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Journal articles on the topic 'India-United States Relations'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 15 February 2022

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1

Travis, Thom A. "United States-India Relations: Obstacles and Opportunities." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 4 (1986): 381–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200402.

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The United States-India relationship began with great promise, that later dissipated as the two states adopted contrasting positions on many key world issues. US-India disagreements have centred on the Soviet Union, Pakistan and North-South matters, and hare led to frictions that will not easily disappear. In this essay, the main manifestations and sources of these nagging differences would be discussed. Then, an attempt would be made to show how greater mutual understanding of one another's perspectives could lead to policy modifications that could promote the closer ties desired by each gove

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2

Ganguly, Sumit, and Andrew Scobell. "India and the United States." World Policy Journal 22, no. 2 (2005): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07402775-2005-3007.

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3

Morgan, M. Granger, K. Subrahmanyam, K. Sundarji, and Robert M. White. "India and the United States." Washington Quarterly 18, no. 2 (1995): 155–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636609509550152.

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4

Bajpai, Kanti. "India and the United States." South Asian Survey 15, no. 1 (2008): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152310801500103.

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5

Swu, Tovika. "The Obama Administration and United States-India Defence Relations." International Journal of Humanities and Social Science 5, no. 4 (2018): 52–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14445/23942703/ijhss-v5i4p110.

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6

Soltaninejad, Mohammad. "Iran–India Relations: The Unfulfilled Strategic Partnership." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 73, no. 1 (2017): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928416683054.

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With its enormous natural and human resources, a growing economy and adjacency to Iran’s security and strategic environment, India is considered one of the most important options with which the Islamic Republic of Iran can establish stable and reliable, if not strategic, relations. Despite this, all economic, trade and cultural capacities as well as diplomatic initiatives have not elevated the mutual relations higher than ‘cordial and friendly’. The present article discusses the reasons behind Indo-Iranian failure to create a once desired strategic partnership. The main idea is that difference

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7

Yousafzai, Iftikhar Ahmad, and A. Z. Hilali. "India’s Role as a Determinant in Pakistan-US Relations (2005-2015)." Review of Applied Management and Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (2021): 285–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/ramss.v4i1.122.

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The United States adopted a policy of de-hyphenation in its relations with India and Pakistan in the post-09/11 period which continued to be operational in the period 2005-2015. This policy apparently meant that the United States would deal each of the two South Asian adversaries, India and Pakistan. The main reason for this phenomenon was that the policy-makers in the US saw India as a heavy-weight to counter the rising economic, political and military power of China in Asia. Pakistan could not be fitted in this strategic calculus. The United States changed its previous position on Kashmir an

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8

Saha, S. C. "United States-India Relations 1947–1962: Stresses and Strains Over Communist China." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 44, no. 1-2 (1988): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848804400106.

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The United States had an inbuilt constituency in India, a constituency that had its origins in the pre-independent period. Although the British were under fire, they enjoyed a certain amount of respect for their commitment to justice and law. The Indian elites were the products of English education. All these resulted in a love-hate relationship between the Indians and the Anglo-Saxon groups in general. Besides, the amount of importance the Indian nationalist leaders gave to the mediatory role of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the liberal American Press in bringing about India's independe

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9

Agrawal, Subhash. "India and the United States: A New Partnership." International Spectator 46, no. 2 (2011): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2011.576171.

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10

Garson, Robert. "India and the United States, 1961–1963." International Affairs 67, no. 1 (1991): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621306.

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11

Zagoria, Donald S., Sulochana Raghavana Glazer, and Nathan Glazer. "Conflicting Images: India and the United States." Foreign Affairs 69, no. 4 (1990): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044586.

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12

Zagoria, Donald, and Dennis Kux. "India and the United States: Estranged Democracies." Foreign Affairs 73, no. 3 (1994): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20046720.

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13

Koehn, Peter H. "Linking China, India, and the United States." International Studies Review 12, no. 2 (2010): 331–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2486.2010.00940.x.

