Academic literature on the topic 'India. Parliament. House of the People'
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Journal articles on the topic "India. Parliament. House of the People"
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Chidananda, Dr R. G. "A Brief Analysis about Anubhavamantapa & Parliament of India." International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 9, no. VII (July 31, 2021): 3146–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2021.37073.
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The Parliament of India is the supreme legislative authority in the country and it is bicameral. It is divided into two houses – the Rajya Sabha, which is the Council of States, and the Lok Sabha, which is the House of the People. The Lok Sabha can be dissolved. In Rajya Sabha, 238 members are elected by the State and 12 members are nominated by the President for their contribution in the fields of art, literature, science and social services. The citizens of India directly elect the 543 members exercising the universal adult franchise. All the Indian citizens, who are aged 18 years and above, irrespective of their gender, caste, religion or race, are eligible to vote to elect their representatives to the Parliament. BASAVESHVARA established ANUBHAVA MANTAPA, a seat for intellectual discourses and provided equal opportunity to learn to all persons. It was a laboratory of Basaveshvara own preaching’s. He was the protagonist of equality and therefore the Anubhava Mantapa was open to all without distinctions of old and young, rich and poor, men and women, high and low, king and servants. It is a well-known fact that for centuries before Basaveshvara’s movement and also even during his period, there had been unimaginable wastage of talent because of the caste system. Basaveshvara pleaded for suitable opportunities to be provided for all the citizens for the fullest development of their personality. Learning had been the monopoly of a few privileged people only and a large section of the society was deprived of such a facility and it led to exploitation of the under-privileged by a few privileged ones. Basaveshvara revolted against such a system and proclaimed that knowledge is not the monopoly of a few people.
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Nikitin, Dmitry S. "To the History of the Formation of the Indian Parliamentary Committee in the British House of Commons." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 462 (2021): 142–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/462/18.
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The aim of this article is to study the history of the formation of the Indian Parliamentary Committee (IPC) in the British House of Commons in 1893. To achieve this aim, the following objectives are envisaged: determination of reasons for establishing the IPC; analysis of the activities of the Indian National Congress and British liberals; analysis of the election campaign of Dadabhai Naoroji, which enabled him to get a seat in the House of Commons in 1892. The sources of the study are the pamphlets of the Indian National Congress members, which explain the need for Indian representatives to participate in the British Parliament; records of parliamentary hearings on the Indian issue; materials of the press describing the course of the election campaign of 1892 and the tasks of the Indian Committee in Parliament. In the course of the study, the author came to the following conclusions. The moderate branch in the Indian liberation movement considered the British Rule in India to be a progressive phenomenon in the Indian life. The defects of the British administration were due to the fact that the English people and Parliament did not understand the problems that the Indian population faced under the British Rule. The Parliamentary Committee dealing exclusively with the Indian issue could contribute to solving this problem. The main conductor of this idea in India was the National Congress, which, since its inception, began work on the formation of the IPC. In the late 1880s, an Indian political agency, which intensified attempts to organize an Indian committee in Parliament, was established in London. The interests of the Indians in the House of Commons at that time were defended by the Liberal MP Charles Bradlaugh. On the basis of the proposals of the National Congress, he prepared a bill on Indian councils, which came into force in 1892. Nevertheless, the creation of the Indian Parliamentary Committee became possible only in 1893, when Dadabhai Naoroji and William Wadderburn (founders of the British Committee of the Indian National Congress) were elected to the House of Commons as Liberal MPs. In general, the creation of the IPC was a progressive step in the development of the Indian liberation movement because the IPC gave the moderate nationalists and their British liberal supporters new tools of fighting for the rights of Indian subjects of the British Empire. The appearance of supporters of Indian reforms in Parliament was the evidence of the success of the IPC’s course of expanding political agitation in England, although it did not guarantee significant achievements in solving of the Indian question.
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Das, Shreya. "House of the people: parliament and the making of Indian democracy House of the people: parliament and the making of Indian democracy , by Ronojoy Sen, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2022, xvi + 311 pp., ₹1,101 (Hardcover), ISBN: 978-1-009-18025-2." Contemporary South Asia 32, no. 1 (January 2, 2024): 117–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2024.2307747.
