Dissertations / Theses: 'India Nationalism'

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Watkins, Kevin. "India : colonialism, nationalism and perceptions of development." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670394.

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Ghosh, Semanti. "Nationalism and the problem of difference : Bengal, 1905-1947 /." Thesis, Connect to Dissertations & Theses @ Tufts University, 1999.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Tufts University, 1999.
Adviser: Sugata Bose. Submitted to the Dept. of History. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 388-395). Access restricted to members of the Tufts University community. Also available via the World Wide Web;

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Jacobs, Stephen. "Hindu identity, nationalism and globalization." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683176.

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Kissopoulos, Lisa. "Nationalist Conflict and Elite Manipulation in Serbia and India." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1186753678.

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Ogden, Chris. "Gear shift : Hindu nationalism and the evolution of Indian security." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/14201.

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While many scholars have analysed the impact of culture, beliefs and norms on foreign policy, few have connected domestic political identities to international politics. This thesis makes this agenda explicit by showing how domestic policy sources directly impact upon a state’s external security policies. Rather than focusing on material factors (such as military expenditure or economic growth), I instead combine work concerned with constructed identities in international relations with accounts from social psychology of how identities develop and evolve over time. Relying upon empirical evidence from party documents and extensive interviews with over 60 members of India’s security community, this PhD thesis investigates how the identities, norms and ideologies of different political parties have influenced India’s foreign policy behaviour. Employing an analytical framework consisting of multiple composite norms, I find that; 1) there has been a consistent approach to how Indian foreign policy has developed since 1947; 2) the 1998 to 2004 Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance inculcated several substantive changes to India’s security policy, especially relating to nuclear transparency, a tilt towards the US, greater regional pragmatism and the use of realpolitik; 3) these normative changes continued into the post-NDA period, and produced an irrevocable gear shift in India’s accepted and evolving security practice. By confirming and explaining the impact of domestic political identities on India’s foreign policy behaviour, this research makes a significant original contribution to the study of Indian security.

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Look, Wing-kam, and 陸詠琴. "Jose Rizal and Mahatma Gandhi: nationalism and non-violence." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951429.

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Gondhalekar, Nandini. "Indian nationalism and 'Hindu' politics : Maharashtra and the Hindu Mahasabha, 1920-1948." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273421.

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Mondal, Anshuman Ahmed. "Nationalism, literature, and ideology in colonial India and occupied Egypt." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322963.

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Deol, Harnik. "Religion and nationalism in India : the case of the Punjab /." London : Routledge, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38917907t.

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Glass, Courtney. "Gender, Sport & Nationalism: The Cases Of Canada And India." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002625.

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11

Desai, Amit A. "Witchcraft, religious transformation, and Hindu nationalism in rural central India." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2711/.

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This thesis is an anthropological exploration of the connections between witchcraft, religious transformation, and Hindu nationalism in a village in an Adivasi (or 'tribal') area of eastern Maharashtra, India. It argues that the appeal of Hindu nationalism in India today cannot be understood without reference to processes of religious and social transformation that are also taking place at the local level. The thesis demonstrates how changing village composition in terms of caste, together with an increased State presence and particular view of modernity, have led to difficulties in satisfactorily curing attacks of witchcraft and magic. Consequently, many people in the village and wider area have begun to look for lasting solutions to these problems in new ways. A significant number have joined a Hindu religious sect, the Mahanubhav Panth, seen as particularly efficacious in matters of healing. Membership of this sect however alters the values and practices of adherents which not only causes conflict with non-sect neighbours and kin but also resonates powerfully with the messages promoted by Hindu nationalist agents in the area. The thesis engages key areas of anthropological concern: the relationship between individual action and social structure; kinship and sociality; State activity; and religious conversion.

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Kuracina, William F. "Toward a Congress Raj : Indian nationalism and the pursuit of a potential nation-state." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available, full text:, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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Soans, Sonia. "Gendered narratives of alcohol/drug consumption and violent nationalism in India." Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 2016. http://e-space.mmu.ac.uk/618224/.

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Alcoholism and drug addiction have come to be regarded as psychological and social disorders in recent times. The international diagnostic system ICD (International Classification of Diseases) provides a diagnosis for severe cases of alcoholism/addiction that meet clinical standards. However, the consumption of these substances even recreationally has been challenged. In the case of India the problem of alcohol and drug consumption is tied to nationalism and is gendered. My work in a rehabilitation clinic in India introduced me to learning about the non-clinical side of the condition. While literature from around the world supports the idea that female alcoholics and addicts in recovery are treated differently by medical staff, it does not look at how some of these narratives about the addict are sometimes tied to the prejudice against the substances themselves. This leads to the research question - How are gendered narratives of alcohol and drug consumption represented in Indian society in general, and Bollywood movies in particular. The thesis also explores to what extent, if any, such representations relate to the rise of violent nationalism within Indian society. Tracing the history back to the disease model that has come to dominate our understanding of the condition, one can observe that these diagnostic criteria have been evolving, as has the social milieu that creates these breaches in normality. I am not looking at the clinical diagnosis itself but at the fears that surround addiction narratives. These narratives are to be found in everyday life, in cinema, in policy, in crime. The 'addict' is not only a clinical being but tells a different story which varies according to the identity that they embody. Women in India who transgress boundaries of 'culture' are often at risk of being sexualised even by their recreational use of psychoactive substances. These narratives are present everywhere, especially in cinema. The work of postcolonial theorists such as Ashis Nandy and Partha Chatterjee is used to trace a nationalistic discourse, that in recent years has turned violent, providing a critique of the modern Indian state. Writing by black feminists such as Audre Lorde, bell hooks and Gloria Anzaldúa provide another critique and that is of gender and race in opposition to culture. The methodology used (eccletic, feminist and discourse analysis) positions me as a researcher not a neutral bystander, but entrenched in and participating in the production of knowledge that makes me question my privilege. Bollywood films have been used to trace these gendered, nationalistic and violent narratives. I show how a popular form of entertainment is also used as a means of propaganda. Cinema in India is an important medium of communication that permeates most aspects of our lives. Widely imitated for its fashion, dialogues and ideology too are imitated. Similar to cinema around the world, Bollywood uses tropes, westernised women who consume drugs and alcohol is one such trope. Reading the discourse that runs through these films reveals there is subversion in the way in which women's bodies are exploited on screen yet a guise of decency is maintained. The discourse that runs on screen through films is similar to incidents of violence against women in everyday life. Nationalism runs through these narratives, as does gendered violence.

