Dissertations / Theses: 'India-Pakistan Conflict'

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Patel, Tejas. "News coverage and conflict resolution : aid or impediment : a case study of India-Pakistan conflict over Kashmir /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2005. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe18691.pdf.

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Noor, Ikram. "India-Pakistan Conflict –A Case Study since 1998." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21868.

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Taylor, Matthew P. "Pakistan's Kashmir policy and strategy since 1947." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FTaylor.pdf.

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Brennan, James F. "The China-India-Pakistan water crisis prospects for interstate conflict." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Sept/08Sep%5FBrennan.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Far East, Southeast Asia, Pacific))--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Miller, Alice Lyman ; Khan, Feroz. "September 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on November 03, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 53- 58). Also available in print.

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Kastner, Scott L. "Commerce in the shadow of conflict : domestic politics and the relationship between international conflict and economic interdependence /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3089468.

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Rid, Saeed A. "Interactive People to People Contacts between India and Pakistan: A case study of Pakistan India Peoples’ Forum for Peace and Democracy (PIPFPD) and Aman ki Asha." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/7314.

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This research develops a new concept for people-to-people contacts, formulates a theoretical model to assess the impact of people-to-people contacts on peacebuilding, and draws theoretical modifications and explanations in the model on the basis of its empirical application on India-Pakistan conflict and Northern Ireland conflict. The new concept of interactive people-to-people contacts (IPPC) is developed and it is differentiated from the similar concepts in peace theory. Then ontological and epistemological foundations of IPPC are determined and the roots of IPPC in peace and conflict theories are traced. To empirically assess the role played by IPPC in building peace, the web approach model is developed from Lederach’s “pyramid” of peacebuilding as formulated in Building Peace (1997) and later improved in The Moral Imagination (2005). The web approach model is applied on Northern Ireland conflict to empirically test the web approach model and make improvements in the model learning from the practice of IPPC in Northern Ireland conflcit. Then web approach model is applied on two selected case studies of PIPFPD and Aman ki Asha to empirically asses the role played by IPPC in building peace between India and Pakistan. The web approach model is used to determine the stage/frame of the web process where IPPC based peacebuilding have reached so far in India-Pakistan conflict. Moreover, theoretical modifications in web approach model are drawn learning from the selected case studies and an attempt is made to find out a way forward for IPPC based peacebuilding in India-Pakistan conflict.
Commonwealth Scholarship Commission in UK

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Rid, Saeed Ahmed. "Interactive people to people contacts between India and Pakistan : a case study of Pakistan India People's Forum for Peace and Democracy (PIPFPD) and Aman ki Asha." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/7314.

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This research develops a new concept for people-to-people contacts, formulates a theoretical model to assess the impact of people-to-people contacts on peacebuilding, and draws theoretical modifications and explanations in the model on the basis of its empirical application on India-Pakistan conflict and Northern Ireland conflict. The new concept of interactive people-to-people contacts (IPPC) is developed and it is differentiated from the similar concepts in peace theory. Then ontological and epistemological foundations of IPPC are determined and the roots of IPPC in peace and conflict theories are traced. To empirically assess the role played by IPPC in building peace, the web approach model is developed from Lederach’s “pyramid” of peacebuilding as formulated in Building Peace (1997) and later improved in The Moral Imagination (2005). The web approach model is applied on Northern Ireland conflict to empirically test the web approach model and make improvements in the model learning from the practice of IPPC in Northern Ireland conflcit. Then web approach model is applied on two selected case studies of PIPFPD and Aman ki Asha to empirically asses the role played by IPPC in building peace between India and Pakistan. The web approach model is used to determine the stage/frame of the web process where IPPC based peacebuilding have reached so far in India-Pakistan conflict. Moreover, theoretical modifications in web approach model are drawn learning from the selected case studies and an attempt is made to find out a way forward for IPPC based peacebuilding in India-Pakistan conflict.

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Adekoye, Raquel Abimbola. "Indo-Pakistani conflict and development of South Asia: is an independent Kashmir State a possible consideration?" Thesis, University of Zululand, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/1694.