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14

Pant, Harsh V. "India: Domestic Politics, Foreign Relations and Cooperation with the United States." Asian Affairs 44, no. 2 (2013): 308–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2013.795301.

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15

Das, Runa. "The United States–India Nuclear Relations after 9/11: Alternative Discourses." Asian Journal of Political Science 20, no. 1 (2012): 86–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2012.673865.

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16

Walker, M. Karen. "Narratives of Engagement in us–India Relations: A Look Back at the us–India 123 Agreement Debate." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 1 (2016): 49–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341327.

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This article presents a rhetorical critique of diplomatic and public discourse that emanated from a joint commitment of the United States and India to pursue full civilian nuclear cooperation. The article argues that four narratives combined to transform the us–India relationship from estrangement to engagement. The narratives of exceptionalism, kinship, sojourning and convergence changed perspectives on the context, social order and substance of the us–India relationship, effectuating India’s movement from outside to inside the nuclear non-proliferation regime, and constituting the United Sta

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17

Panda, Snehlata. "India and the United States: perceptions and policy." Strategic Analysis 23, no. 1 (1999): 111–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700169908455032.

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18

Ayres, Alyssa. "Beyond Disciplines: India Studies in the United States." India Review 5, no. 1 (2006): 14–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736480600742601.

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19

Thanh, Ton Sinh. "Book review: Le Thi Hang Nga, India–United States Relations (1947–1991) [Quan hệ Ấn Độ– Hoa Kỳ (1947–1991)]." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, № 2 (2020): 335–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420917122.

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Le Thi Hang Nga, India–United States Relations (1947–1991) {Quan h– United States Relati–1991)} (Hanoi: Truth National Political Publishing House, 2017). 227 pp., Price 56.000 VND (Paperback). ISBN: 9786045738078.

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20

Lee, Steven, and Andrew Rotter. "Comrades at Odds: The United States and India, 1947-1964." International Journal 56, no. 4 (2001): 704. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203617.

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21

Vinod, M. J. "Attitudes towards India: Contrasting Approaches of the United States and the Soviet Union." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 46, no. 1 (1990): 17–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492849004600102.

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A comparative study of India's relations with the two Super Powers, the US and the USSR provides a very complex and interesting model in the relations between nations. On the one hand it would appear rather paradoxical that two large and genuine democracies of the world, India and the United States should have but an ordinary relationship devoid of any deep and enduring rapport. At the people-to-people level there exists one might say, an abundance of goodwill and warmth for one another; yet at the state-to-state level there appears to be a lack of understanding and support for each other's po

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22

Shur, Elizaveta A. "Engagement policy and formation of allied relations: India in the US foreign policy strategy under George W. Bush and B. Obama." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 5, no. 2 (2021): 571–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2021-5-2-7.

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The article presents an analysis of the engagement policy and the formation of allied relations which hold a central place in the foreign policy of the United States. It is noted that the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks demonstrated the ideological insecurity of the United States and forced Washington to join the global campaign against terrorism. Despite the untenable willingness to bear the burden of war alone, the American political establishment began to look for allies and partners. The purpose of this article is to identify India’s place in the system of American foreign policy stra

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23

Hall, Ian. "Forged in crisis: India and the United States since 1947." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 52, no. 3 (2014): 445–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2014.924740.

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24

Ahmed, Jesmine, and Niranjan Mohapatra. "The Evolution of India-US Nuclear Relations: Conflicts and Co-operation From Past to Present Scenario." Asian Review of Social Sciences 8, no. 1 (2019): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.51983/arss-2019.8.1.1542.

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India and the United States have long historical, diplomatic, strategic and cultural linkages. Since the genesis of the Indo-US engagement in the international politics, the issues relating to nuclear aspects have been a great source of divergence and convergence between the two countries. This relation is mostly revolve around the three major shifts; Pokhran-I (1974), Pokhran-II (1998) and Civilian Nuclear deal (2005). However, before the signing of civil nuclear deal, both the countries had many clashes for not signing India in NPT and CTBT. However, this paper focuses on the evolution of In

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25

Mansingh, Surjit. "The United States, China and India: Relationships in Comparative Perspective." China Report 35, no. 2 (1999): 119–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944559903500202.

