by the use of foreign direct investment. Pursuant to this cause, the author identified India as a case study from which Zimbabwe can learn and thus seeks to identify and measure the determinants of foreign direct investment and understand the policy framework underlying these determinants. Gross domestic product, trade, the exchange rate, inflation, foreign reserves and the foreign direct investment restrictiveness index were employed as variables in the research using annual data over a 27 year period from 1990 to 2016. This period was deliberately chosen to capture the impact of the liberalisation and reform efforts which set India on a growth path and today is the biggest recipient of greenfield foreign direct investment. The autoregressive distributed lag cointegration framework was employed as an estimation technique to examine the long-run relationship between foreign direct investment and the chosen explanatory variables. The findings reveal that the exchange rate and the foreign direct investment restrictiveness index are the key determinants of FDI in India with a negative relationship, thus a stronger Indian rupee and better restrictiveness index rating lead to more foreign direct investment inflows. Based on the results, placed in the context of India’s foreign direct investment policy framework, the study makes bespoke and befitting recommendations to the Zimbabwean authorities on how to use the import and the tenets of the foreign direct investment restrictiveness index as a basis for devising far reaching reforms needed to attract foreign direct investment for the sustainable development of Zimbabwe.
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Zrudlo, Laurie. "Soviet foreign policy responsiveness to the external environment : Soviet-Indian relations 1968-1985." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66111.
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Kuroki, Maiko. "Nationalism in Japan's contemporary foreign policy : a consideration of the cases of China, North Korea, and India." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/595/.
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Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. The methodology employs discourse analysis on five case studies. It will be explored how the two administrations both used nationalism but in the pursuit of contrasting policies: an uncompromising stance to China and a conciliatory approach toward North Korea under the Koizumi administration, a hard-line attitude against North Korea and the rapprochement with China by Abe, accompanied by a friendship-policy toward India. These case studies show how the nationalism is used in the competition between political leaders by articulating national identity in foreign policy. Whereas this often appears as a kind of assertiveness from outside China, in the domestic context leaders use nationalism to reconstruct Japan’s identity as a ‘peaceful nation’ through foreign policy by highlighting differences from ‘other’s or by achieving historic reconciliation. Such identity constructions are used to legitimize policy choices that are in themselves used to marginalize other policy options and political actors. In this way, nationalism is utilized as a kind of political capital in a domestic power relationship, as can be seen by Abe’s use of foreign policy to set an agenda of ‘departure from the postwar regime’. In a similar way, Koizumi’s unyielding stance against China was used to calm discontents among right-wing traditionalists who were opposed to his reconciliatory approach to Pyongyang. On the other hand, Abe also utilized a hard-line policy to the DPRK to offset his rapprochement with China whilst he sought to prevent the improved relationship from becoming a source of political capital for his rivals. The major insights of this thesis is thus to explain how Japan’s foreign policy is shaped by the attempts of its political leaders to manipulate nationalism so as articulating particular forms of national identity that enable them to achieve legitimacy for their policy agendas, boost domestic credentials and marginalize their political rivals.
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Biehl, Paul. "How may we explain Nepal’s foreign policy behavior and strategy? The case of a weak and small state in the international system and its foreign policy behavior and strategy." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23488.
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This paper focuses on the foreign policy behavior and strategy of weak and small states in the international system. Further, it explains the behavior and strategies employed by those states by examining several concepts and theories and applying them on the case of Nepal. In a realist world and among states that are most interested in their own integrity and survival, and partly in maximizing their power, weak and small states like Nepal try to keep a neutral position between all actors, try to maintain and extend bilateral relations to the immediate neighbors and other actors in the international system, and further integrate themselves into regional and international frameworks to secure their survival. Because they are the most vulnerable actors, the study of those states and their behavior and strategies is both interesting and compelling. Methodologically, this paper employs interviews as the main source of data and additionally peruses the foreign policy reports of Nepal from the last five years (2015-2019). The data is being analyzed both qualitatively and quantitatively. After studying the case and its implications, the author suggests that especially geographic patterns are important to understand the foreign policy of weak and small states, and further neutrality and bilateral as well as multilateral relations are indispensable for those actors to secure their integrity and survival in the international system.
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Pickens, Zachary E. "Hegemonic Ideas and Indian Foreign Policy to the United States: Changes in Indian Expectations and Worldviews." Ohio : Ohio University, 2007. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1195925395.
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Carnell, Matthew R. "India from colony to nation-state : a re-reading of India's foreign policy in Southeast Asia, c.1945-1955." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2012. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/3274/.
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Court, Erin. "How transnational actors change inter-state power asymmetries : the role of the Indian diaspora in Indo-Canadian relations on migration." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8501d594-e5c1-47e0-9a08-24b7645f29f2.
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The overall aim of this thesis is to explore what emigration state power means in relation to the rules that govern international migration. This thesis challenges the conventional view that within a bilateral migration relationship the migrant-sending state is a 'rule-taker' compelled to accept the consequences of the migrant-receiving state's immigration and integration policies. Using India-Canada migration relations as its empirical case, this thesis examines how diaspora populations can serve as a transnational resource for the sending state to mitigate power asymmetries with the receiving state in bilateral migration relations. Part I of this thesis examines the Indo- Canadian diaspora's use of Canadian tribunal, electoral and lobby channels to advance immigration and integration policy outcomes that further both the interests of the diaspora and the Indian state. Part II considers the diffuse and ideational mechanisms through which the Indian state influences the diaspora's political mobilisation abroad. The diaspora's political activities in the host state, combined with the sending state's transnational influence over facets of diaspora identity, interests and organisational capacity, register important effects on Canadian migration policy that bear on the distribution of power between sending and receiving states. These effects cannot be explained on a purely inter-state model of migration relations, but are accounted for by the framework developed and applied in this thesis. The Conclusion addresses the scope conditions under which this thesis' theoretical framework and conclusions derived within it from the single-case study may allow for a wider comparative approach across other cases in future research.
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Öberg, Rebecka. "Deciphering National Identity : - a discourse analysis of India's foreign policy behaviour during the 2014 Crimean crisis." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6238.
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This study builds on the idea that discourses have the power to show that national identity did influence the puzzling foreign policy behaviour of India in March 2014 during the Crimean crisis. When analysing the material and illustrating the identified discourses, discourse- theorists Laclau and Mouffe’s framework is used both as theory and method. Discourse analysis has its starting point in the idea that the reality is accessed by the means of language. The use of Laclau and Mouffe’s discursive framework is motivated by the fact that it aims to create an understanding of the social phenomena in question (e.g. the Indian puzzling foreign policy behaviour) by applying discourse analytical tools on texts. Moreover, discourse analysis claims that identities are the result of discursive processes and that political articulation, e.g. foreign policy behaviour, creates the society; ideas that goes well with this paper. Since language is “structured discourses” and because it creates the world which we live in, it is possible to turn to the use of language when conducting a discourse analysis. To decipher which discourses that evolved around the Crimean crisis in March 2014, and to make the connection between national identity and foreign policy behaviour, articles from the three most read Indian newspapers in English are used as material. These articles are triangulated with statements published during 2014 on the homepage of the Indian Ministry of External Affairs. This paper tells a rather alternative story compared to that of interest- and power based explanations with roots in realism, since it emphasises that national identity influences foreign policy behaviour. The analysis concludes that two discourses can be deciphered in the material, namely Democracy and Multipolarity, which thus can be seen as elements of Indian national identity. These two discourses imply that the Indian national identity can explain its puzzling foreign policy behaviour in the Crimean crisis in March 2014.
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Taneja, Sehr. "Making Policy on the Front Page: How the National Media Shape Indian Foreign Policy Toward Pakistan." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/197.