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Reynolds, Nathalène. "On the Muslim Minority in India." Journal of Development Policy, Research & Practice (JoDPRP) 1, no. 1 (December 31, 2017): 34–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.59926/jodprp.vol01/03.
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Western media usually describe India as ‘the largest democracy in the world’, paying little attention to the various dark corners surrounding this rosy picture , especially if one takes into consideration the difficulties its neighbours have had in their roads to democracy. It is true that the country has historically benefitted from generally good press in the West due to concerns about the increasing assertiveness of another demographic giant – the People’s Republic of China. As the centre of global gravity moves inexorably towards Asia, Western Europe and North America, with their ageing populations, seek to keep on board allies with whom they believe they share a similar system of values. Above all, western powers have their gaze fixed on the Indian market, assuming that its annual economic growth of 7% can offer rich dividends.Prime Minister Narendra Modi has acquired almost rock star status in recent years: November 2015 saw him address crowds packed inside London’s Wembley Stadium, while in June 2016, American Congressmen and women applauded him as he made an extended comparison of the virtues of American and Indian democracy. Incidentally, he boasted that the ‘biggest democracy in the world’ guarantees equal rights to all its citizens, whatever their religious beliefs. Indeed, he declared himself in favour of stronger Indo-American linkages, especially, he added, when it came to the fight against terrorism (Kelly 2016). Some observers may recall a remark made by Modi as the Chief Minister of Gujarat in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks during The Big Fight, a Star News Channel debate programme, on 14 September 2001. He stated that, ‘All Muslims are not terrorists, but all terrorists are Muslims’ (Engineer 2015). During political debates, especially televised ones, politicians often make use of such rhetorical devices to nurture or boost their popularity. Even limiting oneself to India itself, such a declaration was factually incorrect. According to figures for the year 2014 cited by Aakar Patel in a revealingly titled article, Most extremists in India are not Muslim – they are Hindu, published on 8 June 2015, the country had: Some 976 deaths from terrorism (or extremism, whatever name one wants to use for it) in India. Of these, the most (465) came in the North East. The second most (314) came from left-wing extremism, by a group of people called Maoists. Deaths in Jammu & Kashmir, assuming one wants to attribute the whole lot to terrorism, stood at 193. Outside of these conflict theatres, Islamist extremism claimed four lives (Patel 2015). India is home to a very significant Muslim population that is scarcely reassured by the absolute majority enjoyed by the Bharatiya Janata Party (India People’s Party, Hindu nationalist in outlook) in the Lok Sabha (House of the People, the lower house of India’sbicameral parliament). Before looking at the fragile position of the Muslim community and the campaigns it believes are conducted at its expense, the author would first like to see how India has projected its power across the New World Order that emerged after the collapse of the Soviet Union. India rightly seeks recognition as a great power, but is inclined to forget that in a sense, it remains a colossus with feet of clay – top end scientific research juxtaposed with aching poverty. It is made up of a mix of different religious communities, harmony between which has been key to the successful construction of the nation. More extreme sections of the Sangh Parivar (a group of Hindu nationalist organisations) who play up – without always sticking close to the facts – the threat of rapid population growth of the Muslim community. This seems to neglect one of the attributes that has the potential to increase India’s global influence: its 180 million Muslim inhabitants that have the potential to project India’s power in the Islamic world. This work, therefore, seeks to first of all look at India’s position internationally, and how this has enabled the most extreme Hindu nationalist components to adopt policies and political positions of concern with regard to minorities in general and Muslims in particular. Narendra Modi was formally cleared of all the various accusations made against him pertaining to his role in Gujarat in 2002. However, some schools of thought continue to cast doubt as to his innocence. Given the difficult relations between India and Pakistan in recent times, the author will abstain from any recommendations as to what the Indian government should or should not do. However, the author would encourage India’s civil society to undertake a greater role in reinforcing inter-communal harmony so necessary to the construction of a country that remains uniquely diverse in a world characterised by a worrying level of polarisation.
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Mawani, Renisa, and Iza Hussin. "The Travels of Law: Indian Ocean Itineraries." Law and History Review 32, no. 4 (September 9, 2014): 733–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248014000467.