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A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor Of Philosophy (Development Studies) in the Department of Anthropology and Development Studies at the University of Zululand, 2018
The thesis explores the conflict between India and Pakistan over Kashmir as a dispute symbol. It highlights the socio-economic implications of the conflict on the conflicting states of India and Pakistan. The conflicting symbol, Kashmir, as well as the entire South Asia that house all of them, with a view to suggest a lasting solution which it gives as, the creation of an independent Kashmir State. It is argued here that domestic politics in both India and Pakistan complicates the Kashmiri issue. In Pakistan, it has enabled the military to assume a dominant and pre-eminent position in politics. In India, a penchant for coalition government creates an immobility that is felt on the Kashmir crisis. In general, there is an on-going, serious and intense arms race between India and Pakistan that has increasingly led to a diversion of resources to investment in nuclear technology by both countries. Holding on to Kashmir has made India vulnerable to terrorist attacks, with the consequences of not only diverting developmental resources to enhancing security, but also exacerbating conflict with Pakistan. Economic relations between the main antagonists have remained marginal since the partition. Initiatives such as cooperation in water resource management between the two countries, and proposed joint development of oil and gas pipelines have failed to materialize. This led to the conclusion that both countries have allowed their economic relations with potential for huge benefits to be held hostage to the Kashmir crisis. In terms of the level of economic development, India holds big advantage. This advantage is harnessed into a superior conventional military capability which has also enabled India to rule out first strike as its nuclear doctrine. However, the disadvantageous position of Pakistan makes it view nuclear weapons as the equalizer, and the possibility of a first use is not ruled out. As a possible negotiated solution to the Kashmir conflict, it is argued here that as long as both India and Pakistan cling to their historically-entrenched positions, there is hardly any chance for permanent peace in Kashmir, thereby complicating their strategic stance in the region. It also argues that the Independence of Kashmir is the only guarantee of a lasting solution to the Kashmir conflict and South East Asia development crisis. The theories of Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism are central in this thesis to explain outcomes towards peace initiatives between India and Pakistan, and the implications for South Asia. Three specific concepts advanced by neo-realists and neo-liberal theorists are chosen to explore and explain the three principles of this study: The Balance of Power, Security and Economic Co-operation. Kashmir’s embroidery of encounters from forces of brutality, state repression particularly on the Indian occupied territories, massive militarization, stunted infrastructural and socio-economic development, insecurity to gross human rights violations leaves impacts so grave for social structures needed for modernity and sense of decent livelihood. Methodologically, the thesis provides a conceptual definition of the right to self-determination particularly from the United Nations perspective. It then applies the United Nations declared right of self-determination to Kashmir. This is achieved by outlining United Nations action on Kashmiri self-determination and then by applying the components of the right to Kashmir. The thesis concludes with some observations regarding resolving the Kashmir crisis. The central of this is the inevitable position that the realization of the right to self-determination will bring to fore in realizing peace and development for the region as a whole and to the parties involved in the crisis.

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Karlsson, Per. "Ripe for resolution? : How the recent earthquake impacted India-Pakistan relations." Thesis, Karlstad University, Division for Social Sciences, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-415.

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The traditional standing in the practice of negotiation which is main concerned with the substance of the proposal for a solution has been somewhat altered by Zartman who do acknowledge the importance of the first idea but adds the dimension of the timing of the efforts for a resolution. Throughout the schools of crisis management and conflict resolution this concept has made its name as the ‘ripeness theory’. The focal point of the theory is termed as the ‘Mutually Hurting Stalemate’ (MHS), a situation where the conflicting parties sense their positions in a hurting impasse.

The concept of a ripe moment does not only centre on the parties’ perception of a MHS but is optimally associated with an impending, past or recently avoided catastrophe. Even though the catastrophe is not necessary to either the definition or the existence of a MHS it provides a deadline or a lesson that pain can be sharply increased in something is not done about it now. This in linked with the idea behind the concept that, when the parties find themselves locked into a conflict from which they cannot escalate to victory and this deadlock is painful to them (although not necessarily in equal degrees or for the same reasons), they seek a way out.

A unique opportunity presented itself when a earthquake struck the areas between India and Pakistan the 8th of October 2005. Did the post-quake scenario present a new opportunity to collaborate on immediate relief activity and long-term build up? Could suspicion be buried with the wreckage? Could the disaster be a push to intensify the peace process?

The aim of this study is to find out if the disaster has made the conflict ripe for resolution or more advanced mediation. The empirical chapters is going down two avenues including the political elites (and their actions) as well as the internal political process which in this study is made up by a) the militancy, and b) editorials from major Pakistani and Indian newspapers.

The results of the study can be summed with that the earthquake has not made the conflict ripe for resolution (as in final resolution) but definitely made it ripe for more advanced mediation. This is based on the numerous important counter building measures carried out by the elites of India and Pakistan and the fact that the Kashmiri people were involved in the process. As for the internal political process the militancy did not show any will of collaborate or changing position in the conflict. The results of the newspaper’s editorials is not entirely positive either although both Pakistan and Indian newspapers had a rather positive outlook towards the increased Indo-Pak cooperation and the prospects for the future.