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This thesis explains how national media shape Indian foreign policy toward Pakistan. I use empirical research to explore the contribution of national media to the formulation of policy during the 1999 Kargil War and 2001 Agra Summit between India and Pakistan. I created a database of news articles in the leading national English newspapers—The Times of India and Hindustan Times and then coded and analyzed them. I analyze the media’s role by identifying trends in media strategies such as framing, agenda setting, and manufacturing consent. In addition, I analyze government documents and parliamentary debates to gather information on the policy processes and on government- media relations. I suggest that the media’s role in shaping policy depends on the level of internal dissent, understood as disagreement between the government and the opposition parties. I argue that national dissent allows the media to emerge as an independent actor, influencing the formulation of foreign policy by presenting their own opinions and policy suggestions. This was the case during the Agra Summit. On the other hand, as seen in the case of the Kargil War, during times of national consensus, the media echo the government’s voice and garner public support for the government’s actions. As such, this thesis contributes to existing scholarship and primary fieldwork by providing an original analysis of the intersection of media and foreign policy.
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Silvestri, Francesca. "US foreign policy towards India, 1993-2005 : a study emphasizing the importance of systematic selection and usage of documentary evidence." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2018. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/55433/.
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This thesis studies the implications of the selection of empirical evidence underpinning reported interpretations and conclusions about US foreign policy towards India. US-India relations have been investigated by a number of scholars whose work has been reported in well-regarded books and journal articles. Their studies typically rely for empirical evidence on official documents, and occasionally on interviews. In spite of their qualities, none of these studies provides explicit rational for their selection of US and Indian primary sources and about the procedures and the criteria used to identify relevant information from these sources. This shortcoming poses a risk for the validity of their conclusions. To assess the nature of this risk, this thesis reports a fresh study of US foreign policy towards India in which all publicly available US documents are used. These documents are the basis of a Qualitative Content Analysis (QCA), the results of which feed into the subsequent analysis. The substantive results of this research are compared with those in the existing literature. This comparison reveals, in addition to obvious similarities, important differences that can be attributed to unsystematic and incomplete use of empirical material in the existing literature. These differences, that emanate from a more explicit and systematic approach to evidence, provide grounds for a reassessment of the significance of many factors influencing US foreign policy towards India. This study identifies relevant factors that have so far been overlooked in the existing literature, and that need to be included in accounts to understand widely documented changes in this area of US foreign policy. Substantively, this thesis highlights the vital importance of the Clinton period in understanding the foreign policy of the United States, a period which had not been examined in sufficient detail by existing studies. Contrary to what most of the existing literature suggests, elements of continuity between the Clinton and the Bush administrations are particularly important to explain the evolution of US foreign policy towards India. In spite of the change in the presidency from Democrat to Republican, President George W. Bush (hereafter Bush) continued to hold the same level of commitment shown by his predecessor in developing closer strategic ties with India, making it a priority of his foreign policy. This aspect is particularly important to furthering a more thorough understanding of US relations with India.
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Koblížková, Petra. "Indie jako významný aktér mezinárodních vztahů: aplikace na příkladu Afriky." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-10093.
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The significance of India in the international system has been increasing not only because of its fast economic development. As one of the manifestations of India's growing position can be considered the expanding of interests to African continent, which is the pivotal topic of this diploma thesis. The presence of India in Africa and its foreign policy towards this continent was analyzed on the basis of the method of four level analysis, which means foreign policy of India towards Africa is examined on levels of international system, state, domestic influences and individuals. To show the position of India in Africa in full context the part comparing its activities with another Asian economic power -- China - is included.
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Wojczewski, Thorsten Alexander [Verfasser]. "India and the Quest for World Order : Hegemony and Identity in India’s Post-Cold War Foreign Policy Discourse / Thorsten Alexander Wojczewski." Kiel : Universitätsbibliothek Kiel, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1114735116/34.
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Bueno, Adriana Mesquita Corrêa. "Política externa brasileira e coalizações do Sul : o fórum de diálogo Índia-Brasil-África do Sul (IBSA) /." São Paulo : [s.n.], 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/96280.
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Orientador: Henrique Altemani de OliveiraBanca: Flávia Campos de Mello
Banca: Janina Onuki
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituido em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: Este trabalho desenvolve análise da relação da política externa brasileira com as coalizões do Sul, especificamente por meio do estudo de caso do Fórum de Diálogo Índia-Brasil-África do Sul (IBSA). A agenda da Política Externa Brasileira do governo Lula (2003-2010) privilegiou a cooperação Sul-Sul como consequência da nova situação internacional multilateral dos anos 1990 e da inserção internacional realizada pelo Ministério das Relações Exteriores brasileiro. Neste contexto, o Brasil buscou uma posição de líder do Sul, organizando a ação coletiva e cooperando com outros países em desenvolvimento... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: This dissertation builds up an analysis about the relationship between the Brazilian foreign policy and coalitions of the South, specifically throught the case study of the India-Brazil_/south Africa Dialogue Forum (IBSA). The Brazilian foreign policy agenda of the Lula administration (2003-2010) has privileged the South-South cooperation as a consequence of international multilateral scenario of the 19990s and the international insertions carried out by the Brazilian Foreign Policy Ministry. In the context, Brazil has sought a position as leader of the South, organizing the collective action and cooperating with other developing countries... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Mestre
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Bolin, Nicholas John. "Indian and American Demography, Expertise, and the Family Planning Consensus: 1930-1970." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/95816.
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Indian population policy in the twentieth century was shaped by a blend of unique Indian concerns about population growth, legacies of British colonialism, and American foreign aid. This blend of influences resulted in the first national family planning program in the world.Master of Arts
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Ferreira, Cláudio Esteves. "Nehru e a bomba: o programa nuclear indiano, 1947-1964." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2007. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=887.
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Este trabalho procura analisar as políticas externa e nuclear da Índia, durante a gestão do Primeiro Ministro Jawaharlal Nehru, 1947-64. Durante esse período, Nehru assumiu uma política que visava a manter a Índia fora da bipolaridade típica do sistema internacional durante a Guerra Fria. Enquanto defendia a solução pacífica dos problemas internacionais, o fim do imperialismo, o fim das políticas raciais, a diminuição das desigualdades entre as nações e a eliminação das armas nucleares, Nehru conduziu uma política nuclear ambígua, ostensivamente pacífica. Sob o argumento de preservar a independência e romper com todos os resquícios do imperialismo, ele procurou manter aberta a opção para desenvolver um programa de armas nucleares. Minha hipótese é a de que Nehru tinha como objetivo estratégico garantir as condições para que no futuro o país alcançasse o status de Grande Potência. Neste sentido, busco confrontar as ações de sua política externa e nuclear com algumas das idéias e propostas para a Índia independente contidas em sua obra clássica - The Discovery of IndiaThe objective of this work is the focus on Indias foreign and nuclear policy during the period of government - 1947 to 1964 - when Jawaharlal Nehru was Prime Minister of that country. It was during this period that Nehru initiated policies forecasting Indias strategies and interests to forge a neutral position rather than the military pacts that characterized the Cold War period. Whilst defending the pacification of international conflict; the ending of imperialism and racialism; the decreasing of inequality between nations, and the elimination of all nuclear armaments, Nehru embarked on an ambiguous policy that was ostensibly peaceful, yet it disguised the preservation of independence the breaking of ties with imperialism while still sustaining the option to create a nuclear weapons programme. My premise is that Nehru devised strategic goals to guarantee conditions favourable to India and achieve an international profile as a formidable future power. I have also attempted to confront the actions and the depth of Nehrus nuclear policy combining his ideas and proposals for an independent India as detailed in the seminal publication The Discovery of India.
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Tooch, David. "The Diffusion of Knowledge in Foreign Policy: The Case of Israel’s Technology Transfers as Tools of Diplomacy." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3178.