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I believe that no country ever stood so much in need of a code of laws as India; and I believe also that there never was a country in which the want might so easily be supplied. I said that there were many points of analogy between the state of that country after the fall of the Mogul power, and the state of Europe after the fall of the Roman empire. In one respect the analogy is very striking.As there were in Europe then, so there are in India now, several systems of law widely differing from each other, but coexisting and coequal. The indigenous population has its own laws. Each of the successive races of conquerors has brought with it its own peculiar jurisprudence: the Mussulman his Koran and the innumerable commentators on the Koran; the Englishman his Statute Book and his Term Reports. As there were established in Italy, at one and the same time, the Roman Law, the Lombard law, the Ripuarian law, the Bavarian law, and the Salic law, so we have now in our Eastern empire Hindoo law, Mahometan law, Parsee law, English law, perpetually mingling with each other and disturbing each other, varying with the person, varying with the place.–Thomas Babington MacaulayOn July 10 1833, in his lengthy and famous speech on the “Government of India” delivered to the House of Commons, Thomas Babington Macaulay offered a brief but fascinating spatial-temporal assessment of the exigencies confronting British legal reform in India. As his above-cited remarks suggest, Macaulay was well acquainted with the subcontinent's rich landscape of multiple legalities and was particularly attuned to the challenges this legal plurality posed to British rule. At the same time, his observations serve as an astute testament to law's travels. Macaulay's speech addressed a range of politically charged issues, including allegations of scandal and corruption surrounding the East India Company's administration. By the end, however, he turned from justifying and defending Company pursuits to persuading an attentive Parliament about the necessity and merits of legal codification. Given Macaulay's unwavering belief in the superiority of Britain (and Europe)—most clearly articulated in his developmentalist analogy between “Europe then” and “India now”—the most plausible itinerary of law's movements was a unidirectional one: law originated in metropolitan London and moved outward to India and elsewhere. However, in advancing his case for codification, Macaulay inadvertently exposed many other laws and their respective circuits of travel. India was difficult to govern precisely because it was a terrain of legal mobility; the residues of other people, places, and times produced a polyglot existence of “Hindoo law, Mahometan law, Parsee law, English law, perpetually mingling with each other and disturbing each other.” What India needed most, Macaulay urged, was a systematized, standardized, and codified rule of law that was to be introduced and imposed by the British: “A code is almost the only blessing, perhaps it is the only blessing, which absolute governments are better fitted to confer on a nation than popular governments.”
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Larson, Anna. "House of the people? Afghanistan’s parliament in 2015." Conflict, Security & Development 16, no. 6 (November 2016): 595–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2016.1248408.
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Baldry, Tony. "Parliament and the Church." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 17, no. 02 (April 10, 2015): 202–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x15000071.
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The House of Commons starts each day with Prayers given by the Speaker's Chaplain, beginning with Psalm 67:God be Merciful unto us and Bless us; and cause his face to shine upon us. That thy way may be known up on earth, thy saving health among all nations. Let the people praise thee, O God; let all the people praise thee.
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Chawla, Chahat. "Legislation Update: India." Asian International Arbitration Journal 14, Issue 2 (December 1, 2018): 215–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/aiaj2018012.
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On 10 August 2018, the Lok Sabha (Lower House of the India’s bicameral Parliament) passed the Arbitration and Conciliation (Amendment Bill), 2018 (‘2018 Amendment Bill’), to further amend the Arbitration and Conciliation Act, 1996 (‘1996 Act’). In a short span of three years, the Indian Parliament has sought to overhaul India’s principal arbitration legislation for the second time, after the initial reforms introduced by the Arbitration and Conciliation (Amendment) Act, 2015 (‘2015 Amendment Act’). The 2018 Amendment Bill has been described as ‘a momentous and important legislation’ by the Indian Minister of Law and Justice, which is aimed at making India a ‘hub of domestic and international arbitration’. Other than the introduction of the 2018 Amendment Bill, the Indian Government, this year, also introduced the New Delhi International Arbitration Center Bill, 2018 (‘NDIAC Bill 2018’) in the Lok Sabha. The primary objective of the NDIAC Bill is to establish a ‘flagship arbitral institution’ to enable the growth of institutional arbitration in India. This Note undertakes a review of the key features of the 2018 Amendment Bill and the NDIAC Bill 2018 and how the proposed legislative measures impact the existing arbitral regime in India.
