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1
Festino, Cielo G. "Goa’s freedom struggle." Journal of Romance Studies 21, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jrs.2021.2.
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This article considers the literary network of anti-colonial literary narratives, short stories, and poems, by Indian, Goan, and Portuguese writers which appeared in the 1950s and 1960s in the left-wing Goan journal Free Goa, published in Bombay (now Mumbai) at a time when Goa’s freedom fighters were seeking India’s support in order to attain their independence from Portuguese colonial domination. Following Jean-Paul Sartre (1949) and Benoît Denis (2000), we claim that these literary works can be read as engaged literature since in elaborate or straightforward literary styles they urge Goans to look for inspiration in India’s independence from British domination (1947) and to free themselves from the Salazarist regime.
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Ganie, Zahied Rehman, and Shanti Dev Sisodia. "The Unsung Heroines of India's Freedom Struggle." American International Journal of Social Science Research 5, no. 2 (March 17, 2020): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.46281/aijssr.v5i2.515.
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The history of Indian Freedom Struggle would be incomplete without mentioning the contribution of women. The sacrifice made by the women of India will occupy the foremost place. They fought with true spirit and undaunted courage and faced various tortures, exploitations and hardships to earn us freedom. When most of the men freedom fighters were in prison the women came forward and took charge of the struggle. The list of great women whose names have gone down in history for their dedication and undying devotion to the service of India is a long one. Woman's participation in India's freedom struggle began as early as in1817. Bhima Bai Holkar fought bravely against the British colonel Malcolm and defeated him in guerilla warfare. Many women including Rani Channama of Kittur, Rani Begum Hazrat Mahal of Avadh fought against British East India company in the 19th century; 30 years before the “First War of Independence 1857” The role played by women in the War of Independence (the Great Revolt) of 1857 was creditable and invited the admiration even leaders of the Revolt. Rani of Ramgarh, Rani Jindan Kaur, Rani Tace Bai, Baiza Bai, Chauhan Rani, Tapasvini Maharani daringly led their troops into the battlefield. Rani Lakshmi Bai of Jhansi whose heroism and superb leadership laid an outstanding example of real patriotism .Indian women who joined the national movement belonged to educated and liberal families, as well as those from the rural areas and from all walk of life, all castes, religions and communities. Sarojini Naidu, Kasturba Gandhi, Vijayalakmi Pundit and Annie Besant in the 20th century are the names which are remembered even today for their singular contribution both in battlefield and in political field.
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Upadhyay, Archana. "Russian Revolution in perspective. Reflections on its impact on the Indian freedom struggle." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2019-4-47-55.
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The October Revolution of 1917 profoundly influenced the course of the Indian freedom movement in multiple ways. It gave impetus to Indian political aspirations, widened the base of the freedom struggle by making industrial workers and peasants active participants, and endowed the movement with a progressive outlook. The revolution’s principles resonated deeply among the people and leaders of the Indian freedom movement. In fact, many of the values enshrined in our Constitution, adopted post-independence, were inspired by the lofty ideals of the Russian Revolution. The most important event in Russia, influencing the course of the freedom movement in India, was the October Revolution in 1917. The revolution, its ideology, V. I. Lenin and his deep involvement with the issues confronting the people of the East, the transformation of Russia post 1917, and the overall attitude of the Soviet government and the Comintern towards India’s freedom struggle deeply influenced both the people and the leaders of the Indian freedom movement. Though the multiclass national movement did not get converted completely to the cause of socialism, the fact remains that the legacies of the October Revolution influenced the course of the freedom struggle in multiple ways. Some of its legacies got imprinted in the Constitution that India adopted post-independence. The socialist component of the Constitution of India did not happen by accident. It was the outcome of the massive ideological churning that took place within and outside the Indian National Congress and that which by no small measure was triggered by the emancipatory ideals of the Russian Revolution of 1917. The Constitution of the Republic of India, adopted on 26 January 1950, was based on a set of principles and ideas that would achieve socialist reconstruction of society through democratic means. The right balance of the proper socio-economic rights with guaranteed democratic and civil liberties, based on the majority principle along with the right of minority opinions to exist and flourish in a secular state became the cornerstones of the Constitution that independent India adopted. Many of these values were clearly inspired by the lofty ideals of the Russian Revolution.
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Bhattacharya, Malini. "The Russian Revolution and the Freedom Struggle in India: Rabindranath Tagore’s Letters from Russia." Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy: A triannual Journal of Agrarian South Network and CARES 6, no. 2 (August 2017): 237–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2277976017731847.