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Since its inception, Israel has wrestled with attempts by adversaries to keep her politically isolated in the international arena. To garner more friends and expand diplomatic reach, Israeli leaders initiated a strategy of sharing specialized knowledge with other nations. The technologies and knowledge shared were based on the experience gained from Israel’s distinctive security and developmental struggles. The transfer of technology developed into a foreign policy instrument in Israel’s overall international relations. Technical cooperation became part of a broader foreign relations drive that sought to deliver greater diplomatic recognition for Israel. This strategy, which continues to present times, was born mostly out of two major necessities for the young struggling state. The first, to boost Israel’s political stature in international forums. The second, to counterbalance efforts by Israel’s rivals to keep the Jewish State isolated in the Middle East and the rest of the world. In the early years of the initiative, the technology transfers were mostly confined in fields related to agriculture and the military. In more recent years, the rise of Israel’s hi-tech industry has attracted worldwide attention creating new opportunities for Israeli foreign policymakers to widen the scope of technologies to be offered as part of international partnerships. The dissertation examines the interplay of technology/knowledge transfers as a source of soft power for Israel in efforts to advance relationships even with seemingly unlikely partner nations. It explores the usefulness of know-how sharing in the making, growing and maintaining Israel’s relationships with two influential Asian countries. The study considers the multiple factors including the convergence of interests as drivers of Israel’s ties to India and China in both secretive and open relationships. Over the span of five decades, the Jewish State’s international cooperation efforts have grown in scope of expertise in areas like agriculture, defense, anti-terrorist training, and disaster relief. The study explores the weight of Israel’s technology transfers as tools of diplomacy in terms of propping up trade ties, gaining more favorable policies towards Israel in the context of the conflict with Palestinians and boosting bilateral exchanges in the form of official visits and treaties.
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Bueno, Adriana Mesquita Corrêa [UNESP]. "Política externa brasileira e coalizações do Sul: o fórum de diálogo Índia-Brasil-África do Sul (IBSA)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/96280.
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Este trabalho desenvolve análise da relação da política externa brasileira com as coalizões do Sul, especificamente por meio do estudo de caso do Fórum de Diálogo Índia-Brasil-África do Sul (IBSA). A agenda da Política Externa Brasileira do governo Lula (2003-2010) privilegiou a cooperação Sul-Sul como consequência da nova situação internacional multilateral dos anos 1990 e da inserção internacional realizada pelo Ministério das Relações Exteriores brasileiro. Neste contexto, o Brasil buscou uma posição de líder do Sul, organizando a ação coletiva e cooperando com outros países em desenvolvimento...
This dissertation builds up an analysis about the relationship between the Brazilian foreign policy and coalitions of the South, specifically throught the case study of the India-Brazil_/south Africa Dialogue Forum (IBSA). The Brazilian foreign policy agenda of the Lula administration (2003-2010) has privileged the South-South cooperation as a consequence of international multilateral scenario of the 19990s and the international insertions carried out by the Brazilian Foreign Policy Ministry. In the context, Brazil has sought a position as leader of the South, organizing the collective action and cooperating with other developing countries... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
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Steinecke, Tim. "National oil companies and state actors : an assessment of the role of Petronas and ONGC in the foreign policy decision-making process of Malaysia and India using the example of overseas investments in Sudan and South Sudan." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/7765.
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The thesis addresses the role of national oil companies and their overseas engagement in the foreign policy decision-making process of states. Over the past 40 years, national oil companies have gained importance in the international oil industry and currently control around 90 per cent of the global oil reserves. A number of political and economic factors – depleting domestic reserves, economic growth – have resulted in an increasing expansion of Asian national oil companies to Africa. Through the use of two Asian national oil companies – Malaysia's Petronas and India's Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) – and their overseas engagement in Sudan and South Sudan as case studies, the thesis assesses three aspects: factors and motives that influence the relationship between government institutions and Petronas and ONGC, the connection between this domestic relationship and the overseas engagement of both companies, and the implications of the overseas engagement of Petronas and ONGC in both Sudans for the foreign policy decision-making process of Malaysia and India. This set of questions is analysed through a comparative case study design that is supported by in-depth interviews and based on Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), proposing a four-level theoretical framework. This thesis thus seeks to demonstrate how FPA can help assess the connection between the domestic decision-making process and the international engagement of the companies. In doing so, it not only argues that process and engagement are in fact connected, but also critically addresses conventional assumptions about the overseas engagement of national oil companies. Furthermore, this thesis questions the idea that government institutions and national oil companies act in a coherent and coordinated manner when operating abroad.
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Kocián, Adam. "Mezinárodní ekonomické vztahy EU s Indiíí." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-9345.
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The first chapter describes the structure of the Indian economy, the basic macroeconomic measures, the characteristics of the individual sectors and the comparative advantages and disadvantages. The second chapter analyses the development of the world trade, the development and the structure of the foreign trade of the EU and India and the bilateral trade between the EU and India. The third chapter describes the development of the foreign trade policies of the EU and India, the tariff and non-tariff obstacles of the foreign trade. The fourth chapter describes the areas of the economic and non-economic cooperation between the EU and India, trade in services and foreign investments.
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Silva, Luciana Acioly da. "Brasil, China e India : o investimento direto externo nos anos noventa." [s.n.], 2004. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/285421.
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Orientador: Luiz Gonzaga de Mello BelluzzoTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia
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Resumo: A tendência do investimento direto externo entre o pós-guerra e início dos anos oitenta foi de expandir o investimento de natureza produtiva, sobretudo na indústria manufatureira, e permitir a generalização da Segunda Revolução Industrial em muitos países da periferia, devido a sua distribuição espacial mais abrangente. No entanto-, os investimentos diretos nos últimos 20 anos têm se caracterizado pela predominância das operações de fusões e aquisições de empresas - acompanhadas de uma grande expansão do investimento de portfólio e da formação de megacorporações -, por sua menor abrangência espacial e por seu direcionamento majoritariamente ao setor de serviços. Apesar do atual ciclo de investimentos mundiais apresentar estas características, isso não foi algo absoluto, inexorável, como demonstram os casos da China e a índia que além de receberem montantes crescentes de IDE conseguiram se beneficiar dessa nova onda de capital externo. A presente tese procura traçar uma comparação entre as inserções do Brasil, China e índia nos fluxos globais de investimentos diretos externos nos anos noventa, discutindo em que medida os fatores internos ligados ao quadro institucional de cada um desses países os inseriu de modo diferenciado na globalização. Observa-se que a natureza e direção que assumem os investimentos diretos num determinado país dependem do tipo de reforma que implementou e de como esse país promoveu a abertura de sua economia. Em outras palavras, a configuração que assumiu o tDE no Brasil, China e índia foi resultado da interação existente entre as estratégias globais de concorrência das TNCs de acessar mercados e os quadros institucionais montados por cada um desses países para receber o capital estrangeiro, os quais procuraram mais ou menos inibir o componente patrimonial e especulativo desses investimentos. O texto que se segue encontra-se dividido em uma introdução, 3 capítulos e uma conclusão. O primeiro capítulo terá o caráter de uma resenha onde é apresentada uma síntese da literatura sobre a lógica de expansão da grande empresa capitalista. O segundo apresenta um estudo empírico das principais tendências dos fluxos globais de investimento direto externo, em termos de sua evolução, composição e distribuição espacial e setorial, desde os anos 80. O terceiro capítulo procura identificar as configurações assumidas pelo investimento direto externo no Brasil, na China e na índia, e descreve em linhas gerais as orientações das políticas de abertura e reformas adotadas por cada um desses países e as mudanças que introduziram em seus quadros regulatórios para receber os investimentos externos. Na conclusão busca-se uma síntese das principais idéias abordadas ao longo do texto
Abstract: Not informed.
Doutorado
Historia Economica
Doutor em Economia Aplicada
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Bender, Michael Mclean. "History, Identity Politics and Securitization: Religion's Role in the Establishment of Indian-Israeli Diplomatic Relations and Future Prospects for Cooperation." FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2484.
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This dissertation aims to provide an understanding of the historical and contemporary dynamics of India’s foreign policy towards Israel within the context of religious identity from 1947 to 2015. A historical analysis of the relationship between India and Israel exhibits the ways that religious identity has served as a primary factor impeding as well as facilitating relations between the two nations.