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Ellerkamp, Owen Dunton. "Purifying the Sacred: How Hindu Nationalism Reshapes Environmentalism in Contemporary India." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1528286104076725.

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Dasgupta, Rohit K. "Digital queer spaces : interrogating identity, belonging and nationalism in contemporary India." Thesis, University of the Arts London, 2016. http://ualresearchonline.arts.ac.uk/8960/.

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Contemporary Indian sexual identities are constructed out of the multiple effects of tradition, modernity, globalisation and colonialism. The nation as we understand it is constructed on the basis of a commonality which ‘binds’ its citizens, and also banishes and expels those who do not conform to this commonality. Within this logic of disenfranchisement I firmly place the Indian queer male. This thesis examines the online ‘queer’ male community in India that has been formed as a result of the intersection and ruptures caused by the shifting political, media and social landscapes of urban India. Through multi-sited ethnography looking at the role of language, class, intimacy and queer activism, this thesis explores the various ways through which queer men engage with digital culture that has become an integral part of queer lives in India. Through this approach, this thesis makes a significant contribution to knowledge. Widely available scholarship has explored the historical, literary and social debates on queer sexualities in India. To reach a more holistic understanding of contemporary Indian queer sexualities it is necessary to engage with the digital landscape, as India’s global power stems from its digital development. By looking at the multiple ways that the queer male community engages with the digital medium, I illustrate the multifaceted, complex and sometimes contradictory ways in which this community understands, accesses and performs their sexual identities within both the context of the nation and their local space. This thesis combines textual and visual analysis along with ethnographic data collected through field research in India using multiple research sites including online forums and digital spaces such as Planet Romeo, Facebook groups and Grindr as well as engaging with individuals in offline spaces (New Delhi, Kolkata, Barasat). Studying digital queer spaces across several research sites especially a cross-ethnic and cross-social comparison is unusual in this field of study and produces new insights into the subjects explored.

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Siegel, Benjamin Robert. "Independent India of Plenty: Food, Hunger, and Nation-Building in Modern India." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11598.

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This dissertation situates debates over food procurement, provision, and hunger as the key economic and social contestations structuring the late colonial and postcolonial Indian state. It juxtaposes the visions of national statesmen against those advanced by party organizers, scientists, housewives, journalists, and international development workers and diplomats. Examining their promises and plans - and the global contexts in which they were made - this project demonstrates how India's "food question" mediated fundamental arguments over citizenship, governance, and the proper relationship between individuals, groups, and the state.
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Brightman, Jason H. "Cricket's contribution to India's national solidification." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/March/09Mar%5FBrightman.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Kapur, Paul S. ; Khan, Feroz H. "March 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 23, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: India, Nationalism, Cricket, Sports, Society. Includes bibliographical references (p. 113-117). Also available in print.

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Deol, Harnik. "Religion and nationalism in India : the case of the Punjab, 1960-1990." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1443/.

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The research examines the factors which account for the emergence of ethno-nationalist movements in multi-ethnic and late industrialising societies such as India. The research employs a historical sociological approach to the study of nationalism. Opening with an interrogation of the classic theories of nationalism, the research shows the Eurocentric limitations of these works. By providing an account of the distinctive nature and development of Indian nationalism, it is maintained that the nature, growth, timing and scope of nationalist movements is affected by the level of development and the nature of the state and society in which they emerge. Using the theoretical framework developed here, the theses seeks to explain the nature and timing of breakaway movements in the Indian subcontinent. By providing an account of the social composition of the Sikh secessionist movement, the research shifts the focus on to the peasantry. Consequently, the study interrogates the social and cultural sphere beyond the English-speaking Indian elite. The role of the widely influential media, such as the vernacular press and cassettes, in ethnic movements is also considered. The hypothesis is that the conjunction of three sets of factors explain the rise of Sikh nationalism. The first is economic, notably the transition to commercial agriculture, the second is the revolution in communication, notably the expansion of vernacular press and cassettes and the third is religious, notably the revolutionary Sikh religious ideology with emphasis on martyrdom. The theses traces the three stage evolution of the Sikhs from a religious congregation into an ethnic community in the nineteenth century and from an ethnic community into a nation in the twentieth century.

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Gökçe, Perin. "TheRise of Religious Nationalism in Turkey and India: The Power of Organization." Thesis, Boston College, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108921.