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26

Pulipaka, Sanjay, and Libni Garg. "India and Vietnam in the Indo-Pacific." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 77, no. 2 (2021): 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09749284211004984.

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The international order today is characterised by power shift and increasing multipolarity. Countries such as India and Vietnam are working to consolidate the evolving multipolarity in the Indo-Pacific. The article maps the convergences in the Indian and Vietnamese foreign policy strategies and in their approaches to the Indo-Pacific. Both countries confront similar security challenges, such as creeping territorial aggression. Further, India and Vietnam are collaborating with the United States and Japan to maintain a favourable balance of power in the Indo-Pacific. While Delhi and Hanoi agree

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27

Lobo, J. Susanna. "Book Review: International Relations: Forged in Crisis: India and the United States since 1947." Political Studies Review 13, no. 3 (2015): 413–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12100_34.

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28

Agarwala, Rina. "Divine Development: Transnational Indian Religious Organizations in the United States and India." International Migration Review 50, no. 4 (2016): 910–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imre.12188.

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This article examines how Indian Americans’ religious organizations send not only financial remittances to India, but also social remittances that shape development ideologies. Comparing Indian-American Hindu and Muslim organizations, I find both groups draw from their socioeconomic experiences in India and use their position as elite immigrants in the United States to identify and empower their respective religious constituencies in India and overturn different social relations (not just religious practices). Hindu Americans draw from their majority status in India to overturn India's lower p

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29

Garver, John W. "The Indian Factor in Recent Sino-Soviet Relations." China Quarterly 125 (March 1991): 55–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000030307.

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Chinese foreign policy is typically a complex mix of bilateral, regional and global considerations shaped by the perceptions and domestic political concerns of various participants in China's decision-making process. One significant factor shaping Chinese foreign policy over the past decade which has not been given adequate attention is Chinese consideration of South Asia, and especially India. India's size, substantial aggregate national power, central geographic position in South Asia, prominent role in the Third World/Non-Aligned Movement, and the determination of its leaders to establish I

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30

Tiwary, Bipin K., and Anubhav Roy. "Soviet Tanks, American Sedans: Traces of India’s Cold War-era Hedging Towards the United States, 1966–1971." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 77, no. 1 (2021): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420983093.

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Having fought its third war and staring at food shortages, independent India needed to get its act together both militarily and economically by the mid-1960s. With the United States revoking its military assistance and delaying its food aid despite New Delhi’s devaluation of the rupee, India’s newly elected Indira Gandhi government turned to deepen its ties with the Soviet Union in 1966 with the aim of balancing the United States internally through a rearmament campaign and externally through a formal alliance with Moscow. The US formation of a triumvirate with Pakistan and China in India’s ne

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31

Dhingra, Swati, and Timothy Meyer. "Leveling the Playing Field: Industrial Policy and Export-Contingent Subsidies in India–Export Related Measures." World Trade Review 20, no. 4 (2021): 606–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474562100032x.

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AbstractIn India–Export Related Measures, the United States challenged a range of Indian measures as prohibited export-contingent subsidies, and a WTO panel largely agreed. This article examines the factors at play in the United States’ decision to bring the challenge. At the level of policy, the United States case reflects India's graduation from the protections afforded developing nations’ export-contingent subsidies under the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures. A closer examination, however, shows that India ramped up its export-contingent subsidies just as the SCM Agreement

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32

Ganguly, Sumit, and Alyssa Ayres. "Introduction: The State of India Studies in the United States, 2006." India Review 5, no. 1 (2006): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736480600742536.

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33

Marwat, Faisal Ameer. "Pakistan - United States of America Relations: Impediments and way forward." Journal of Law & Social Studies 3, no. 1 (2021): 67–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.52279/jlss.03.01.6772.