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The Russian Revolution and its experiments with socialism impacted the Indian Freedom Struggle in many different ways. Not only did it play a catalytic role in the formation of the Indian Communist Party and eventually helped the transformation of a good number of freedom fighters into communists, but it also initiated debates and discussions within the public domain regarding the relevance of this great political upheaval to the Indian situation even among thinkers and intellectuals who had not been converted to socialist thinking. This essay documents the impact of the Russian revolution on the Bengali intelligentsia who were involved in the freedom struggle. In particular, it chooses one episode, in this complex intellectual history which evolved in many different ways in different parts of India, that is, Rabindranath Tagore’s visit to Soviet Russia in 1930 and assesses the impact of the ideas unleashed by the revolution on the intellectuals in Bengal.
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WAYDANDE, DEVIDAS B. "COMRADE S. A. DANGE'S ROLE IN INDIAN FREEDOM STRUGGLE." Review Of Research II, no. VII (April 1, 2013): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.9780/2249-894x/272013/279.
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Zubair, Hassan Bin, and Dr Saba Sadia. "Analyzing Indian Socio-Political Thoughts, Hunger and Freedom in Bhabhani Bhattacharya’s Novel “So Many Hungers”." IJOHMN (International Journal online of Humanities) 5, no. 4 (August 14, 2019): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijohmn.v5i4.106.
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This paper focuses on the Indian cultural background having the themes like hunger, poverty, famine, war, politics, freedom, imperialism, economic exploitation, class consciousness in the Indo-Anglian English fiction writer Bhabani Bhattacharya’s novel So Many Hungers!, related to the socio-political and economic situations of Bengali’s society. The theme of the novel is mainly the existing pressing problems of India especially the rural India before and after the Independence. Realism is one of the most remarkable features of Bhabani Bhattacharya’s fiction. His novel shows a passionate awareness of life in India, the social awakening and protest, the utter poverty of peasants, the Indian freedom struggle and its various dimensions, the tragedy of partition of the country, the social and political transitions, the mental as well as the physical agony of the poor peasants and labor class people of the Indian society, especially that of Bengal and other adjoining states. Bhattacharya believes that an artist should inevitably be concerned with truth and reality, his portrayal of the life and society is never a photographic one nor a journalistic record. One can very well find the reflection of Indian culture, tradition and struggle in it.
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Gupta, Swarupa. "The Idea of Freedom in Bengali Nationalist Discourse." Studies in History 29, no. 1 (February 2013): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0257643013496685.
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While the concept of freedom in India has mainly been seen through the lens of the freedom struggle/movement, this article conjoins the idea (concept) and practice (movement) of freedom as reflected in the Bengali nationalist discourse during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. It argues that freedom was a multidimensional concept and contained many connotative strands. Indigenous lineages were linked to the political idea of freedom, expressed as swaraj. But this political term was not seen in terms of politics alone. Rather, it was an evocation and extension of the older idea of freedom in India (as a category of the spiritual, emphasizing identity with the universal). This strand symbolized the indigeneity of freedom by highlighting aspects of personal and social freedom. To understand the nature of freedom as woven into the texture of the freedom movement in India—pioneered by the Indian National Congress, I explore how indigenous origins were refracted through a critical internalization and rearticulation of Western concepts of freedom in India’s own terms. This developed through a discourse on freedom on the site of samaj or social collectivity. It evolved within a grid, in which two principles— dharma and cultural Aryan-ness—set apart Indian society from the West and also underpinned the imagination of the nation. This emblematized the ‘independence’ of the subjugated through contestation of certain basic tenets of colonial power-knowledge. This shows that there was an interpenetration of different related freedoms, in the site of a harmonious social order ( samaj), and this crucially influenced ways of rethinking Indianness and nationhood.
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Neale, Michael. "David Hardiman. The Nonviolent Struggle for Indian Freedom 1905–1919." Asian Affairs 50, no. 1 (January 2019): 155–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2019.1567133.
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Fatima, Altaf. "The Role of Popular Muslim Movements in the Indian Freedom Struggle." American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no. 2 (April 1, 2008): 141–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i2.1486.
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We all know the old adage that “history belongs to the victors.” In the caseof Muslim India, this is reflected in the historical accounts ofMuslim SouthAsia’s decline during the eighteenth century and its final defeat in 1857.Written mainly by European and Hindu historians who often had no contactsbeyond the Mughal court’s outer fringes, they could hardly be expected topresent theMuslim interpretation of events. Closer to our own time, the successof M. K. Gandhi’s (1869-1948) non-violent mass movement, whichfinally forced the British out of India, has overshadowed earlier Muslimefforts to obtain the same goal. In this article, a glimpse is offered into thisoften ignored history in order to remind people that Gandhi’s movement didnot arise in a vacuum, but rather in a particular historical context in whichMuslims had played a prominent role ...