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Thesis advisor: Jonathan Laurence
What explains the rise of religious nationalism in established and ostensibly secular democracies? The resurgence of religion in the public sphere has transformed the political landscape of dozens of countries over the last half century, including authoritarian and democratic regimes and developed and developing states. This dissertation seeks to explain how and why religious nationalists came to power in two large democracies in the developing world, Turkey and India, despite the unwavering commitment of those countries’ modern founders to secularism. In both cases, religious nationalists struggled for decades to unseat entrenched political parties and win national elections. They were often persecuted, banned and jailed for their political activism. However, by the 1990s, they began to challenge their secular opponents and win power. Based on in-depth interviews with political elites and activists from the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey and the Bharata Janata Party (BJP) in India, I argue that party activists in both countries were able to build tightly controlled, hierarchical political organizations that benefited from the dense networks of religious associations. Crucially, they used these networks to create a robust local presence and active, year-round grassroots organizations and develop what I refer to as “personalistic membership parties.” This new party type, I argue, is different from both elite (cadre) and mass parties, and explains the continuing electoral achievements and political resilience of the BJP and the AKP even in the face of numerous crises. In addition, I explore how secular actors instrumentalized religion for their own electoral purposes and, in doing so, counter-intuitively strengthened the religious movements they sought to oppose. More broadly, the comparison of India and Turkey helps to illuminate the problems and future of the secular state in the non-Western world, as both countries are now governed by right-wing populist, religious majoritarianism that challenges the secular nature of the state and its democratic character
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2020
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science

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Renold, Leah Madge Young. "Hindu identity at Banaras Hindu University 1915-1947 /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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Acharya, Shiva. "Nation, nationalism and social structure in ancient India : a survey through Vedic literature /." New Delhi : Decent Books, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40141171h.

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Taneja, Pria. "Epic legacies : Hindu cultural nationalism and female sexual identities in India 1920-1960." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2009. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/638.

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The thesis investigates the cultural interventions of Hindu nationalist, C. Rajagopalachari (CR), by offering a close reading of his re-tellings of the Hindu epics, The Mahabharata (1951) and The Ramayana (1956). It positions them alongside the writings of M. K. Gandhi and the key responses to Katherine Mayo’s controversial text Mother India (1927). The thesis explores the central female protagonists of the epics – Sita and Draupadi – asking how these poetic representations illuminate the ways in which femininity was imagined by an influential Hindu ideologue during the early years of Indian Independence. Using close textual analysis as my principal method I suggest that these popular-literary representations of sexual identities in Hindu culture functioned as one means by which Hindu nationalists ultimately sought to regulate gender roles and modes of being. I focus on texts emerging in the years immediately before and after Independence and Partition. In this period, I suggest, the heroines of these versions of the epic texts are divested of their bodies and of their mythic powers in order to create pliant, de-sexualised female icons for women in the new nation to emulate. Through an examination of the responses to Katherine Mayo’s Mother India (1927), and of Gandhi’s writings, I argue that there one can discern an attempt in the Hindu Indian script to define female sexual identity as maternal, predominantly in service to the nation. These themes, I argue, were later articulated in CR’s recasting of the Hindu epics. CR’s epics represent the vision of gender within Hindu nationalism that highlights female chastity in the epics, elevating female chastity into an authentic and perennial virtue. I argue, however, that these ‘new’ representations in fact mark a re-working of much older traditions that carries forward ideas from the colonial period into the period of Independence. I explore this longer colonial tradition in the Prologue, through a textual analysis of the work of William Jones and James Mill. Thus my focus concerns the symbolic forms of the nation – its mythologies and icons – as brought to life by an emergent Hindu nationalism, suggesting that these symbolic forms offer an insight into the gendering of the independent nation. The epics represented an idealised model of Hindu femininity. I recognise, of course, that these identities are always contested, always unfinished. However I suggest that, through the recasting of the epic heroines, an idea of female sexuality entered into what senior Hindu nationalist and Congressman, K.M. Munshi, called ‘the unconscious of India’.

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Alder, Katan. "Arenas of service and the development of the Hindu nationalist subject in India." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/arenas-of-service-and-the-development-of-the-hindu-nationalist-subject-in-india(266786aa-dac0-4971-a6e6-a648f5024ccb).html.

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The study of the relationship between Hindu nationalism and Hindu activist traditions of seva (selfless service) has been principally organised into three approaches: firstly, the instrumentalist deployment of the practice, secondly, the political appropriation of traditions of seva, and thirdly, that these related associational spaces are internally homogenous and distinct from alternative ‘legitimate’ religious arenas. These frameworks largely reflect approaches to Hindu nationalism which place emphasis on its forms of political statecraft and relationship to spectacular violence. These approaches raise manifold concerns. This thesis retheorizes the relationship between Hindu nationalism and seva with reference to primary and secondary sources, together with field research in the seva projects of the Vanavasi Kalyan Kendra (VKK), a Hindu nationalist association. Through deploying a reworked understanding of Fraser’s (1990) approach to associational space and Butler’s (1993, 2007) theorisation of performative acts and subject formation, this thesis contributes to rethinking Hindu nationalism and seva. I demonstrate firstly that the colonial encounter worked to produce a series of social imaginaries which were drawn upon to transform traditions of seva. Through their articulation in shared religious languages, practices of seva were productive of porously structured Hindu activist spaces in which the tradition was contested with regard to ‘radical’ and ‘orthodox’ orientations to Hinduism’s boundaries. Increasingly, articulations of seva which invoked a sangathanist ‘orthodoxy’ came to gain hegemony in Hindu activist arenas. This influenced the early and irregular Hindu nationalist practices of seva. Fractures in Hindu nationalist articulations developed as a result of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s (RSS) sangathanist organisational idioms, allowing the association to inscribe its practices with pro-active meanings. In the post-independence period the alternative arenas of Hindu nationalist seva projects expanded greatly, a point evident in the degrees of dialogue between the Sangh and the sarvodaya movement. The importance of porous associational boundaries is further demonstrated through noting how engagement in visibilized arenas of popular Hindu religiosity worked to both broaden the fields of reference and vernacularize Hindu nationalist practices of seva. With reference to field research, I demonstrate that central to the expansion of the VKK’s arenas of service into spaces associated with Ayurvedic care is the incorporation of both refocused and transgressive practices. In the educational projects of the VKK, I note how seva works to inscribe daily practices of hygiene, the singing of bhajans and daily assemblies with Hindu nationalist meanings, and so works to regulate conduct through the formation of an ‘ethical Hindu self’. However, arenas of seva are also a location where we can witness subjects negotiating power. I demonstrate this through examining how participants in the VKK’s rural development projects rearticulate Othering practices of seva, with actors using the discourse to position themselves as active subjects, break gendered restrictions on public space, and advance an ‘ethically Hindu’ grounded claim on development and critique of power. This work illustrates that far from being of inconsequence to the circulation of Hindu nationalist identities, alternative arenas of seva operate as spaces where discourses are performatively enacted, refocused, transgressed and rearticulated. These acts contribute to the consolidation and disturbance of Hindu nationalist subject formations.