The analysis was done within the context of the historical Hindu-Muslim relationship in India and how the legacy of this relationship, in India’s effort to maintain positive relations with the Arab-Muslim world, worked to inhibit relations with Israel prior to normalization in 1992. However, the five years leading up to normalization, and thereafter, the dynamic is reversed with this legacy playing an increasingly progressive role in India-Israel relations via the social construction of shared meanings and identities between India’s Hindu majority with Israel’s Jewish majority. Social construction of shared meanings and identities are based, in part, within an historical/modern-day context of conflict with a minority, religious Other (Islam), and through bridges of connection based in other historical, cultural, social, and religious areas. Formal interviews, archival primary-source analysis of government documents, and secondary-source review were methods employed in the evaluation of the role of religion in India’s foreign policy towards Israel.
In conclusion, this dissertation demonstrates the normative and functional effects that religious identities have played, and continue to play, in determining India’s foreign policy towards Israel given the fundamental role religious identity has historically played in the structuring of social perceptions, interactions and worldviews within Indian society up and through the present-day.
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Hess, Natalie M. [Verfasser], and Detlef [Akademischer Betreuer] Nolte. "Understanding the EU’s Strategic Partnerships with Brazil, India and South Africa : Strategic alliances forming part of the strategy of cooperating while competing and Social relationships as foreign policy tools of social power / Natalie M. Hess. Betreuer: Detlef Nolte." Hamburg : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1053811268/34.
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Cardozo, Anderson Matias. "Índia, das Reformas Econômicas de 1991 à Inserção Regional: desafios e oportunidades de um país emergente." Universidade Estadual da Paraíba, 2013. http://tede.bc.uepb.edu.br/tede/jspui/handle/tede/2034.
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Previous issue date: 2013-05-27Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
East Asia since the 1990s, is characterized by the presence of actors with growing capacity both in economic terms and in political and strategic objectives, clear or not, exercise leadership at the regional and international levels, and the region with the increased presence of nuclear powers. In this sense, the ongoing Chinese rise, with greater influence in Southeast Asia, it still presents itself as a possible threat to Indian interests. On the other hand, The United states has always had a strong influence in the region and increasingly demonstrates officially his intention to remain in Asia and prevent growth of other actors that might compromise its traditional role in terms of safety and even undermine their economic interests. In this process, also excels at the role of Japan, considered the beginning of 1990 as one that could replace the United States, saw its possibilities gradually being weakened by Chinese growth. In this sense, this paper seeks to examine and analyze the process of inclusion of India in the Asian continent, due to the inflection of his foreign and economic policies in the Post Cold War. On one hand, India will seek to insert themselves in Asian production networks, today led by China and on the other, will see constrained by the demands of Japanese-American to be a force that can counter the growing Chinese power. And among this movement that leads to the need for stronger economic ties with China and political-strategic approaches with the United States and Japan as opposed to China, India maintains its project of becoming a regional power in this century XXI.
O Leste Asiático, desde a década de 1990, é caracterizado pela presença de atores com capacidade crescente tanto na dimensão econômica quanto na político-estratégica e com objetivos, claros ou não, de exercício de liderança nos planos regional e internacional, sendo a região com a maior presença de potências nucleares. Neste sentido, a contínua ascensão chinesa, com uma maior influência no Sudeste Asiático, não deixa de se apresentar como uma possível ameaça aos interesses indianos. De outro lado, Estados Unidos sempre teve forte influência na região e cada vez mais demonstra oficialmente sua intenção de se manter na Ásia e evitar crescimento de outros atores que possam comprometer seu tradicional papel no plano da segurança e mesmo prejudicar seus interesses econômicos. Neste processo, sobressai-se igualmente o papel do Japão que, considerado no início dos 1990 como aquele que poderia substituir Estados Unidos, viu paulatinamente suas possibilidades serem enfraquecidas pelo crescimento chinês. Neste sentido, o presente trabalho busca examinar e analisar o processo de inserção da Índia no continente asiático, decorrente da inflexão de suas políticas externa e econômica no Pós Guerra Fria. De um lado, Índia procurará inserir-se nas redes produtivas asiáticas, hoje lideradas pela China e, de outro, ver-se-á constrangida pelas demandas nipo-americanas de ser uma força que possa contrabalançar o crescente poder chinês. E, entre este movimento que leva à necessidade de fortes vínculos econômicos com a China e aproximações político-estratégicas com Estados Unidos e Japão em oposição à China, a Índia mantém seu projeto de se transformar em uma potência regional neste século XXI.
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Jeannot, Céline. "Plurilinguisme et éducation en Inde : l’enseignement des langues et du français langue étrangère. Etude de cas à Chennai et Poudouchéry." Thesis, Grenoble, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012GRENL013/document.
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Ce travail de recherche propose une approche croisée de la sociolinguistique et de la didactique des langues pour explorer l’enseignement des langues, et en particulier de l’anglais, du tamoul, de l’hindi et du français, en contexte indien. Il vise la compréhension d’enjeux globaux sur la gestion éducative du plurilinguisme en Inde tout en s’appuyant sur une étude de cas localisée à Chennai et Poudouchéry, dans le sud de l’Inde. Le questionnement retenu porte sur les liens de cohérence existant entre la situation sociolinguistique indienne, les politiques linguistiques éducatives et les pratiques et représentations des enseignants en rapport avec les langues et le plurilinguisme. La mise en relation de ces différents niveaux d’analyse s’opère par le biais d’une démarche de contextualisation permettant de mettre en évidence certaines spécificités du plurilinguisme social et individuel en Inde. Cette recherche questionne plus spécifiquement la place du français dans le panorama de l’enseignement des langues en Inde, ainsi que les modalités de son enseignement et les représentations qui y sont associées. L’étude des pratiques et représentations des enseignants de langue a fait l’objet d’une enquête de terrain menée dans des établissements scolaires de Chennai, à l’Alliance française de Madras (Chennai) et au Lycée français de Pondichéry (Poudouchéry). La réflexion menée débouche sur quelques perspectives pour une meilleure reconnaissance des pratiques plurilingues par l’école, et une véritable prise en compte des langues et variétés présentes dans l’environnement socialThe present work proposes a cross-approach of sociolinguistics and didactics to explore the teaching of languages, especially English, Tamil, Hindi and French, in the Indian context. The study aims at a better understanding of issues on educational management of multilingualism in India while relying on a case study located in Chennai and Puducherry (South India). The inquiry focuses on consistent links between the sociolinguistic situation of India, language education policies, and practices and perceptions of teachers in relation to languages and multilingualism. Linking these different levels of analysis occurs through a process of contextualisation that highlights some specificities of both social and individual multilingualism in India. The research questions more specifically the place of French in the panorama of language teaching in India, as well as related teaching methods and representations. The study of practices and representations of language teachers has been done through a field survey in schools in Chennai, at the Alliance française of Madras (Chennai) and at the Lycée français of Puducherry. This analysis leads to a few suggestions for a better recognition of multilingual practices by the school, so that languages and varieties of the social environment would be taken into account
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Berry, Ana. "“Dismantling the Big” Critiquing the Western Development Model and Foreign Aid and Analyzing Alternatives for Domestic Development of Dams in Nepal." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pitzer_theses/25.
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This paper argues for the importance of scale, management and sovereign-led development in considering a more human-centric model for Third World development. It begins by reviewing the history of the mainstream Western development model through the evolution of modernization theory and foreign aid. It explores general critiques of this model offered by scholars, focusing on unequal power relations, the high cost of aid, and problems with ‘cookie cutter’ style development projects that don’t take into account disparate environments. As the paper progresses, focus shifts more specifically to hydropower development and ‘Big Dams’. Nepal is the main case study for exemplifying the problems with foreign-aid-funded dam projects and for proposing the alternative model of smaller scale, management-focused, nation-led development projects. While the scope of this study is limited, the growing success of these projects in Nepal suggests that more focus should be paid to applying these methods in other developing countries.
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Rodrigues, Elze Camila Ferreira [UNESP]. "A atuação internacional do Brasil para as mudanças climáticas: as COP de 2009 a 2015." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/138969.