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During the past seven decades, the relations among America and Pakistan have seen such a significant number of ups and downs. Hindered by different commitment, solid and particular irritation, both of states have attempted to impact each other, but have been unsuccessful at significant number of stages. Pakistan once saw, as the most associated partner when fits to United States of America interests in 50s, twisted hooked on utmost endorsed companion of America in 90s. The centralization of relations fluctuated from one perilous to that of totally overlooking the different as in 1971, to that

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34

Gorman, Daniel. "Britain, India, and the United Nations: colonialism and the development of international governance, 1945–1960." Journal of Global History 9, no. 3 (2014): 471–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022814000217.

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AbstractThis article argues that the manner by which colonial societies achieved independence as sovereign states in the late 1940s and 1950s fundamentally shaped the parallel emergence of ideas and institutions of international governance, particularly at the newly created United Nations. Using Anglo-Indian relations as its primary focus, it argues that the internationalization of imperialism was particularly evident in two areas: postcolonial states’ negotiation of relations with their former colonial power within the UN system; and the influence of colonialism on international governance, p

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35

Das, Runa. "A Post-colonial Analysis of India–United States Nuclear Security: Orientalism, Discourse, and Identity in International Relations." Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, no. 6 (2015): 741–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909615609940.

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This article uses Edward Said’s post-colonial framework to analyze India–United States (US) nuclear security relations in the post-Cold War period as a clash of US Orientalism and India’s nuclear sovereignty as a key marker of India’s post-colonial essence. Through an analysis of the discourses of India and the US with regard to India’s May 1998 detonation and the 123 Agreement, it explores the following questions: To what extent has America’s security relationship with India been characterized by Orientalist discourses? Does the revision of the US post-9/11 security relationship with India as

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36

Batool, Asma. "Pak-US Relations and Indian Factor." Global Foreign Policies Review III, no. I (2020): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2020(iii-i).02.

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The South Asian region has always been a place of major concern for United States due to its strategic location; inter linked conflicts, threat of nuclear proliferation and tenacity of security threats such as terrorism. The region is hub of many conflicts and violence due to Pakistan-India's historical rivalry, terrorism and sectarian divisions. Security of the Pakistan has been unstable and highly based on proxy wars and involvement of Non-state actors. US has taken the responsibility to contribute in peace process of Pakistan-India conflicts to bring stability to the region but did not succ

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37

Schaffer, Teresita C. "The United States, India, and Global Governance: Can They Work Together?" Washington Quarterly 32, no. 3 (2009): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636600903035118.

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38

Hornat, Jan. "The power triangle in the Indian Ocean: China, India and the United States." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 29, no. 2 (2015): 425–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2014.974507.

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39

T. M. F. "1986 UNAT Elections." American Journal of International Law 80, no. 3 (1986): 720–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2201796.

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The United Nations Administrative Tribunal (UNAT) has elected Herbert Reis of the United States, a former Counselor at the U.S. Mission to the United Nations, as its Second Vice-President for the coming year. Mr. Reis has served on the tribunal for 5 years. Samar Sen of India and Arnold Kean of the United Kingdom were elected President and First Vice-President of the tribunal, respectively.

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40

Kapur, S. Paul, and Sumit Ganguly. "The Transformation of U.S.-India Relations: An Explanation for the Rapprochement and Prospects for the Future." Asian Survey 47, no. 4 (2007): 642–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2007.47.4.642.

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The United States and India are enjoying increasingly close relations. This represents a transformation of the two countries' past relationship, which was characterized by suspicion and distrust. This change, which began with the end of the Cold War, has resulted from a convergence of structural, domestic, and individual leadership factors.

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41

Malik, Iftikhar H. "The Cold War on the periphery: the United States, India and Pakistan." International Affairs 71, no. 2 (1995): 397–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623490.

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42

Zagoria, Donald, and Robert J. McMahon. "The Cold War on the Periphery: The United States, India, and Pakistan." Foreign Affairs 73, no. 5 (1994): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20046900.