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Demirhan, Ansev. "Halide Edib:Turkish Nationalism and the Formation of the Republic." Scholar Commons, 2012. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4028.

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Halide Edib positioned herself as a main agent and figure of the Turkish nationalist movement, as both visionary and defender of her nation. Contributing to the evolving discourse on what it meant to be Turkish; Edib placed the family at the center of the state and identified women as state-builders. Through her interpretation of Turkish nationalism, I argue that Edib obscured the division between the public and private realm and classified women as agents in the creation of the Republic. I further contend that by doing this she contributed to the legitimization of Turkey on an international scale. This thesis focuses on the speeches Halide Edib delivered at the university Jamia Millia Islamia in New Delhi in 1935. These particular speeches are significant because they work towards a legitimization of Turkey, still in its infancy, as a nation, by addressing the "woman question." Halide Edib's view of a "new nation" and a "new woman" articulated in these speeches challenged contemporary views on women in a society at a political and cultural crossroads, overwhelmingly dominated by men.The power dynamics within the family and society at large are nuanced by Halide Edib's understanding of Turkish women's part in the national process during the formative years of the Turkish Republic. She depicted women as agents of nationalism and creators of the state. In doing this, she challenged both the ideological and applied position of women in the private realm, through her own discursive understanding of nationalism. Edib's definition of nationalism included the tenets of gender relations, family, and Islam and described each as a necessary component of a successful state.

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Arvidsson, Tomas Kemppainen Ilkka. "Politiskt våld i Indien : från tre perspektiv: territoriets odelbarhet, nationalism & fundamentalism /." Östersund : Mid Sweden University. Department of Social Sciences, 2008. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1518/FULLTEXT01.

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Fonseka, Prashant L. "The Railway and Telegraph in India: Monuments of British Rule or Symbols of Indian Nationhood?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/378.

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This paper examines how the development of the railway-telegraph technological complex impacted the tenuous relationship between the rulers and those they ruled; the British and the Indians. Through the experience of building and operating the railway, Indians came to understand the railway and telegraph as their own technologies well before the eventual handover of control over the networks from the British. The reasons behind the British desire to retain their grasp over the networks included profit, power, and orientalist notions of socially advancing Indians, all at the expense of Indian taxpayers. This arrangement was problematic and ultimately facilitated the Raj's undoing, while revealing certain realities of British imperial rule.

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Manavalli, Krishna K. "Invented traditions and regional identities --- a study of the cultural formations of South India --- 1856-1990s." Diss., Connect to online resource - MSU authorized users, 2008.

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Weigold, Auriol, and n/a. "The Case against India : British propaganda in the United States, 1942." University of Canberra. Communication, 1997. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20050329.125041.

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British propaganda, delivered in the United States against immediate self-government for India in 1942, was efficiently and effectively organised. British propaganda was not adventitious. It was deliberate. The chief protagonists were Churchill and Roosevelt. Churchill's success in retaining control of government in India depended on convincing the President that there was no viable alternative. This the Prime Minister did in two ways. Firstly, his propaganda organization targetted pro-British groups in America with access to Roosevelt. Secondly, it discredited Indian nationalist leadership. Churchill's success also depended on Sir Stafford Cripps' loyalty to Whitehall and to the Government of India after his Mission in March 1942 failed to reach agreement with the Indian leaders. Cripps tailored his account of the breakdown of negotiations to fit the British propaganda line. Convincing American public opinion and, through it the President, that colonial government should remain in British hands, also depended on the right mix of censorship and press freedom in India. Britain's need to mount a propaganda campaign in the United States indicated its dual agenda: its war-related determination to maintain and increase American aid, and its longer term aim to retain control of its empire. Despite strong American support for isolationism, given legal status in the 1930s Neutrality Acts, Roosevelt was Britain's supportive friend and its ally. Britain, nonetheless, felt sufficiently threatened by the anti-imperial thrust of the Lend Lease Act and the Atlantic Charter, to develop propaganda to persuade the American public and its President that granting Indian selfgovernment in 1942 was inappropriate. The case for a propaganda campaign was made stronger by Roosevelt's constant pressure on Britaln from mid-1941 to reach a political settlement with India. Pressure was also brought to bear by the Congress Party as the price for its war-related cooperation, by China, and by the Labour Party in Britain. Japan's success in Singapore and Burma made strategists briefly assess that India might be the next target. Stable and cooperative government there was as much in America's interest as Britain's. The idea that Roosevelt might intervene in India to secure a measure of self-government there constantly worried Churchill. In turn this motivated the Foreign Office, the Ministry of Information, the India Office, the Government of India and the British Embassy in Washington to develop propaganda based, firstly, on the official explanation for the failure of the Cripps Mission and, secondly. on the elements of the August 1942 Quit India resolution which could be presented as damaging to allied war aims. The perceived danger to Britain's India-related agenda, however, did not end with substantive threats. The volatility of the American press and the President's susceptibility to it in framing policy were more unpredictable. Britain met both threats by targetting friends with access to Roosevelt, sympathetic broadcasters and pro-British sections of the press. Each had shown support for Britain during the Lend Lease debates. Britain, however, could never assume that it had won the propaganda battle or that Roosevelt would not intervene polltically on nationalist India's behalf. Roosevelt continued during 1942 and beyond to let Indian leaders know of his interest in their struggle, and information received from his Mission in New Delhi and from unofficial informants in India gave him a view of events there which differed markedly from the British account. Just as nationalist India was unsure about America's intentions, so was Britain.