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
No ano de 2009, durante a décima quinta edição da Conferência das Partes (COP) da Convenção-Quadro das Nações Unidas para as Mudanças Climáticas (UNFCCC, na sigla em inglês), a representação diplomática brasileira assumiu para o país um compromisso voluntário de redução das emissões nacionais de gases causadores do efeito estufa. Tal evento foi marcante no regime internacional de mudanças climáticas e na trajetória da política externa ambiental brasileira por conta do pioneirismo do país entre os intermediários que não pertencem ao Anexo I. Essa atitude da diplomacia brasileira é parte da conjuntura vivida pelo multilateralismo ambiental em que a tradicional clivagem Norte-Sul ganhava também a categoria intermediária das economias emergentes. A atuação do Brasil e de outros países dessa categoria teve reflexos nos debates nos anos posteriores à COP-15. O objetivo desse trabalho é, assim, analisar a atuação da diplomacia brasileira entre a COP-15 e a COP-21 diante dos desafios das mudanças climáticas e do multilateralismo. Para tanto, faz-se uma análise da política externa ambiental do país neste período, bem como um paralelo com a atuação dos países do BASIC na mesma cronologia.
In 2009, during the fifteenth edition of the Conference of the Parties (COP) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the Brazilian diplomatic representation took a voluntary commitment to reduce national emissions of greenhouse gas effect. This was an outstanding event in the international climate change regime and in the trajectory of Brazilian environmental foreign policy because of the country's pioneering among the intermediaries economies that do not belong to Annex I. This attitude of Brazilian diplomacy is a part of the framework experienced by environmental multilateralism where the traditional division between North-South includes now the intermediate category of emerging economies. The performance of Brazil and other countries in that category was reflected in the discussions in the years after COP-15. The aim of this study is to analyze the performance of Brazilian diplomacy between the COP-15 and COP-21 concerning the challenges of climate change and multilateralism. Therefore, it is an analysis of the Brazilian environmental foreign policy during this period as well as a comparison with the performance of the BASIC countries in the same timeline.
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Harouit, Farid. "Les facteurs de la radicalisation islamiste violente en Grande-Bretagne à la lumière des attentats de Londres du 7 juillet 2005 : la dimension pakistanaise." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCA163.
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Les attentats du 7 juillet 2005 à Londres ont causé un choc et un effroi dans la société britannique non seulement à cause du nombre important des victimes mais aussi en raison de la citoyenneté britannique des kamikazes. A l’exception de Germaine Lindsay qui était d’origine jamaïcaine, les autres membres de la cellule – Mohammed Siddiq Khan, Shehzad Tanweer et Hussib Hussain - étaient tous d’origine pakistanaise. Les kamikazes du 7 juillet 2005 n’étaient pas les seuls Britanniques d’origine pakistanaise impliqués dans des actes de terrorisme. Avant 2005, ils étaient nombreux à aller combattre auprès d’organisations djihadistes pakistanaises au Cachemire ou à commettre des tentatives d’attentat sur le sol britannique, comme ce fut le cas de la cellule de Luton en 2004. Après 2005, d’autres cellules, comme celle de Birmingham en 2011, ont essayé de commettre des attentats à une plus grande échelle. L’origine pakistanaise des auteurs, leur intérêt pour le conflit au Cachemire et leur entrainement paramilitaire dans les camps d’organisations djihadistes pakistanaises sont autant d'éléments communs qui nous ont conduit à nous interroger sur la nature de la radicalisation violente en Grande-Bretagne. Cette thèse examine la dimension pakistanaise de la radicalisation islamiste violente en Grande-Bretagne en se basant sur la théorie des mouvements sociaux, notamment le modèle de Quintan Wiktorowicz, selon lequel la radicalisation est le fruit de griefs politiques, socio-économiques et d’idéologie. Elle s’appuie sur dix études de cas : trois organisations djihadistes pakistanaises (Lashkar e-Toiba, Harakat ul-Mujahideen et Jaish e-Mohammed), trois organisations extrémistes transnationales (Hizb ut-Tahrir, Al-Muhajiroun et Supporters of Sharia) et quatre mouvements de l’islam sud-asiatiques (Ahl e-Hadith, déobandi, Tablighi Jamaat et Jamaat e-Islami). La thèse démontre qu’il y a une dimension spécifiquement pakistanaise de la radicalisation islamiste violente en Grande-Bretagne en raison de l’histoire coloniale, le conflit au Cachemire, la « guerre contre la terreur » et l’intervention militaire en AfghanistanThe 7 July 2005 London bombings caused shock and awe in the British society not only because of the important number of casualties, but also due to the British citizenship of the bombers. With the exception of Germaine Lindsay, who was of Jamaican descent, all the other members of the cell - Mohammed Siddiq Khan, Shehzad Tanweer and Hussib Hussain - had Pakistani background. The London bombers were not the only British Pakistanis who were involved in acts of terrorism. Before 2005, many went to fight alongside the Pakistani jihadi organisations in Kashmir or plotted against Britain such as the Luton cell in 2004. After 2005, other cells, like the one in Birmingham in 2011, planned attacks on a bigger scale on British soil. The Pakistani origin of the perpetrators, their interest in Kashmir and their paramilitary training in camps belonging to Pakistani jihadi organisations were common features that have raised questions about the nature of violent radicalisation in Britain. This thesis examines the Pakistani dimension of violent radicalisation in Britain by building on social movement theory, especially on Quintan Wiktorowicz’ model, according to which radicalisation is the result of political, socio-economic grievances and ideology. This research is based on ten case studies: three Pakistani jihadi organisations (Lashkar e-Toiba, Harakat ul-Mujahideen and Jaish e-Mohammed), three extremist transnational organisations (Hizb ut-Tahrir, Al-Muhajiroun and Supporters of Sharia) and four South-Asian Islamic mouvements (Ahl e-Hadith, Deobandi, Tablighi Jamaat and Jamaat e-Islami). The thesis shows that there is specifically a Pakistani dimension to the violent islamist radicalisation in Britain due to the colonial history, the conflict in Kashmir, the ‘’war on terror’’ and the military intervention in Afghanistan
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Gomis, François. "Les nouveaux défis et enjeux de la politique étrangère de la France en Afrique francophone subsaharienne." Thesis, Paris 5, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA05D020.
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Des années 1960 jusqu’à la fin de la guerre froide, voire au-delà, l’influence voire la prépondérance de la France sur les territoires francophones d’Afrique noire est presque totale. Cependant, en ce XXIème siècle naissant, la compétition mondiale dans la recherche de nouveaux débouchés et de la sécurisation de l’approvisionnement énergétique amène inexorablement les grandes puissances à entrer en ‘‘conflit d’intérêts’’ par la pénétration réciproque des « arrière-cours ». Ceci est particulièrement vrai pour la France qui voit des pays tels que les Etats-Unis, la Chine, l’Inde, le Brésil, la Turquie, les pays du Golfe, etc., faire une entrée fracassante dans une région géographique qu’elle considère depuis longtemps comme sa « chasse gardée » compte tenu des liens historique, linguistique et politique. Ces nouveaux défis et enjeux pour la politique africaine de la France se mesurent désormais, à l’aune des transformations à l’œuvre sur la scène internationale avec la mondialisation et l’émergence de nouvelles puissances du Sud. Les défis et les enjeux sont importants pour l’action extérieure de la France et sa place dans le monde, compte tenu de la concurrence féroce des nouveaux acteurs et des changements des sociétés africaines en cours. Néanmoins elle possède encore des atouts économiques, diplomatiques et stratégiques susceptibles de lui permettre d’élaborer, grâce à l’espace culturel francophone, un projet original, ambitieux et porteur d’espoir. Pour ce faire, il faudra répondre aux deux interrogations suivantes : Comment réformer cette politique traditionnelle basée sur des relations étroites et privilégiées avec les dirigeants africains sans toutefois compromettre les avantages comparatifs de la France sur place? Quelle stratégie politique mettre en œuvre pour identifier les véritables intérêts communs des Français et des Africains francophones, en tenant compte des opportunités et des menaces, et les développer dans un partenariat mutuellement bénéfique ?From 1960s to the end of the cold war, even beyond, the influence even the supremacy of France in the French-speaking territories in Sub-Saharan Africa is almost total. However, in this 21st century, the world competition in the research of new markets and the security of the energy supply leads inexorably the great powers to enter in “conflict of interests” by the mutual penetration of the “back-yards”. This is particularly true for France which has countries such as the United States, China, India, Brazil, Turkey, the Gulf Arab States, etc., to make a dramatic entrance in a geographical area where she judged it for a long time as her “exclusive domain” considering the historical, linguistic and political links. These new challenges and issues for the African policy of France are measured from now on, in the light of the transformations at work in the world with the globalization and the emergence of new powers of the South. The challenges and the issues are important for the external action of France and its place in the World, considering the fierce competition between new stakeholders and the ongoing African society changes. Nevertheless it still has economic, diplomatic and strategic assets which enable him to elaborate, thanks to the francophone cultural center, an original project, ambitious and promising. With this aim in mind, it will be necessary to answer to the two following questions: How to reform this traditional policy based on close and privileged relationships with African leaders without compromising, however, the comparative advantages of France on the spot? Which political strategy has to be implemented in order to identify the real common interests of the French and the French-speaking Africans, by taking into account the opportunities and threats, and to develop them in a mutually beneficial partnership?