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Bowen, Huw V. "The ‘Little Parliament’: The General Court of the East India Company, 1750–1784." Historical Journal 34, no. 4 (December 1991): 857–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00017325.
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The historical verdict on the General Court of the East India Company has often been an unfavourable one. The Court, the ultimate sovereign body within the company, has invariably been described in terms similar to those which used to be applied to the eighteenth-century house of commons: it has been seen as a corrupt, disorderly, and disreputable political institution. Macaulay set the general tone in 1840 when he painted a typically vivid picture of proceedings at the General Court in the mid-eighteenth century. ‘The meetings’, he wrote, ‘were large, stormy, even riotous, the debates indecently virulent. All the turbulence of a Westminster election, all the trickery and corruption of a Grampound election, disgraced the proceedings of this assembly on questions of the most solemn importance’. This unflattering and somewhat impressionistic sketch has occasionally received uncritical acceptance from modern-day historians, and indeed it may be endorsed by contemporary observations of particular events at the Court. In 1767, for example, a first-time visitor to the Court room at India House in Leadenhall Street was appalled by what he saw, and he came away with the impression that this was ‘the most riotous assembly I ever saw’. And yet, on numerous other occasions commentators were full of praise for the good order and high standards of oratory at the Court. This has prompted two of the leading modern authorities on the history of the company in Britain to comment favourably on the quality of debate at India House during the eighteenth and early-nineteenth century.
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Subroto, Wandi. "RECONSTRUCTION REGULATION OF AUTHORITY OF LEGISLATIVE MEMBER IN PREVENTING CRIMINAL CRIMINAL ACCOUNT BASED ON JUSTICE VALUES." Jurnal Pembaharuan Hukum 4, no. 3 (December 15, 2017): 316. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/jph.v4i3.2330.
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The House of Representatives is a central legislative body that represents the people in parliament. The authority of each legislative member and as an institution has been regulated by legislation. The authority of the House of Representatives as an institution is huge, and the great power tends to be misused, such as committing a criminal act of corruption. Corruption is a crime that is very detrimental to the state's finances and hinders the government to prosper its people, then a justice-based arrangement is needed to prevent corruption within The House of Repre-sentatives as a legislative body.
Books on the topic "India. Parliament. House of the People"
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India, Election Commission of, ed. Report on the ninth general elections to the House of the People in India, 1989: Bhārata meṃ Loka Sabhā ke nauveṃ sādhāraṇa nirvācana kī riporṭa, 1989. New Delhi: Election Commission of India, 1991.
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India, Election Commission of, ed. Bhārata meṃ Loka Sabhā ke āṭhaveṃ sādhāraṇa nirvācana kī riporṭa, 1984 =: Report on the eighth general elections to the House of the People in India, 1984. New Delhi: Election Commission of India, 1986.
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India, Election Commission of, ed. Bhārata meṃ Loka Sabhā ke Āṭhaveṃ sādharaṇa nirvācana kā riporṭa, 1984, saṅkhyikāya =: Report on the eighth general elections to the House of the People in India, 1984, statistical. New Delhi: Election Commission of India, 1985.
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Jois, M. Rama. Messages from Parliament House Bharat: Saṃsada Bhavana se sandeśa, Bhārata. Gulbarga, Karnataka: Vijnaneshwara Research and Training Centre in Polity-Martur, 2013.
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Lewis, Paul. Reform of social security: Effects on young people. London: Youthaid, 1985.
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Lewis, Paul. Refo rm of social security: The effects of the Social Security Bill on young people. London: Youthaid, 1986.
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Yogendra, Narain, and India. Parliament. Rajya Sabha. Secretariat., eds. Humour in the house: A glimpse into the enlivening moods of Rajya Sabha. New Delhi: Rajya Sabha Secretariat, 2003.
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Gujarat (India). Chief Electoral Officer., ed. Report on the eighth general elections to the House of the People, 1984 (statistical), Gujarat State. Gandhinagar: Chief Electoral Officer, Gujarat State, 1986.