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Newton, Jacob Alexander. "The politicization of difference, nationalism and national unity in pre-independent India, Ghana, Nigeria, and Kenya." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ61152.pdf.

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Haokip, Seilen. "Identity, conflict and nationalism : the Naga and Kuki peoples of northeast India and northwest Burma (Myanmar)." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367551.

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Kahlon, Raminder Kaur. "Performative politics : artworks, festival praxis and nationalism, with reference to the Ganapati Utsava in western India." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1998. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29520/.

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This study explores regionally based perspectives on the broader nation-wide phenomena of the politicisation of Hinduism (Hindutva) in historical and contemporary times (van der Veer 1987; Basu et al 1993; Pandey 1993; Jaffrelot 1996). However, in contrast to these works, my focus is on the extent to which an annual religious festival, the Ganapati utsava, has been effected by the wider socio-political terrain in the cities of Mumbai and Pune, Maharashtra. The Ganapati utsava is a discursive arena for mutually reliant activities of a devotional, artistic, entertaining, and socio-political nature. The intertwining of the various constituent elements sustain and accentuate each other in the performative milieux of the festival, yet also lie outside of totalising political schemas. I note that the festival has become a site for the hegemonic strategies of several political parties, and sponsored media competitions who all vie for supremacy in the festive context. As a result, the festival represents an uneven field of consent and contestation (Laclau and Mouflfe 1985). The history, and contemporary praxis of the festival necessitates a consideration of the movement of nationalism(s) for which the festival played a significant part, particularly under the auspices of Bal Gangadhar Tilak since the 1890s. I propose that the efficacy of nationalism as a hegemonic strategy relies as much on public performative events, as on constitutional politics and social structures (eg. Gellner 1983), or on the print media, such as newspapers and novels (eg. Anderson 1983). By integrating Habermas' views on the 'public sphere' (Habermas 1991) and perspectives on public rituals or 'public arenas' (Freitag 1989), the study notes the interactive potency of both collective gatherings and media forms as sites for variant nationalist strategies. Mandap (shrine) tableaux, in particular, are considered as performative loci for socio-political variables, particularly in their audio-taped narratives and visualisation of versions of the nation.

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Bhat, Reiya. "India’s 1947 Partition Through the Eyes of Women: Gender, Politics, and Nationalism." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1524658168133726.

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Kumar, Megha. "Communal riots, sexual violence and Hindu nationalism in post-independence Gujarat (1969-2002)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2b06b4e0-afac-4571-ab46-44968d36b17c.

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In much existing literature the incidence of sexual violence during Hindu-Muslim conflict has been attributed to the militant ideology of Hindu nationalism. This thesis interrogates this view. It first examines the ideological framework laid down by the founding ideologues of the Hindu nationalist movement with respect to sexual violence. I argue that a justification of sexual violence against Muslim women is at the core of their ideology. In order to examine how this ideology has contributed to the actual incidents, this thesis studies the episodes of Hindu-Muslim violence that occurred in 1969, 1985, 1992 and 2002 in the western Indian city of Ahmedabad, Gujarat. An examination of these episodes shows that sexual violence against Muslim women, in both extreme and less extreme forms, were significantly motivated by Hindu nationalist ideology. However, in addition to this ideology, patriarchal ideas that serve to normalize sexual violence as ‘sex’ and sanction its infliction to maintain gendered hierarchies also motivated such crimes. Moreover, this thesis argues that the manifestation of Hindu nationalist and patriarchal motivations in acts of sexual violence was enabled by the breakdown of neighbourhood ties between Hindus and Muslims in 1969 and 2002. By contrast, during the 1985 and 1992 riots Hindus and Muslims strengthened neighbourhood ties despite extensive communal mobilization, which seems to have prevented the perpetration of extreme sexual violence against Muslim women. Thus, by providing a comprehensive analysis of the contribution of Hindu nationalist ideology, and arguing for the significance of the patriarchal ideas and neighbourhood ties in the infliction of sexual violence during conflict, this study contributes to and departs from the existing literature.

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Daily, Lisa A. "Constructing a New Nationalism from Below: The Dalit Movement, Politics and Transnational Networking." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0003035.

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Kuroki, Maiko. "Nationalism in Japan's contemporary foreign policy : a consideration of the cases of China, North Korea, and India." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/595/.