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Gupta, Swarupa. "The Nonviolent Struggle for Indian Freedom, 1905-19. By David Hardiman." Journal of Social History 54, no. 2 (August 29, 2019): 674–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz073.
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Chakrabarty, Bidyut. "Political Mobilization in the Localities: The 1942 Quit India Movement in Midnapur." Modern Asian Studies 26, no. 4 (October 1992): 791–814. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010076.
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Following the adoption of 8 August resolution at Gowalia tank in Bombay, Indian masses rose to revolt, which became famous as the Quit India movement. It was a call for freedom. ‘Nothing less than freedom’, to quote Gandhi. Unlike the 1920–21 Non-cooperation and 1930–32 Civil Disobedience movements which were basically peaceful campaigns against the British rule in India, the Quit India movement was the ultimatum to the British for final withdrawal, a Gandhi-led un-Gandhian way of struggle since the Mahatma exhorted the people to take up arms in self-defence, and resort to armed resistance against a stronger and well-equipped aggressor.
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Rajwar, Sushmita. "India and Mozambique: Evolving Relations." Insight on Africa 11, no. 2 (July 2019): 219–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087819851319.
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India and Mozambique both have a long history of friendly relations that have been built upon traditional linkages dating back to the pre-colonial period. There has been the exchange of Indian merchants and businessmen to Mozambique even before Vasco da Gama set sail for Africa and India. Due to the migration based on trading, the Indians have settled in Mozambique as traders. These ancient people-to-people contacts have been further built upon in modern times, to forge a strong bilateral relationship based on regular political contacts, ever-deepening economic engagement and well-integrated Indian community in Mozambique. India has a history of supporting African nations in their freedom struggle and it did support Mozambique too. In fact, India was amongst the first countries to open its embassy in Mozambique immediately after its independence. The Indian Ambassador was among those who witnessed the historic moment of the Portuguese flag coming down and new Mozambican flag going up in 1975. This article would try to trace the relationship between India and Mozambique in the past and will bring out the important areas for further co-operation between the two nations.
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Ali, Tahseen. "The Untold and Alternate Story of the Indian Subcontinent's War of Independence." African and Asian Studies 2, no. 1 (2003): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920903763835661.
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AbstractWhen the Indian subcontinent became independent in August 1947, it marked the end of the foreign occupation of the largest country in the world. Renowned for his part in that long struggle for independence was the famous Mahatma ('Great-souled one') Mohandas K. Gandhi, the proponent of non-violence, and his western-educated disciple, Jawaharlal Nehru. Gandhi was said to have charmed the British with his strength and simplicity and compel them into withdrawing from the subcontinent. Yet against the background of Gandhi's famous struggle whispers of another movement were heard, complete with its own leaders and its own vision on the fight for freedom. This paper takes a closer look at that struggle, and its efficacy in the quest for Indian independence. What were its goals and its guiding principles? How did it compare with Gandhi's struggle? This is the untold and alternate story of the Indian subcontinent's war of independence, and the men and women whose sacrifices created an immortal saga of patriotism.
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Naidoo, Muthal. "Maniben Sita: South Africa’s Anti-apartheid Heroine." ANTYAJAA: Indian Journal of Women and Social Change 1, no. 2 (December 2016): 182–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2455632716685617.
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This is a portrait of the anti-apartheid struggle for freedom in South Africa by Maniben Sita, a follower of Gandhi, who adopted satyagraha to oppose injustice. In 1946–47, Maniben organised a women’s contingent to demonstrate against the restrictive laws that were being promulgated to curb Indians’ access to land and trading rights. As executive member of the Transvaal Indian Congress and later in the Defiance Campaign of the 1950s she continued her advocacy of justice for all. She was sent to prison several times during her long involvement in the anti-apartheid struggle. She is recognised as one of South Africa’s heroines and her portrait hangs in the Apartheid Museum in Johannesburg.
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Maclean, Kama. "Imagining the Indian nationalist movement: Revolutionary metaphors in imagery of the freedom struggle." Journal of Material Culture 19, no. 1 (September 12, 2013): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1359183513502408.
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Jain, Dhruv. "Maia Ramnath and the Search for a Decolonised Antiauthoritarian Marxism." Historical Materialism 25, no. 2 (August 3, 2017): 196–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12301270.