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Marwaha, Vivan. "Interdependence Amid Conflict: The Role of Domestic Actors in Solving the India-Pakistan Trade-Security Puzzle." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1593.

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This thesis examines the recent exponential growth in trade between India and Pakistan which has occurred despite the persistence of heated tension and conflict. It will underscore my research on the factors behind this marked increase, and analyze the transformative effects of domestic actors such as political leaders and business communities in creating new constituencies for peace between the two nations. This thesis makes an important contribution to international relations literature, specifically to existing research in the field of international political economy. Economic interdependence and security have not been analyzed concurrently in the context of the India-Pakistan relationship. In analyzing these issues together, this thesis will highlight the role of domestic political considerations and third parties in facilitating conditions for dialogue even in times of conflict.

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Ali, Syed Mahmud. "Nation-building and the nature of conflict in South Asia : a search for patterns in the use of force as a political instrument within and between the states of the region." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.319383.

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12

Ray, Durga. "Frames in the U.S. print media coverage of the Kashmir conflict." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2004. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0000436.

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Abbasi, Arshad Mehmood. "The Role of Soft Power in Transforming the India-Pakistan conflict : A Pakistani Perspective of Prospects and Challenges." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/78357.

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The India-Pakistan conflict has remained intractable for decades, and much has been written on the causes and nature of the conflict. To be sure, studies abound on how to resolve the conflict and ensure sustainable peace between the two conflicting states. However, few of these studies focus on the use of soft power as a tool for transforming the conflict between India and Pakistan. This is a gap in the literature, which this study sought to fill. This study therefore explores, from a Pakistani perspective, the plausibility and challenges of soft power to transform the conflict between India and Pakistan which has negative development implications for South Asia. Such a conflict transformation approach addresses the root causes of conflict by altering the psycho-social conditions and political environment at micro i.e., personal and macro i.e., structural levels. Using a qualitative approach, primary data was collected through semi-structured interview of 6 clusters of interviewees namely, government officials in Pakistan and South Africa, and soft power individuals such as renowned businessmen, personalities from the entertainment industry, politicians and retired diplomats, civil society members and sports persons. Archives were also consulted mainly from 3 institutions viz. the National Archives of Pakistan, archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Pakistan and the National Documentation Center in Pakistan. Published books of politicians, diplomats, sports persons and movie actors have also been consulted, which provide first person accounts of India Pakistan relations in the soft power domain. All data collected including from secondary sources were analyzed thematically in line with the research objectives and research questions. Within a conceptual framework of synergy between soft power, John Lederach’s moral imagination and conflict transformation, the study argues that the soft power tools and resources of both India and Pakistan can be instrumental for unleashing the potential and moral imagination of people in both countries to view one another in a positive light and co-exist in healthy competition. The findings show, for example, that both countries share a commonly spoken language, there are followers of the same religious sects on both sides of the border, both nations have an interest in the same sports, particularly cricket, they share a common culture, similar day-to-day fashions and modes of expression as well as successful film industries. However, a hard power approach pursued by the ruling elite of both nations, amongst other challenges, has hampered the prospects of peace in these countries with negative implications for South Asia. This notwithstanding, opportunities exist for the conflict to be transformed through a soft power approach to politics. Given its intractable and perennial nature, the study concludes that the India Pakistani conflict lies deep in the hearts of people of both nations, and solutions need to be people-focused and tailored to change hearts and minds. India and Pakistan, as nuclear powers, cannot subdue each other. They have also failed to resolve this conflict as its management has only temporarily resulted in cooling down tensions. Therefore, durable peace between the two nations is possible when there is a change of heart on both sides. This change of heart will have to be among the ruling elite as well as the masses. The findings of the study show that people of India and Pakistan have the latent potential to view one another in a positive light, and this can be brought to the fore through moral imagination. The transformation generated by moral considerations will create conditions preparing the ground for durable and positive peace in South Asia. India and Pakistan also share moral responsibility to save millions of lives and improve the lives of millions of their poverty-stricken citizens, and this can be done if they can transform their hostile relations into mutually beneficial ties rooted in a humane conception of interstate politics. The study makes a number of recommendations, which amongst others, include the concept of conflict transformation needs to be advanced at official level of engagement between the India and Pakistan governments; mainstreaming conflict transformation into their respective foreign policies towards each other; imparting peace education through curricula change at all levels learning from elemental to tertiary institutions in both countries; establishing visa-free corridors linking up the border cities of both nations to enhance travel and tourism, and building cultural centers as vehicles for unleashing and cementing shared cultural heritage between the two nations.
Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2020.
Political Sciences
PhD
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Adeney, Katharine Saskia. "Federal formation and consociational stabilisation : the politics of national identity articulation and ethnic conflict regulation in India and Pakistan." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/428/.