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Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. The methodology employs discourse analysis on five case studies. It will be explored how the two administrations both used nationalism but in the pursuit of contrasting policies: an uncompromising stance to China and a conciliatory approach toward North Korea under the Koizumi administration, a hard-line attitude against North Korea and the rapprochement with China by Abe, accompanied by a friendship-policy toward India. These case studies show how the nationalism is used in the competition between political leaders by articulating national identity in foreign policy. Whereas this often appears as a kind of assertiveness from outside China, in the domestic context leaders use nationalism to reconstruct Japan’s identity as a ‘peaceful nation’ through foreign policy by highlighting differences from ‘other’s or by achieving historic reconciliation. Such identity constructions are used to legitimize policy choices that are in themselves used to marginalize other policy options and political actors. In this way, nationalism is utilized as a kind of political capital in a domestic power relationship, as can be seen by Abe’s use of foreign policy to set an agenda of ‘departure from the postwar regime’. In a similar way, Koizumi’s unyielding stance against China was used to calm discontents among right-wing traditionalists who were opposed to his reconciliatory approach to Pyongyang. On the other hand, Abe also utilized a hard-line policy to the DPRK to offset his rapprochement with China whilst he sought to prevent the improved relationship from becoming a source of political capital for his rivals. The major insights of this thesis is thus to explain how Japan’s foreign policy is shaped by the attempts of its political leaders to manipulate nationalism so as articulating particular forms of national identity that enable them to achieve legitimacy for their policy agendas, boost domestic credentials and marginalize their political rivals.

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Kamat, Manjiri Nandakishor. "Labour and nationalism in Sholapur : conflict, confrontation and control in a Deccan city, Western India, 1918-1939." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.627156.

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Chidambaram, Soundarya. "Welfare, Patronage, and the Rise Of Hindu Nationalism in India's Urban Slums." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1325189441.

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Shahani, Uttara. "Sind and the partition of India, c.1927-1952." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/290268.

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Sindhi Hindus comprise the world's most widespread South Asian diaspora. When the British divided their Indian empire in 1947, unlike Punjab, Bengal, and Assam, they did not partition Sind (today a part of Pakistan), despite the minority campaign for a partition of the region. Sind's partition in 1947 was a deterritorialised and demographic one, producing over a million 'non-Muslim' refugees who resettled in India and abroad. A frequently overlooked region in histories of South Asia, Sind is of profound importance to the history of the partition of India. In the decades preceding partition Sind formed the core of the demand for the creation of 'Muslim majority' provinces that later gave Pakistan its territorial basis. This thesis outlines a new history of partition from the pre-partition Sindhi movement for separation from the Bombay Presidency. It explores the hardening of communal identities in a province renowned for its blurred religious boundaries and the ambiguities of defining a 'Muslim majority' province in the run-up to the foundation of Pakistan. Partition histories emphasise the role of sudden and unexpected genocidal violence in creating refugees. The processes of nation-formation and establishing new political-legal sovereignties also shaped refugee flows. Sindhi Hindu migration at the time of partition is also located within their older histories of mobility and suggests a more complex picture of displacements at the time of partition. Largely unwelcome in India, Sindhi refugees exercised a considerable amount of initiative, in rehabilitating themselves and in challenging the state's slow response to their demands for rehabilitation. Using rarely studied legal archives, this thesis charts how, despite being a stateless minority, Sindhi refugees' legal campaigns shaped the Indian constitution and informed broader notions of Indian citizenship. Refugee initiatives to create a 'new' Sind and port in Kutch collided with the governmental agenda to secure the integration of the princely states and harness their economic resources to the Indian Union. By investigating the 'failures' of this attempt to re-establish 'Sind in India', this thesis provides unique insights into the fraught interaction between refugee resettlement and the birth of a new nation.

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Schiffer, Sharon Nambudripad. "How ending gender violence in India improves the nation's international reputation and tourism industry| A case for nationalism." Thesis, University of Massachusetts Boston, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1550780.

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As nations have become far more interconnected by means of globalization in the 21st century, the issues that affect one nation often have affects upon others. As India is a nation with a population of more than 1.2 billion, the issues that affect the nation also affect others. As an assault in Delhi, India made international news on December 16, 2012, the international community has become more aware of the incidents of gender-based violence that exist within the country. The ramifications of the international community's knowledge of the assault included a drastic decrease in both its international reputation and its tourism industry. As tourism provided 6.6% of its total GDP in 2012, it is an industry that is integral to the development of the nation. In order for India to increase its reputation and its tourism industry, gender-based violence in the form of assault and trafficking must be eradicated. This thesis will discuss the roots of gender-based violence specifically in India, and a case study of India's fight against colonialism will be used as an example of how a sense of nationalism was essential in meeting the goal of the nation at that time. As colonialism and gender-based violence are both 'enemies' to a nation's autonomy and reputation, this thesis will analyze the fact that the nation's ability to form a cohesive national identity, as it did during British rule, is essential for it to achieve its 2013 goals.

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Stanhope, Sally K. ""White, Black, and Dusky": Girl Guiding in Malaya, Nigeria, India, and Australia from 1909-1960." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/59.

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This comparative study of Girl Guiding in Malaya, India, Nigeria, and Australia examines the dynamics of engagement between Western and non-Western women participants. Originally a program to promote feminine citizenship only to British girls, Guiding became tied up with efforts to maintain, transform, or build different kinds of imagined communities—imperial states, nationalists movements, and independent nation states. From the program’s origins in London in 1909 until 1960 the relationship of the metropole and colonies resembled a complex web of influence, adaptation, and agency. The interactions between Girl Guide officialdom headquartered in London, Guide leaders of colonized girls, and the colonized girls who joined suggest that the foundational ideology of Guiding, maternalism, became a common language that participants used to work toward different ideas and practices of civic belonging initially as members of the British Empire and later as members of independent nations.

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Deshpande, Chitra. "Empowerment through Hindu nationalism? : examining gender relations in the Shiv Sena." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ab20698f-d74f-441e-be60-dbfd625b0114.