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Global, Conference on Human Rights and Terrorism (1994 New Delhi India). Global Conference on Human Rights and Terrorism: Verbatim proceedings, 21-22 July 1994, Parliament House Annexe, New Delhi, India. New Delhi, India: Indian Institute for Non-Aligned Studies, 1994.
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Renton, Tim. Chief whip: People, power and patronage in Westminster. London: Politico's, 2004.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "India. Parliament. House of the People"
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Singh, Kundan, and Krishna Maheshwari. "Mill’s Colonial-Racist Discourse in School Textbooks." In Colonial Discourse and the Suffering of Indian American Children, 179–214. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-57627-0_5.
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AbstractJames Mill was the first colonial to write a comprehensive history of India. Soon after its publication, he became a high-ranking employee of the East India Company. In no time, he became its chief at India House, the headquarters of the Company. His rank and popularity in British society ensured that the History of British India became the paradigm determiner of India studies, its people, culture, and traditions. The framework behind the creation of grade-school discourse on India and Hinduism currently bears a complete reflection of the narrative set in motion by Mill more than two hundred years ago. Given the political power that Britain wielded over India, there was no need for Mill to camouflage his language in describing India, Hinduism, and the Hindu people. The times have changed, and the language must be politically correct. The current-day school discourse reproduces Mill’s narrative, minus his language of savagery and uncivilization of the Hindu people. This chapter exposes Mill’s stamp on the India-and-Hinduism discourse in American middle schools.
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Hasan, Shameem, Mirza Rasheduzzaman, and M. Mofazzal Hossain. "Consequences of Lockdown Due to COVID-19 on the Electricity Generation and Environment in South Asia." In Energiepolitik und Klimaschutz. Energy Policy and Climate Protection, 113–38. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-38215-5_6.
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AbstractThere has been an unprecedented impact of COVID-19 outbreak worldwide. To save people from COVID-19, many countries imposed strict lockdown since March 2020 in different phases. In this paper, the impacts of COVID-19 on the power industry of Bangladesh, India and Sri Lanka and its positive impacts on the environment have been investigated through the reduction of power generation and Green House Gas (GHG) emission during a certain part of the lockdown period. It is found that there was a 16.96%, 26% and 22.7% reduction of power generation in May’20 compared with that of May’19 in Bangladesh, India, and Sri Lanka respectively. Carbon dioxide (CO2), Sulphur dioxide (SO2), Nitrogen oxides (NOX) and fluorinated gases are the main components of Green House Gases (GHGs) where CO2 contains almost 80% of the GHGs. CO2 emission was reduced by a maximum of 22.29% in May 2020 in Bangladesh compared to May’19. India encountered a CO2 emission reduction of 29.75% in April’20 compared to April’19. NOX and SO2 reduction in India in April’20 were 29.59% and 31.19% respectively whereas in Bangladesh in May’20 during the lockdown, NOX decreased by 15.57% and SO2 increased by 23.36%. Hence, from the comparative study presented in this paper, the consequence of lockdown due to COVID-19 on the power sector and environment of three South Asian countries can be realized.
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Houston, Gail Turley. "The Home Department's Directions to MP Stafford H. Northcote, Secretary of State for India, House of Parliament Commission Investigating Famine in Orissa, Home Department.—Public, No. 71 (22 April 1867), Papers and Correspondence Relative to Famine in Bengal and Orissa." In Hunger and Famine in the Long Nineteenth Century, 173–75. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429198076-54.
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Mills, James H. "‘The lunatic asylums of India are filled with ganja smokers’: Ganja in Parliament, 1891-1894." In Cannabis Britannica, 93–123. Oxford University PressOxford, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199249381.003.0005.