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This thesis is a comparative investigation of how federal institutions accommodated linguistic and religious identities in India and Pakistan. There are three explanatory variables. The first is the history of self-rule for the principalities within South Asia; tracing continuities in territorial autonomy from the Mughals up to independence. The second is the distribution of linguistic and religious identities within the states of India and Pakistan, both at the provincial and national levels. The third is the articulation of a national identity in India and Pakistan. These explanatory variables are not independent of one another; their interaction accounts for the different strategies adopted by India and Pakistan in the formation and stabilisation of their federations. The differences in federal design are calculated according to a scoring system that measures the degree of consociationalism within the federal plans proposed before independence, and the constitutions created after independence. The state-sponsored national identities are distinguished according to their recognition of identities in the public and private spheres. They are further categorised according to the costs for a non-dominant group of being managed by this strategy. The three explanatory variables explain why linguistically homogeneous states were created in India but not in Pakistan. It is argued that this variable explains the stabilisation or otherwise of their federations. It therefore confirms Wilkinson's rebuttal of Lijphart's claim that India under Nehru was consociational. Unlike Wilkinson, it argues that the degrees of consociationalism that emerged since the formation of the constitution have enhanced federal stabilisation within India. It defines federal stabilisation according to continuity in state borders, the number and type of secessionist movements, but more importantly by correlating the effective number of linguistic groups at state level with the effective number of parties in national elections. It concludes that federal accommodation of linguistic groups in homogeneous provinces has enabled the party system to fractionalise in India and Pakistan; an indication of the security of these groups. Where secessionist movements have existed in India and Pakistan, their emergence is explained by the lack of security for a group - defined on either linguistic or alternative criteria.

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Atre, Sagar. "U.S. Media Framing of the Indo-Pakistan War of 1999: Religious Framing in anInternational Conflict?" Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1366198802.

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Gupta, Ananya. "The Politicization of Water: Transboundary Water-Conflict in the Indian Subcontinent." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin159016833466416.

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Dutta, Sunil. "History as the Architect of the Present : What Made Kashmir the Nucleus of South Asia Terrorism India-Pakistan Conflict and its Impact on U.S. Homeland Security." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/6788.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
This thesis focuses on the root causes of conflict in South Asia that have created the environment in the Afghan Pakistan border areas, which nurtures insurgency. The causes are rooted in the decisions, made by the British Empire in the 19th and 20th centuries, to perpetuate her rule in the Indian subcontinent. A disregard for the history and its impact on the current events has lead to prolonging of U.S. war in Afghanistan. The conclusion is that colonial history of South Asia has shaped current conflicts in Afghanistan, India, and Pakistan. These conflicts have manifested in spawning of terrorism from the region. Ever since the partition of India in 1947 by the British, India and Pakistan remain locked in an enduring conflict over Kashmir. This conflict is tied to destabilization of South Asia, including competition between India and Pakistan over influence in Afghanistan. Thus, the U.S. focus on elimination of al Qaeda is short sighted, as it ignores the reasons for al Qaedas survival in South Asia. Without Pakistans support for the Afghan Taliban and associated terrorist organizations, al Qaeda would not have a sanctuary in South Asia. Without a resolution of the conflict between India and Pakistan, the terrorism problem emanating from South Asia remains a potential threat. Therefore, it is imperative that U.S. policy should expand to include a resolution of India-Pakistan conflict.

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Safi, Maryam. ""WE ARE FIGHTING A WATER WAR" : The Character of the Upstream States and Post-Treaty Transboundary Water Conflict in Afghanistan and India." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445404.