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This dissertation explores whether women and men can be empowered through cultural nationalism based on religious/ethnic identities. Religious fundamentalism is typically not associated with women's empowerment. As a patriarchal, Hindu nationalist party that advocates violence, the Shiv Sena is also an unlikely agent of women's empowerment. Yet, the Sena has been attracting numerous women who claim to have gained confidence through the party. Using the Shiv Sena as my case study, I interviewed four male and seven female Shiv Sena members using the biographic narrative method. By examining their biographic narratives and interviews of their families and colleagues, I was able to delineate the different empowerment cycles for men and women in Shiv Sena and determine each participant's level of empowerment. The empowerment framework defined by Jo Rowlands (1997), which distinguishes between personal, collective, and relational empowerment, serves as the basis of my assessment of women's and men's empowerment. As violence is generally disregarded as a means of empowerment, I discuss it in relation to the construction of empowering cultural identities. While establishing theoretical frameworks regarding empowerment, cultural identity and gender, I also examine the disempowerment of Maharashtrians (whom Shiv Sena originally represented) by the socio-economic and historical conditions of Bombay, India. I then demonstrate how Shiv Sena, led by its Chief, Bal Thackeray, has constructed a new hegemonic masculine identity for Maharasthrian men as a means of empowerment. In the final chapters, I examine Shiv Sena's impact on the lives of individual women and men. This analysis revealed that despite the patriarchal constraints imposed by the Sena, women were becoming personally empowered in both the private and public spheres. In contrast, while Shiv Sena men were achieving collective empowerment in the public sphere, they had more difficulty becoming personally empowered in both the home and workplace.

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Söderman, Martin. "India's 2016 Model Bilateral Investment Treaty : A backlash to the Calvo doctrine and legal nationalism?" Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-183512.

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Mottais, Noël. "Les acteurs fascistes du dialogue Indo-Italien : l'exemple de Giuseppe Tucci (1922-1944)." Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LORR0332/document.

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Peu connu aujourd’hui en France en dehors des cercles orientalistes, le nom de Giuseppe Tucci est en revanche en Italie toujours associé à l’Orient. Sa figure apparaît ainsi comme celle d'un médiateur entre l’Italie et l’Orient, objet de définitions concurrentes. Agent de la politique extérieure italienne en Inde, organisateur des séjours en Italie des nationalistes indiens, mis en scène par le régime fasciste, intellectuel instrumentalisé par le fascisme de Mussolini, théoricien reprenant des idées conformes à celles des intellectuels fascistes ? La question est de savoir dans quelle mesure Tucci s’est rallié au régime, dans quelle mesure il l’a soutenu. L’orientalisme tourné vers l’Inde a en outre été le terrain d’instrumentalisations particulières, liées aux théories « racistes ». Une bonne part de ce courant entretient avec l’antisémitisme nazi et fasciste des liens complexes. L’approche historique de l’itinéraire de Tucci ne se limite pas à ses actions au service du régime, telles que l’organisation du voyage de Gandhi, elle implique une analyse des textes qui font allusion aux questions raciales. La question de la quête de l’origine est bien présente dans sa démarche de voyageur et de savant. L’intérêt précoce pour les langues anciennes comme l’hébreu et le sanscrit confirme le caractère central de cette quête dans la démarche de Tucci. Fut-il porteur des théories racistes cherchant dans la linguistique des arguments opposant les peuples « aryens » aux peuples « sémitiques » ? A cet égard, il importe d’étudier précisément ce qui peut rapprocher et différencier Tucci de Julius Evola (1898-1974), en se fondant sur leurs écrits respectifs et sur leurs prises de position publiques et privées
Hardly known today in France except among Orientalist circles, Giuseppe Tucci is in Italy associated with the Orient. He still appears as a mediator between East and West. Indeed, as an actor of Italian Foreign Policy in India, he organized travels to Italy for leading nationalists Rabindranath Tagore and Mahatma Gandhi, in propagandist action in favor of Fascist Italy. Was he really a supporter of the Regime ? Was he only motivated by opportunistic reasons ? As a matter of fact, Indian Orientalism has been linked to racial theories that display complex links with Nazi and Fascist Anti-Semitism. An historical approach of Giuseppe Tucci’s life does not only deal with political actions for the regime, it implies to some extent an analysis of writings linked to “Race” as a topic of investigation. The Quest for the Origin was to be seen in his travels and in his scholarly approach of the East which shows his interest for old languages such as Hebrew and Sanskrit. Was he in favor of Race Theories seeking in linguistics, arguments opposing “Aryans" against "Semitic" people ? Did he share any common points with esoteric philosopher Julius Evola (1898-1974) ?

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Gangopadhyay, Monalisa. "Hindutva Meets Globalization: The Impact on Hindu Urban Media Women." FIU Digital Commons, 2010. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/305.

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This study examines the impact of globalization and religious nationalism on the personal and professional lives of urban Hindu middle class media women. The research demonstrates how newly strengthened forces of globalization and Hindutva shape Indian womanhood. The research rests on various data that reveal how Indian women interpret and negotiate constructed identities. The study seeks to give voice to the objectified by scrutinizing and challenging the stereotypical modern faces of Indian womanhood seen in the narratives of globalization and Hindutva. Feminist open-ended interviewing was conducted in English and Hindi in New Delhi, the capital of India, with 23 Hindu women, employed by electronic and print media corporations. Accumulated data were analyzed and interpreted using feminist critical discourse analysis. Findings from the study indicate that while the Indian middle class women have embraced professional opportunities presented by globalization, they remain circumscribed by mutating gender politics. The research also finds that as academic and professional progress empower the women within their homes, their public lives have become fraught with increasing gender violence and decreasing recourse to justice. Therefore, women accept the power stratification of their lives as being dependent on spatial and temporal distinctions, and have learnt to engage and strategize with the public environment for physical safety and personal-professional progress. While the media women see systemic masculine domination as being symbiotic with tenets of religious nationalism, they exhibit an unquestioned embracing of capitalism/globalization as the means of empowerment. My research also strongly indicates the importance of the media’s role in shaping gender dynamics in a global context. In conclusion, my research shows the mediawomen’s immense agency in pursuing academic and professional careers while being aware of deeply ingrained gender roles through their strong commitment towards their families. The findings of this study contribute to the literature on Third World nationalism, urban globalization and understandings of reworked-renewed masculine domination. Finally, the study also engages with recent scholarship on the Indian middle class (See Nanda 2010; Shenoy 2009; Lukose 2005; and Radhakrishnan 2006) while simultaneously addressing the notions of privilege and disengagement levied at the middle class woman, a symbiosis of idealization and imprisonment.