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Abstract Drawing on information from the subcontinent, Mark Stewart MP stood up in the House of Commons on 16 July 1891 ‘to ask the Under-Secretary of State for India whether his attention has been called to the statement in the Allahabad Pioneer of the 10th May last that ganja “which is grown, sold and excised under much the same conditions as opium”, is far more harmful than opium, and that “the lunatic asylums of India are filled with ganja smokers” ‘. He pressed his point, asking further of the Under- Secretary ‘whether he is aware that the possession and sale of ganja has been prohibited for many years past in Lower Burma and that the exclusion of the drug was stated in the Excise Report of that province for 1881-2 to have been “of immense benefit to the people” ‘. The reason for his curiosity was that he wanted to know ‘whether he [the Under-Secretary of State] will call the attention of the Government of India to the desirability of extending the same prohibition to the other Provinces of India?’
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Seaward, Paul. "Parliament Observed." In Revisiting The Polite and Commercial People, 59–76. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198802631.003.0004.
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Visitors to the British Parliament, particularly to the House of Commons, in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century were tolerated under the name of ‘strangers’. Most of them were accommodated in the gallery of the House, a notoriously crowded and uncomfortable space. This chapter discusses the experience and impressions of various visitors, including women, during the period. It reassesses the ‘removal’ of women as spectators in 1778, and considers how their presence in apparently increasing numbers from the 1760s was a sign of a more general and growing interest in watching politics as entertainment, with the chamber being commonly likened to a theatre.
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"CHAPTER 5 The House of Commons: Representing the People." In The UK Parliament, 87–120. Edinburgh University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780748629725-008.
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Blick, Andrew. "4. Parliament." In UK Politics, 69–93. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198825555.003.0004.
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This chapter looks specifically at the UK Parliament as this is the central institution of the UK political system. It describes the people in Parliament, its internal makeup, and the way in which it is changing. The chapter examines the roles of members of the House of Commons and House of Lords. It considers the four basic functions of Parliament: providing a basis of government, holding government to account, producing legislation, and interacting with the wider public. The chapter describes three practical examples to help illustrate some of its themes. These are the following: the 2010–15 coalition government’s attempts to reform the House of Lords; the 2009 Wright Committee proposals for parliamentary reform and their implementation; and the practice of pre-appointed hearings conducted by parliamentary committees.
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Manor, James. "India." In Electioneering, 110–32. Oxford University PressOxford, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198273752.003.0006.
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Abstract Electioneering has changed considerably in India since the first exercise of universal suffrage in 1952, but this owes far less to legal or technological changes than to changes in the political system. It is mainly attributable to political awakening within the electorate and to decay within political institutions.1 India’s parliamentary and electoral systems bear a strong resemblance to those of Britain. Elections to the Lok Sabha, the dominant lower house of India’s parliament, must in normal circumstances be held within five years of the previous election (although by act of parliament during the State of Emergency declared in mid-1975, six years were allowed to elapse between the 1971 and 1977 polls). The same is true of elections to the state legislatures in this federal system.
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Hutton, Ronald. "Member of Parliament and Captain of Horse." In The Making of Oliver Cromwell, 48–88. Yale University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300257458.003.0003.
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This chapter explores one of the most decisive turning points in Oliver Cromwell's career, during a war involving the Scottish Church, or Kirk. From there, the chapter paints a portrait of the House of Commons and his parliamentary record there. Cromwell was, after all, notable for being the least wealthy and connected among the 507 men eligible to attend the House of Commons at the time. There was, however, no sign whatever that this collection of people operated as an affinity; rather, they represented a pool on which Cromwell might draw if common beliefs and vested interests created a context in which mutual support would be advantageous. The chapter also looks into Cromwell's departure from Parliament and his attempts to expedite the war effort as a cavalry captain.
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McMillanm, Alistair. "Delimitation in India." In Redistricting in Comparative Perspective, 75–96. Oxford University PressOxford, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199227402.003.0006.
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Abstract The Indian Constitution, which was ratified in 1949 and came into force in 1950, set down the framework for the democratic system, including provisions for periodic delimitations. After each national census, a process of delimitation would take place in order to ensure that constituencies for the Lok Sabha (the House of the People) and the Vidhan Sabhas (State Legislative Assemblies) were roughly the same size in terms of population. In this way, the framers of the Constitution aimed to ensure that the principle of one person, one vote, one value was maintained.
Conference papers on the topic "India. Parliament. House of the People"
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Bhat, Raj Nath. "Language, Culture and History: Towards Building a Khmer Narrative." In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2019. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2019.3-2.