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Transboundary water treaties are often expected to prevent conflicts over waters from shared rivers. However, empirical evidence shows that some upstream countries continue to experience conflict after signing a water treaty. This study explains why some upstream countries experience high post-treaty transboundary water conflict levels while others do not. Departing from theories on the character of states, I argue that weaker upstream countries are more likely to experience post-treaty transboundary water conflict than stronger upstream states. This is because a weak upstream state has fewer capabilities, which creates an imbalance of power with its downstream riparian neighbor and presents a zero-sum game condition. As a result, the upstream state is more likely to experience a high level of conflict after signing an agreement. The hypothesis is tested on two transboundary river cases, the Helmand River Basin and the Indus River Basin, using a structured, focused comparison method. The data is collected through secondary sources, including books, journals, news articles, and reports, government records. The results of the study mainly support the theoretical arguments. It shows a significant relationship between the character of the upstream state and the level of post-treaty transboundary water conflict in the upstream state.

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Lagnestål, Melhuus Sunniva. "Perceptions of a Conflict : A qualitative analysis of Indian and Pakistani mass media." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-30017.

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Neves, Júnior Edson José. "Morrer pelo paraíso : o terrorismo internacional na Caxemira : entre a guerra por procuração e o Jihadismo instrumental : 1989-2009." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/25409.

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O objetivo desta dissertação é efetivar um estudo de casos acerca da atuação das três principais organizações terroristas islamitas atuantes na região da Caxemira, uma região disputada por Paquistão e Índia, no período que vai de 1989 a 2009. O conflito pela Caxemira persiste há pouco mais de seis décadas e pelo seu domínio foram travadas duas grandes guerras, em 1947-1948 e em 1965, alguns conflitos efêmeros e embates recorrentes. Como resultado prático dos conflitos, o território da Caxemira foi dividido entre os contendores, tendo por referência limítrofe uma Linha de Controle reconhecida bilateralmente em 1972. A hipótese que orienta a dissertação defende que, seguindo as diretrizes de uma estratégia de política externa do Paquistão, de Guerra por Procuração, em finais dos anos oitenta atores privados religiosos fundamentalistas islâmicos passaram a atuar no conflito utilizando técnicas de ataque terrorista contra autoridades e população civil habitantes da porção caxemir administrada pela Índia. Ademais, estas organizações receberam o patrocínio e foram controladas pelo principal Serviço Secreto militar paquistanês, o ISID – Diretoria de Serviços de Inteligência Interligados. Assim, contando com o respaldo de setores do Estado paquistanês, como o referido Serviço Secreto, estas organizações terroristas aumentaram seu poder relativo dentro do Paquistão e no contexto regional da Ásia Meridional, trazendo problemas relacionados ao incremento da ingovernabilidade do poder central e das disputas sectárias no Paquistão, bem como, a disseminação da ação terrorista transnacional no subcontinente indiano e no Oriente Médio.
This dissertation presents a case study on the performance of three major Islamic terrorist organizations operating in the region of Kashmir, a region disputed by Pakistan and India from 1989 to 2009. The conflict over Kashmir lasts for more than six decades now and two major wars were fought over its control, in 1947-1948 besides other ephemeral conflicts and clashes. As a practical result of conflict, the territory of Kashmir has been divided between the contenders, the 1972 Line of Control being a reference frontier acknowledged bilaterally. The hypothesis that guides the dissertation argues that, following the guidelines of a Pakistani foreign policy strategy, the “war by proxy”, civil religious Islamic fundamentalists started, in the late eighties, to launch terrorist attacks against authorities and the civilian population of the territory under Indian control. These organizations received the patronage and were controlled by the main military Secret Service of Pakistan, the ISID - Inter-Services Intelligence Directorade. With the support of sectors of the Pakistani state, such as the Secret Service, these terrorist organizations have increased their relative power within Pakistan and in the regional context of Southern Asia, bringing problems related to a growing crisis of governability and sectarian disputes in Pakistan, as well as the spread of transnational terrorist action in the Indian subcontinent and the Middle East.

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Irtan, Carole. "Le conflit indo-pakistanais sur le Cachemire : analyse des décisions et perceptions des autorités politiques et militaires à l'aune des modèles de Graham Allison." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30029.