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Ghimire, Bishnu. "Imagining India from the Margins: Liberalism and Hybridity in Late Colonial India." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1334344362.

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de, Feo-Giet Danielle Karanjeet J. "Fantasies of authenticity, anxieties of culture : global capital, entertainment and cultural nationalism in the contemporary popular cinemas of India and China since 1990." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:39cbae3c-354c-4ebc-be09-386af42f78d0.

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My thesis is dedicated to the study of popular, commercial cinema as a force within the discourse of national and personal identity in the rapidly changing mega-economies of India and China, and their diasporas, since the watershed year of 1990. Its purpose is to reveal the unique pattern of like and unlike that exists between the "Social Representations" (Serge Moscovici 2000) of contemporary India and China on screen through a juxtapositional comparative approach, close visual analysis, and the development of original theoretical tools. Tense networks of fantasy and anxiety emerge as popular culture actively circulates their shared experiences of changing global status, uneven economic growth (Gong Haomin 2012), and social change. Transnational subjects, Hua and Desi, arrive on screen ready to carve out culturally inflected modernities, in search of "tradition" and "values" to suit contemporary cultural-nations-beyond-borders. I treat film as consumer product, diegetic entity, and text: hence narrative, visual, linguistic and contextual aspects of over fourteen popular commercial films ("Bollywood" and "Yulepian"), are explored. My analysis comprises two interlocking halves: the first two chapters focus chiefly on identities - Hua and Desi, and diasporic persons. The former, conduits for the cultural nation to re-think modernity, the latter a dreamed vanguard of "claim-staking" ethnicised global consumers, defenders of the cultural nation in the "host" country. Chapters Three and Four focus on genres - comedy and history films. Through comedy, these films create state-serving heterotopias or challenge the status quo; perhaps they build cultural nationalist mythos, or lace cynical questions through lavish history film. To understand internecine relationships between economics, society and the imagination, entertainment film cannot be dismissed - in India and China, where change has had intended and unintended consequences unfolding even as uncertainty looms, I show that fresh study, especially in comparison, is absolutely essential.

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Parr, Rosalind Elizabeth. "Citizens of everywhere : Indian nationalist women and the global public sphere, 1900-1952." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/33063.

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The first half of the twentieth century saw the evolution of the global public sphere as a site for political expression and social activism. In the past, this history has been marginalised by a discipline-wide preference for national and other container- based frames of analysis. However, in the wake of 'the global turn', historians have increasingly turned their attention to the ways historical actors thought, acted, and organised globally. Transnational histories of South Asia feed into our understanding of these processes, yet, so far, little attention has been paid to the role of Indian nationalist women, despite there being significant 'global' aspects to their lives and careers. Citizens of Everywhere addresses this lacuna through an examination of the transnational activities of a handful of prominent nationalist women between 1900 and 1950. These include alliances and interactions with women's organisations, anti-imperial supporters and the League of Nations, as well as official contributions to the business of the fledgling United Nations Organisation after 1946. This predominantly below-state-level activity built on and contributed to public and private networks that traversed the early twentieth century world, cutting across national, state and imperial boundaries to create transnational solidarities to transformative effect. Set against a backdrop of rising imperialist-nationalist tension and global geopolitical conflict, these relationships enable a counter-narrative of global citizenship - a concept that at once connotes a sense of belonging, a modus operandi, and an assertive political claim. However, they were also highly gendered, sometimes tenuous, and frequently complex interactions that constantly evolved according to local and global conditions. In advancing our understanding of nationalist women's careers, Citizens of Everywhere contributes to the recovery of Indian women's historical subjectivity, which, in turn, sheds light on gender and nationalism in South Asia. Further, Indian women's transnational activities draw attention to a range of interventions and processes that illuminate the global history of liberal ideas and political practices, the legacies of which appear embattled in the present era.

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Opheim, Kaja. "Hindutva som statsideologi : med et spesielt blikk på kastesystement og fenomenet konvertering /." Oslo : Institutt for kulturstudier og orientalske språk, Universitetet i Oslo, 2007. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/IKOS/2007/57811/MicrosoftxWordx-xINNLEDNINGKAPI.pdf.

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Khan, Shakir Ali. "From local tensions to ethnic conflict : the emergence of Hindu nationalism in a Christian/Hindu 'tribal' community in Chhattisgarh, central India." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272395.

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tisthammer, erik. "Without an empire: Muslim mobilization after the caliphate." FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1532.

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The Caliphate was a fundamental part of Islamic society for nearly 1300 years. This paper seeks to uncover what effect the removal of this institution had on the mobilization of Muslims in several parts of the world; Turkey, Egypt, and British India. These countries had unique experiences with colonialism, secularism, nationalism, that in many ways conditioned the response of individuals to this momentous occasion. Each country’s reaction had a profound impact on the future trajectory of civil society, and the role of Islam in the lives of its citizens. The conclusions of this paper challenge the monolithic depiction of Islam in the world, and reveal the origins of conflict that these three centers of Muslim power face today. Much of the religious narrative now commonplace in Muslim organizations derive from this pivotal event in world history.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'India Nationalism'

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