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Monnet, Rodolphe. "La politique extérieure de l'Inde en Afrique." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCB025.
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Depuis 2001 et la recomposition des équilibres de puissance, l'Inde s'affirme comme l'un des acteurs qui compte dans un espace international de plus en plus multipolaire. Les mouvements de fond actuels provoquent une redistribution de cette puissance imposant de nouvelles alliances et de nouveaux jeux de pouvoirs. L'Inde n'est pas étrangère à cette tendance et encore plus depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir, en 2014, de l'actuel Premier ministre, Narendra Modi. Ce dernier conduit une politique extérieure ambitieuse pour que son pays accède à un statut de puissance mondiale. C'est dans ce cadre que se pose notre problématique qui est de savoir dans quelle mesure la place de l'Afrique dans la politique étrangère indienne permet-elle justement à l'Inde de parvenir à se hisser à ce statut de puissance. Pour y répondre, cette thèse investigue trois directions. D'abord, la place de l'océan Indien dans la relation indo-africaine doit rendre compte du rôle de l'Afrique dans la volonté indienne de faire de cet océan un espace pacifique et sécurisé sur lequel l'Inde puisse être un acteur incontournable face à des acteurs politiques puissants et hétérogènes. Ensuite, cette thèse s'attache à déterminer le rôle que l'Afrique joue dans la volonté de l'Inde d'être une puissance ayant une capacité d'influence politique sur la scène internationale au travers des instances internationales, de ses relations bilatérales avec les États africains et de la diaspora indienne installée dans ces pays. Enfin, cette recherche de statut passe par le champ économique et la nécessaire évaluation de l'empreinte économique que l'Inde souhaite imprimer en Afrique pour mieux asseoir ses capacités d'influence. Cette étude doit permettre de donner un éclairage sur la politique extérieure indienne à l'heure où les États-Unis réévaluent leur implication dans l'océan Indien, où la Chine met en place la « One Belt, One Road » et où l'Inde et le Japon viennent de s'unir pour proposer un nouveau partenariat à l'AfriqueSince 2001 and the reshuffling of the balance of power, India has become one of the influential actors in an increasingly multipolar international context. The current groundswells are reshuffling powers between Nations in shaping new alliances and new power games. India is, more than ever, involved in this trend since the current Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, came to power in 2014. He conducts an ambitious foreign policy as a means to make his country a global and respected power. The context of the issue detailed in this document is: to what extent does Africa's place in India's foreign policy enables India to reach this status of power? This thesis investigates the following three themes: Firstly, the Indian Ocean's place in the Indo-African relationship should reflect Africa's role in India's will to make the Indian Ocean region a peaceful and secured space in which India is a decisive player in front of powerful and heterogeneous political actors. Secondly, this thesis focuses on assessing Africa's role in India's initiatives to be an influential player on politics on the international agenda through international bodies, its bilateral relations with African states and the Indian diaspora settled down in these countries. Thirdly, India's search for that particular status goes through the economic area and the assessment of India's economic footprint in Africa to better establish its influence on that Continent. This study tries to shed the light on India's foreign policy while the United States are reassessing their involvement in the Indian Ocean, and while China is setting up its "One Belt, One Road" and India and Japan have just come together to propose a new partnership to Africa
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Chacko, Priya. "Indian foreign policy and the ambivalence of postcolonial modernity." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/48196.
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India’s foreign policy behaviour often challenges conventional theories of international relations (IR). Why for instance, did India wait 24 years after its first nuclear test to conduct another test? In the wake of its nuclear tests, why did the political leadership highlight the scientific achievements more than the military implications and why did it characterise India’s nuclear program as being unique in terms of its restraint and its commitment to total disarmament? Why did India engage in a discourse of friendship with China rather than adopt the anti-communist stance of other democratic states? These are just some of the questions that cannot be adequately explained by the positivist and ahistorical traditions of IR that down-play the connection between state identity and foreign policy or analyse foreign policy as the product of pre-existing realities, subjectivities and interpretive dispositions. An approach that takes into account the historical and cultural context of the construction of state identity however, offers a fuller understanding of India’s foreign policy behaviour. Using genealogy and the idea of identity performativity, this thesis analyses India’s foreign policy discourse as a representational practice which, through various codings of sex, gender and race, enacts India’s postcolonial identity. The thesis uses the findings of five case studies – India’s relationship with China, its nuclear politics, its relations with its South Asian neighbours and its interventions in Pakistan and Sri Lanka – to suggest that a deep ambivalence toward Western modernity lies at the heart of India’s postcolonial identity and, therefore, the foreign policy discourse that enacts it. This ambivalence arises because, on the one hand, Indian nationalists accepted colonial narratives in which the backwardness of ‘Indian civilisation’ led to its degeneration, but on the other hand, they recognised the need to advance a critique of Western modernity and its deep imbrication with colonialism. The result is a striving for a postcolonial modernity that is not only imitative but strives to be distinctly different and superior to Western modernity by being culturally and morally grounded. Thus, India is fashioned as a postcolonial civilisational-state that brings to international affairs a tradition of morality and ethical conduct which it derives from its civilisational heritage. This thesis argues that in order to comprehend the apparently inexplicable aspects of Indian foreign policy it is crucial to understand this self-fashioning.Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2008
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Jao, Chia-Yi, and 饒家宜. "U.S. Foreign Policy towards India after the Cold War." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/y5j6ga.
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碩士東吳大學
政治學系
96
U.S. Foreign Policy towards India after the Cold War Abstract After the Cold War, South Asian regional balance of power has undergone a subtle change. In response, the United States began an adjustment of its relations with India and Pakistan, in particular strengthening security cooperation with India. The U.S.-India relations entered a turning point, when U.S. President Bill Clinton visited to India in 2000. The establishment of U.S.-India global partnership in 2005 and signing of U.S.-India Civil Nuclear Cooperation Initiative in 2006, when President George W. Bush visited India, indicated a significant shift in U.S.-India relations after the cold war. This thesis seeks to analyze the U.S. foreign policy towards to India after the Cold War. It is argued that the power structure in South Asia has been transformed after the Cold War. And the regional countries and related countries have responded to this change. This study asks the following questions: Why did the U.S. adjust its policies and how the India respond to U.S. policy change? It is concluded that the United States adjusted foreign policy towards India for two main reasons: the change of international environment and the change in American domestic politics. It is also concluded that the development of India-U.S. during 1990-2008 has taken an incremental approach. Look to the future, the development of a strategic partnership between the two countries served each other’s national interests, regardless of their difference on some other issues. It is very likely that India and the U.S. will continue to maintain their economic, political and security cooperation. Key Words: U.S.- India relations, U.S.-India foreign policy, South Asian Regional。
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Jain, Sanyogita. "India"s foreign policy - A study of Indo-nepal relations after independence." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2009/1075.
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Rane, Ketan Cobbe James H. "Excess foreign exchange reserves the Indian case /." Diss., 2006. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/04102006-180615.