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43

ROESSLER, FRIEDER. "India – Additional and Extra-Additional Duties on Imports from the United States." World Trade Review 9, no. 1 (2010): 265–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745609990310.

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44

Mudiam, Prithvi Ram. "The India-Pakistan Dispute over Jammu and Kashmir and the United States." Global Change, Peace & Security 15, no. 3 (2003): 263–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0951274032000124974.

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45

Lavoy, Peter R. "India in 2006: A New Emphasis on Engagement." Asian Survey 47, no. 1 (2007): 113–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2007.47.1.113.

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India took important steps in 2006 to develop its economy and improve its standing abroad. Strengthening its strategic partnership with the United States, while at the same time maintaining positive relations with China, was a particularly important achievement. Increased attention to energy security has driven India to reach out to countries well beyond its borders. For the first time in India's history, New Delhi appears comfortable using the military and diplomatic tools that great powers have used throughout history.

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46

Khurshaid, Ahmad Ali, and Syed Ali Shah. "THE REGION OF PAKISTAN, CHINA, AND INDIA: GEOPOLITICAL CURRENTS AFTER THE COLD WAR TILL 9/11." Global Political Review 2, no. 1 (2017): 90–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(ii-i).10.

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After the Cold War Pakistan, China and India had opportunities to adjust each other according to the geopolitical trends of the time. In the post-Cold War era, there was no Soviet Union to influence relations between India and China. On the other side, Pakistan did not lose its Cold War ally, United States; to make independent relations in the region on its choices. American sanctions would turn Pakistan into a selfassumed path of foreign policy. The resultant regional geopolitical scenario, after the Cold War, may best be explained by applying the theoretical model of Saul B. Cohen- Shatterbe

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47

Dhawan, Ranjit Kumar. "Korea’s ‘New Southern Policy’ Towards India: An Analysis." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 24, no. 1 (2020): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598420906248.

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The Moon Jae-in administration in South Korea (hereafter Korea) initiated the ‘New Southern Policy’ in 2017 to foster closer relations with ASEAN and India and bring them at par with the four major powers—the United States of America (USA), China, Russia and Japan, which have traditionally played a dominant role in Korea’s foreign affairs. Korea’s strategy through this new policy has been to diversify its foreign relations and lessen dependence on these four major powers of the Northeast Asian region. In this policy shift India is projected as one of the key partners for Korea. However, there

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48

Hess, Gary R. "Global Expansion and Regional Balances: The Emerging Scholarship on United States Relations with India and Pakistan." Pacific Historical Review 56, no. 2 (1987): 259–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3639747.

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49

Subramanian, Narendra. "From Bondage to Citizenship: A Comparison of African American and Indian Lower-Caste Mobilization in Two Regions of Deep Inequality." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 4 (2020): 770–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000286.

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AbstractThe paper explores mobilization to reduce the deepest inequalities in the two largest democracies, those along caste lines in India and racial lines in the United States. I compare how the groups at the bottom of these ethnic hierarchies—India's former untouchable castes (Dalits) and African Americans—mobilized from the 1940s to the 1970s in pursuit of full citizenship: the franchise, representation, civil rights, and social rights. Experiences in two regions of historically high inequality (the Kaveri and Mississippi Deltas) are compared in their national contexts. Similarities in dem

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50

Mushtaq, Faiqa. "Prospects for Pak-China Relations." Global Political Review IV, no. IV (2019): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(iv-iv).06.

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South Asia is in focus of global geopolitics since the advent of the 21st century. China is an economic giant and outreaching towards West through Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). CPEC (part of BRI) has brought Pakistan in streamline in regional geopolitics. United States (US) is worried about Chinas rise, for its national interests are in danger in Asia so, it perused Pivot to Asia strategy to counter China in Asia while manipulating India. This situation has increased Pakistans importance for China. The article will assess Pak-China cordial relations and answer the following questions. Will P

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