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Genetic and geological studies reveal that following the melting of snows 22,000 years ago, the post Ice-age Sundaland peoples’ migrations as well as other peoples’ migrations spread the ancestors of the two distinct ethnic groups Austronesian and Austroasiatic to various East and South–East Asian countries. Some of the Austroasiatic groups must have migrated to Northeast India at a later date, and whose descendants are today’s Munda-speaking people of Northeast, East and Southcentral India. Language is the store-house of one’s ancestral knowledge, the community’s history, its skills, customs, rituals and rites, attire and cuisine, sports and games, pleasantries and sorrows, terrain and geography, climate and seasons, family and neighbourhoods, greetings and address-forms and so on. Language loss leads to loss of social identity and cultural knowledge, loss of ecological knowledge, and much more. Linguistic hegemony marginalizes and subdues the mother-tongues of the peripheral groups of a society, thereby the community’s narratives, histories, skills etc. are erased from their memories, and fabricated narratives are created to replace them. Each social-group has its own norms of extending respect to a hearer, and a stranger. Similarly there are social rules of expressing grief, condoling, consoling, mourning and so on. The emergence of nation-states after the 2nd World War has made it imperative for every social group to build an authentic, indigenous narrative with intellectual rigour to sustain itself politically and ideologically and progress forward peacefully. The present essay will attempt to introduce variants of linguistic-anthropology practiced in the West, and their genesis and importance for the Asian speech communities. An attempt shall be made to outline a Khymer narrative with inputs from Khymer History, Art and Architecture, Agriculture and Language, for the scholars to take into account, for putting Cambodia on the path to peace, progress and development.
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ابراهيم عزيز حسين, لمى. "Genocide in Halabja." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/8.
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"Halabja: It is an Iraqi city located in the Kurdistan region of Iraq, near the Iranian border, about 8-10 miles away, 150 miles away from Baghdad and located in the southeast of the city of Sulaymaniyah. It is one of the important cities that contains many mosques, shrines and shrines. In 1985, this city was subjected to the former regime's aerial bombardment, where more than 450 Kurdish villages were bombed, 300 citizens executed within one month, and internationally prohibited chemical weapons were used. The Iraqi regime’s violations of human rights continued to reach their climax in 1988, which was known as the Halabja events, which will be the subject of our research, the Halabja massacre, which took place at the end of the first Gulf War or what is known as the Iran-Iraq war from 16-17 March 1988, the killing of Kurdish civilians and the use of chemical weapons against them and the effects of a war The first Gulf and the breach of the international treaty through the use of chemical weapons that are banned internationally, as well as international reports on human rights violations in Halabja, which left about 5,000 martyrs, most of whom are residents of the region, and we will also clarify who is responsible for the events of Halabja, and the truth can be highlighted through documents and evidence The editorial in the Halabja case, where these documents included information about chemical weapons in handwriting and not in a printer to evade responsibility. The document talks about the production and accumulation of chemical agents by the former regime and the intention of the former regime to strike them when necessary, in addition to other documents that we will address through the research, There is also an appendix with the names of a number of companies involved in supplying the government at that time with unconventional weapons, including missile weapons and other weapons Chemical materials and advanced technology, and this is very clear in the violation of human rights by extremely barbaric repressive methods and means, and northern Iraq has become the scene of these crimes that have been circulated between international press agencies and television screens, articles, photos and documentaries expressing the horror of the calamity and the magnitude of the tragedy. Well-known international documents and documents and what Halabja has been exposed to are classified within the concept of genocide wars. This type of war is not attended by all international laws and segments only, but also the simplest rules of behavior and human and civilized interaction between people belonging to the human race. We will also show the issue of Halabja in the corridors of the Iraqi Parliament, which was during the session on 7/3/2011 of the second electoral cycle, the first legislative year, the second legislative term in the Iraqi Council of Representatives, held in Baghdad, by submitting a proposal to the Council of Representatives regarding the position of the House of Representatives regarding the crime of bombing Halabja with chemical weapons. In conclusion, I hope you will like this summary."
Reports on the topic "India. Parliament. House of the People"
1
Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.
Full textAbstract:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
2
Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.
Full textAbstract:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.