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Thesis (M.S.)--Florida State University, 2006.Advisor: James Cobbe, Florida State University, College of Social Sciences, Program in International Affairs. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed June 7, 2006). Document formatted into pages; contains x, 70 pages. Includes bibliographical references.
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Nataraj, Geethanjali. "Impact of foreign trade policy reforms on domestic welfare in India: An empirical study." Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2009/2050.
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Madan, Tanvi. "With an eye to the east : the China factor and the U.S.-India relationship, 1949-1979." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/25110.
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In recent years, as China has continued to rise as an economic, political and military power, there has been increasing interest in the U.S. in developing a strategic relationship with India in response. Most have seen this as a relatively recent framework for building U.S.-India relations after five decades of viewing the bilateral relationship either through a U.S.-India-Pakistan lens, or through a Cold War lens with India seen as a leader of the non-aligned movement and subsequently a de facto ally and security partner of the Soviet Union. A much-debated question among academics and policymakers has been whether India and the U.S. will ally or partner against China in the future. One set of answers asserts that a China threat-driven U.S.-India partnership is inevitable; a second contends that a China-driven U.S.-India alignment or partnership is highly unlikely, if not impossible. This dissertation shows that China has played an important role in shaping U.S.-India relations since the People's Republic of China came into existence in 1949. It explores past US-Indian interactions vis-à-vis China between 1949-1979 and makes evident that a US-India partnership against China is neither inevitable nor impossible. India has partnered, one could argue even allied, with countries against China--with the US in 1962 and the USSR in 1971. On the other hand, at other times, even when Indian and US policymakers have considered China to be threat number one, the countries' partnership has not been sustainable. The two countries have come together against China, but only when certain conditions are in place. This dissertation shows that they have partnered against China when they have agreed on (a) the nature of the threat, (b) the urgency of the threat, and (c) how to deal with the threat. In laying out this argument, this dissertation offers insights related to the future of the China-India-U.S. strategic triangle. More broadly, it also emphasizes that in considering when countries ally or partner, it is insufficient just to focus on threat itself or even perceptions of threat; it is also necessary to consider means: how states best think a threat can be met.text
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Choudhary, Vijay Prasad. "A critical analysis of the policy and procedural aspect of foreign collaboration in industry in India (1973-1987)." Thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/2009/3188.
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Bai, Han-Tang, and 白漢唐. "The Study of Sri Lanka''s Foreign Policy Between the Competition of China and India in Indian Ocean Region." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/cmn85b.
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碩士國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
102
Studies of the mainstream of international relations tend to ignore the value of small countries and interactive relationship between big countryies and small countries. But the rising of regional great power who is pursuiting the leadership in the region, often deliberately draw or oppression small countries integrating into its sub-system. Sri Lanka is located in the middle of Indian Ocean Region(IOR） which is close to India for dozens kilometers.If some competiting regional great power control Sri Lanka will cause severe influence in national security to India. Sri Lanka got the autonomy from the British in 1948,it tended to maintain good relationship with India with supporting Non-Aligned Policy,mediating the boder dispute of China and India in 1962.South Asian tsunami damaged Sri Lanka''s ecnomy and took many lifies in 2004,China''s aid recovery Sri Lanka''s economy with rising great economic power,even solved the 26-year civil war between SL Army and LTTE with selling offensive weapons.The situition of China''s affect getting strong in IOR deepen the suspicion of India.This study main discussion is what foreign policy Sri Lanka will take between the competition of China and India in IOR. On discussion of a small country''s foreign policy, scholars develop "alliances or non-aligned" or "balancing or bandwagoning", as well as "engagement and hedging" strategies. I hypothesized that a small country (Sri Lanka) in the absence of foreign aid for its powerful neighbor circumstances, plus fruit strength disparity, usually only take bandwagoning strategy confronting its powerful neighbor (China and India). Small countries take an alliance and non-aligned, or balancing and bandwagoning policies contend primarily by "external structure" (ie, the level of competition level). When in high level competition of structures tend to engage alliance and tend to take non-aligned in low level competition. This studies indicate that in the non-aligned policy, a small country against its powerful neighbor to draw foreign aid for balancing, and subject to what the strategic interests of small countries in political, economic or military can provide, if small countries lose the incentive for foreign aid, bandwagoning strategy will become main forgign policy to powerful neighbor.
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Singh, Anita. "Stephen Harper's India Policy: The Role and Influence of the Indo-Canadian Diaspora." 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10222/13160.
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Ethnic interest organizations have not been considered a salience influence on foreign policy. Traditionally, democratic theory suggests foreign policy should be determined by the will of the general population, rather that the limited and segregated interests of minority groups. Specifically in Canadian foreign policy, ethnic groups have also had limited access to decision-makers because of increased centralization of Canadian foreign policy. In contrast, the literature on Canada-India relations suggests there is an important foreign policy impact by the large, economically progressive Indo-Canadian Diaspora which has actively attempted to improve relations between these states. This dissertation addresses this obvious contrast, showing how the community has overcome the challenges traditionally associated with ethnic groups and foreign policy. Centrally, the research finds that Indo-Canadians have been active and successful foreign policy participants, influencing implementation, perceptions-editing and direct foreign policy between the two countries. This is determined by two characteristics: first, the Harper government’s decision to actively improve economic relations with New Delhi has opened important cess points for the Indo-Canadian community. Give their intimate knowledge of India’s business and economic environment, the Diaspora has been involved in various overseas missions, consultations and networking between the Canadian government and various stakeholders. Second, ethnic group influence is determined by the community’s internal organization, including the composition of their membership, financial resources and political strategies. With these characteristics, the dissertation assesses three interest organizations: the Indo-Canada Chamber of Commerce (ICCC), the Canada-India Business Council (C-IBC) and the Canada-India Foundation (CIF). By conducting a within-case analysis, it finds that each organization has a niche role within Canada-India relations – in Diaspora representation (ICCC), business and trade relations (C-IBC) and policy-related advocacy (CIF). Centrally, this dissertation speaks to the evolving relations between the state and society in Canadian foreign policy. It offers a challenge to earlier work in this field, resulting in theoretical, methodological and policy-oriented advancement of a nascent body of literature, suggesting avenues for further investigation.
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Duttagupta, Sudip. "Foreign travellers’ recommendation of culinary tourism in India based on cuisine image and satisfaction with experiences at culinary establishments: an exploratory study." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10012/7503.
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The role of food in tourism has recently received increased attention within the spheres of destination marketing, tourism development, and academia. Cuisine appreciation is an indelible aspect of the holistic, polysensual experiences that travellers seek thesedays (Crouch & Desforges, 2003; Everett, 2009). The experience of cuisine is the overarching theme for this study. It addresses a contextual gap concerning the concepts of image, satisfaction, and behavioural intentions (which have been abdundantly researched from a destination perspective) applied to cuisine and the travel experience, in India. Specifically, this study’s purpose was to determine foreign travellers’ likelihood to recommend India for culinary tourism based on their perception of its cuisine and satisfaction levels with culinary experiences during their travel to the country. Additional aspects of the culinary behaviour of foreign travellers to India, such as their frequency of patronising Indian culinary establishments, types of establishments they visited, key sources of cuisine knowledge, and their opinion on cuisine knowledge based on culinary experiences in the country, are also revealed in the study. As well, the study incorporated a comparative analysis between how Indian cuisine is perceived vis-à-vis Thai, another globally popular cuisine.
A cross-sectional quantitative research design was employed in this study. A questionnaire comprising of six-point Likert scale questions for cuisine image, satisfaction with culinary establishments, and recommendation for culinary tourism, and a combination of additional close and open-ended questions was posed to a convenience sample of foreign travellers to India. Data analyses consisted of frequency analyses, and parametric and non-parametric tests to address the research questions and establish correlations between the study’s central concepts. The results indicate that the sample of foreign travellers’ perception of Indian cuisine was positive overall and equivalent in comparison with that of Thai cuisine. A majority of respondents were satisfied with their culinary experiences in the country and recommended India for culinary tourism, in spite of the culinary challenges faced. The results also indicate that cuisine experience featured prominently as one of the most enjoyable aspects of their trip and that foreign travellers patronised Indian culinary establishments on a frequent basis. Respondents used affective as well as cognitive sources of cuisine information and a majority felt that culinary experiences in India had an ameliorative effect on their overall cuisine knowledge.