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La province du Jammu et Cachemire, partagée entre l’Union Indienne et le Pakistan en 1947, est l’une des pommes de discorde qui a engendré une relation très conflictuelle entre les deux voisins, et qui a fait l’objet de crises diplomatiques et militaires récurrentes entre les deux pays, entrecoupées de rounds de négociation n’ayant pas abouti au règlement du conflit.Ce conflit au Cachemire va être passé au crible de deux théories des relations internationales, la théorie de la prise de décision modélisée par Graham Allison et la théorie de la perception développée par Robert Jervis. L’analyse de ce conflit va mettre en évidence la rationalité dans le processus de prise de décision au sein des deux pays, mais cette rationalité est néanmoins soumise à des perceptions de chaque côté de la frontière qui renvoient à la culture, aux mentalités, aux religions de chacun des deux pays. Ces perceptions peuvent amener un analyste occidental à croire à une certaine irrationalité de la part des deux pays. Il n’en est rien, car si l’on se place d’un point de vue indien ou pakistanais, leur mentalité, leur réflexion, leur culture respectives les amènent à une cohérence d’ensemble de chacune de leur politique.Cette analyse du conflit du Cachemire sous un angle particulier présente des limites, au premier rang desquelles la recherche bibliographique, qui mériterait d’être enrichie par des références hindies ou ourdoues. Néanmoins, la littérature en langue anglaise d’auteurs originaires du sous-continent indien autorise à utiliser la théorie de la perception avec une certaine précision et permet ainsi d’affiner l’analyse au plus près de la réalité
My thesis is pertaining to the political and military relations between India and Pakistan, especially towards the Kashmir province. I decided to focus on Kashmir province because relations of the countries are strifen by a lot of fracture lines in fields like economics, water, defence and so on… The core issue of my thesis is to compare the way of behaving of the two countries towards the Kashmir province and to draw conclusions about this complicated relationship. Moreover, I choose to work on the late 20 years in order to narrow the study, because since 1947 and the partition of British India, 3 disputes have opposed both of them. For the late 20 years, a crisis in 1999 and several rounds of negotiations are the main part of my subject. The issue of my work is related to two political theories, namely the decision making process developed by Graham Allison, and the theory of perception and misperception emphasized in Robert Jervis book. From these two theories, we can deduce that the decision making process in both countries are rational. This rationality can be submitted to criticism. Nevertheless, both countries have taken several decisions towards Kashmir province in accordance with their respective politics. What will be the future for this province? It can be guessed that one day progress will be made towards peace in this part of the world. Keywords: Kashmir; India; Pakistan; Decision Making Process; Perception; Misperception

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Mička, Dalibor. "Historicko-politické faktory ovlivňující vztahy mezi Indií a Čínou." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-114236.

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The objective of this thesis is to provide the reader with an overview of the most important factors that have influenced the development of the India-China relations. The oldest period of mutual interaction is treated, as well as the most important Sino-Indian disputes and their impact on mutual relations. Attention is also drawn to the contemporary development in the Sino-Indian relations, marked by both lingering problems and attempts at cooperation.

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Bhattacharya, Sandhya S. "The global impact of terror 9/11 and the India-Pakistan conflict /." 2008. http://etda.libraries.psu.edu/theses/approved/WorldWideIndex/ETD-2214/index.html.

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Samad, A. Yunas. "The Pakistan-US Conundrum: Jihadists, the Military and the People - The Struggle for Control." 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5245.

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No
Presents an analysis of Pakistan that features five players: the people, the army, the Islamists, the politicians and the Americans. This book explains how a series of alliances borne of political and strategic expediency between the US and the military have continually undermined the state to the extent that its very existence is in jeopardy.

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25

Herman, Jeanette Marie Carter Mia Moore Lisa. "Empire's bodies images of suffering in nineteenth and twentieth-century India and Ireland /." 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3143268.

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Herman, Jeanette Marie. "Empire's bodies: images of suffering in nineteenth and twentieth-century India and Ireland." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1197.

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Zahálková, Iva. "Post-konfliktní rekonstrukce v Afghánistánu z perspektivy teorie regionálních bezpečnostních komplexů." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-337014.

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The main objective of this diploma thesis is to analyze the nature of obstacles to the regional approach to Afghanistan through the lens of the Regional Security Complex Theory. I will focus on studying security dynamics within and among three security complexes surrounding Afghanistan, to see how these dynamics affect their interaction with the latter. Prospects of any regional cooperation on Afghanistan are hampered by security dynamics within these complexes whereby primary traditional political-military threats are perceived by the complex states as more threatening than the mostly transnational threats stemming from unstable Afghanitan. Particularly the Indo-Pakistani rivalry and to a lesser extent the Saudi-Iranian rivalry represent major obstacles as it is reflected also in their engagement in Afghanistan. On the other hand, weak Central Asia states are linked to Afghanistan security dynamics by mostly transnational threats and ethnic affinities but are generally too weak to extend their security dynamics beyond their respective complex. The thesis also seeks to analyze the possibility of Afghanistan's external transformation in terms of its inclusion into the South Asia complex and based on now stronger security interdependence among the Afghanistan-Pakistan-India triangle. This assumption could...

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'India-Pakistan Conflict'

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