This study carries particular pertinence in light of recent efforts on the part of the Ministry of Tourism, India to promote culinary tourism as a distinct tourism segment. Although the study cannot claim to be wholly conclusive as it is limited to a small convenience sample, the results provide valuable insight on this previously under-researched topic. Acknowledging the aforementioned caveat, implications and recommendations for three stakeholders are presented: culinary tourism marketers, owners/managers of culinary establishments, and the academic community. It is suggested that stakeholders contextualise the learnings from this study to their unique needs from a culinary tourism promotion and managerial standpoint. Being that this is an exploratory study, further research is recommended to explore the nuances of the study’s central themes with respect to phenomenon of culinary tourism.
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Gerberg, Yitshạḳ. "The changing nature of Israeli-Indian relations, 1948-2005." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/2936.
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The focus of this research is on the analysis of relations between Israel and India
from 1948 to 2005. The State of Israel was established in 1948 but only on 18
September 1950 did India recognise Israel. Eventually, the two countries finally
established full diplomatic relations on 29 January 1992.
The research covers three specific timeframes and aims to clarify the factors that
have affected and effected the relations between the two countries in terms of
levels of analysis.
The first timeframe (from 1948 to 1991) pertains to bilateral relations between the
two countries before the establishment of diplomatic relations, including preindependence
relations. India's foreign policy towards Israel reflected its selfinterest
in the Middle East as well as its traditional sympathy with the Arabs and
had been influenced by India's commitment to the Non-aligned Movement and
the sentiments of the Indian Muslims. Eventually it was transformed into an anti-
Israeli foreign policy.
In the second timeframe, the change in bilateral relations between Israel and
India in 1992 and the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two
countries are analysed by the Aggregative Model of Bilateral Foreign Relations
Strategic Change. This analysis deals with the operational environment within
which the Indian systemic foreign policy changed towards Israel.
In the third timeframe, the evolving bilateral relations between India and Israel
from 1992 to 2005 are analysed in terms of the Oscillated Diplomacy Model.
Consecutive Indian governments in power had an influence on the volume of
Indian diplomacy towards Israel as well as the direction of the relations between
the two countries. Furthermore, three types of mutual national strategic interests,
namely, joint strategic interests, common strategic interests and discrepant
strategic interests, influenced the operational diplomacy of both countries.
In essence, Israeli-Indian relations from 1948 to 1991 were characterised by
partial and consistent pro-Arab and anti-Israeli foreign policy. In 1992, a
significant diplomatic change occurred when India and Israel established full
diplomatic relations. Since then bilateral relations have evolved continually in a
positive manner concentrating on the convergence of strategic interests of the
two countries.International Politics
D.Litt. et Phil. (International Politics))
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Jelínková, Věra. "Geostrategický význam Bangladéše pro směřování indické zahraniční politiky." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-398214.
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This master's thesis sets out to interpret relations of India and Bangladesh and the course of their foreign policies in the light of geographical, geopolitical, demographic, and other realities and new paradigms, which determine forming of their mutual relations. The aim of this thesis is to highlight the geostrategic significance of Bangladesh for India and for the development of the surrounding region. This thesis also portrays the historical role of India in the emergence of Bangladesh and their relations since 1971 until today. It also deals with the key areas of Indian foreign and security policy towards Bangladesh, including economic cooperation, cooperation in the area of defence, legal and illegal migration, local and regional connectivity, energy, and water management. Given the topicality of the subject matter, this thesis draws information primarily from official documents published by governmental agencies, research institutes and think tanks, as well as from publicly accessible agreements, memorandums, arrangements, joint statements, press releases and other reliable sources. To a limited extent, it also sources Indian, Bangladeshi, and other media. Keywords: India, Bangladesh, India-Bangladesh Relations, South Asia, Indian Subcontinent, Neighbourhood First Policy, Foreign Policy
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Chacko, Priya. "Indian foreign policy and the ambivalence of postcolonial modernity." 2007. http://digital.library.adelaide.edu.au/dspace/handle/2440/48196.
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Ranganathan, Shilpa. "The Effects of the Political-Legal Environment and Corporate Characteristics on Mergers and Acquisitions in India, 1991-2005." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2012-05-10787.
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Emerging markets such as India have witnessed waves of domestic and cross-border mergers and acquisitions. This historical analysis, which consists of two parts, tests central tenets of resource dependence theory. The first part entails an analysis of the transition in public policy governing corporations between 1991 and 2005. The second part tests hypotheses derived from resource dependence theory relating to a firm’s decision to acquire. The analysis explores the factors that explain why firms engage in mergers and acquisitions by examining three specific policy periods (i.e., 1991-1996, 1997-2001 and 2002-2005). The findings from the historical analysis suggest that firms did not merely react to the conditions (i.e., constraints on capital) in their environment by undertaking merger and acquisition activity, but attempted to alter them as resource dependence theory suggests. Findings from the event history logit model also support resource dependence theory. Overall, the study shows that merger and acquisition activity increased during a period of intense deregulation (i.e., 1991-2005) brought about by the adoption of neo-liberal reforms, change to the multilayer subsidiary form, deregulation of the banking and financial sectors’ and reforms in foreign direct investment and equity markets. During this period of uncertainty, firms controlling more resources in terms of earnings, efficiency and number of subsidiaries were more likely to undertake acquisition activity as they have leverage in organization-environment relationships. The effect of number of subsidiaries on acquisition activity was the most consistent across policy periods’.
This dissertation is organized in the following manner: Following the introductory chapter, Chapter II is a historical examination of the three policy periods and includes an analysis of the effect of the political-legal environment on mergers and acquisitions between 1991 and 2005. Chapter III reviews the propositions of resource dependence theory that pertain to organizational change and presents research hypotheses related to mergers and acquisitions. Chapter IV describes the data, measurement and methodology employed in the quantitative analysis. Chapter V presents the findings from the quantitative analysis and discusses the results. The concluding chapter (Chapter VI) includes a presentation of the theoretical findings and discussion of the limitations and scope of the study.
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Hradecký, Jiří. "Indie jako hospodářská velmoc a její vývoj od konce studené války." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-333315.
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This work discusses the change in Indian position in international relations during the Cold War. It is a qualitative case study, which is also dedicated to finding influences that caused the change in the Indian position. Work includes the following sections. The first part describes the theory of international relations relevant to the study of the Indian position within the great power relations. Next part analyzes India's economic development and historical development of India's foreign policy and relations with the most important global actors. The final chapter is a study of global governance institutions and policies of BRICS and its position to the institutions of global governance.
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Zahálková, Iva. "Post-konfliktní rekonstrukce v Afghánistánu z perspektivy teorie regionálních bezpečnostních komplexů." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-337014.
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The main objective of this diploma thesis is to analyze the nature of obstacles to the regional approach to Afghanistan through the lens of the Regional Security Complex Theory. I will focus on studying security dynamics within and among three security complexes surrounding Afghanistan, to see how these dynamics affect their interaction with the latter. Prospects of any regional cooperation on Afghanistan are hampered by security dynamics within these complexes whereby primary traditional political-military threats are perceived by the complex states as more threatening than the mostly transnational threats stemming from unstable Afghanitan. Particularly the Indo-Pakistani rivalry and to a lesser extent the Saudi-Iranian rivalry represent major obstacles as it is reflected also in their engagement in Afghanistan. On the other hand, weak Central Asia states are linked to Afghanistan security dynamics by mostly transnational threats and ethnic affinities but are generally too weak to extend their security dynamics beyond their respective complex. The thesis also seeks to analyze the possibility of Afghanistan's external transformation in terms of its inclusion into the South Asia complex and based on now stronger security interdependence among the Afghanistan-Pakistan-India triangle. This assumption could...