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In her two books, Maia Ramnath attempts to construct an antiauthoritarian/anarchist anti-colonialist politics through an analysis of India’s freedom struggle. Ramnath reconstructs a history of Indian anti-colonial movements from an anarchist perspective, while seeking to locate forgotten possibilities such as the ‘libertarian Marxism’ of the Ghadar party and its successors. Haj to Utopia is an important addition to the literature on early communism in India inasmuch as it allows us to revisit said history in India in a renewed and critical manner. On the other hand, Decolonizing Anarchism is an ambitious book that seeks to unearth an antiauthoritarian account of India’s struggle for independence, but falls far short of its intended goal because of Ramnath’s inattentiveness to the implications of Hindu revivalism on caste and gender in India. Thus, she reproduces many of the characteristics of mainstream nationalist narratives.
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PAUL, SUBIN, and DAVID DOWLING. "Gandhi's Newspaperman: T. G. Narayanan and the quest for an independent India, 1938–46." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 2 (September 5, 2019): 471–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000094.
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AbstractThe expansion of the colonial public sphere in India during the 1930s and 1940s saw the nation's English-language press increasingly serve as a key site in the struggle for freedom despite British censorship. This article examines the journalistic career of T. G. Narayanan, the first Indian war correspondent and investigative reporter, to understand the role of English-language newspapers in India's quest for independence. Narayanan reported on two major events leading to independence: the Bengal famine of 1943 and the Second World War. Drawing on Michael Walzer's concept of the ‘connected critic’, this research demonstrates that Narayanan's journalism fuelled the Indian nationalist movement by manoeuvring around British censors to publicize and expand Mahatma Gandhi's criticism of British rule, especially in light of the famine and war. His one departure from the pacifist leader, however, was his support of Indian soldiers serving in the Indian National Army and British Army.
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Ray, Avishek. "Book Review: Amales Tripathi, Indian National Congress and the Struggle for Freedom 1885–1947." Political Studies Review 14, no. 2 (May 2016): 309–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929916630923e.
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Low, D. A. "VI. Counterpart Experiences: Indian and Indonesian Nationalisms 1920s–1950s." Itinerario 10, no. 1 (March 1986): 117–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009013.
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India's national day is 26 January; Indonesia's 17 August. They point to a difference. 26 January derives from the Indian National Congress' decision at its Lahore Congress in December 1929 to launch a Civil Disobedience movement against the British Government in India. Jawaharlal Nehru as Congress' President arranged that the first step would be for thousands of Congress rank and file to join together on 26 January 1930 to take the Independence Pledge. This declared that since ‘it is the inalienable right of the Indian people […] to have freedom, […] if any government deprives a people of those rights […] the people have a […] right to […] abolish it […]. We recognise, however, that the most effective way of gaining freedom is not through violence. We will, therefore, prepare ourselves by withdrawing, so far as we can, all voluntary association from the British Government and will prepare for Civil Disobedience.’ From that moment onwards 26 January has been India's Independence Day, though when it was first held India's independence still stood 17 years away. The celebrations have thus come to link post-independent India with the feats of the Indian national movement which for so many years pursued the strategy of civil disobedience, and which, despite a series of intervening fits and starts, is seen to have been crucial to its success. For India the heroics of its freedom struggle lie, that is, in its elon-gated pre-independence past, of long years of humiliating harassment and costly commitment. They are not much associated with the final run up to independence. With the emphasis rather upon the earlier, principally Gandhian years, of protests and processions, of proscriptions and prison, the final transfer of power is not seen, moreover, as comprising a traumatic break with the past, but as the logical climax to all that had gone before. The direct continuities between the pre- and post-independence periodes in India in these respects are accepted as a central part of its national heritage.
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Feldman, Alice. "Othering Knowledge and Unknowing Law: Oppositional Narratives in the Struggle for American Indian Religious Freedom." Social & Legal Studies 9, no. 4 (December 2000): 557–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096466390000900405.
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Prabhakar, R. "GANDHI’S IDEOLOGY-RAJA RAO-MOORTHY IN KANTHAPURA." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 4, no. 2 (February 29, 2016): 87–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v4.i2.2016.2816.
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Kanthapura is considered the magnum opus of Raja Rao which portrays the considerable influence of Gandhi’s ideology on the sleepy and remote village. Raja Rao is very successful in carving out the real picture of Indian village in pre-independence era. Kanthapura is the microcosm of the Indian traditional society and what happened in Kanthapura was also happened in India during 1919-1930. It is not only a political novel, but also a novel which concerns with socio-religious and economic transformation during the struggle for independence. Though his novels stray far afield, his heart is clanged to his sublime ancient Hindu tradition. The novel can be considered Gandhi-epic. It depicts impact of Gandhi’s Ideology on the paralytic Indian masses. Gandhi’s influential personality and his ideology is felt everywhere in the novel. Indeed, Gandhi doesn’t appear in this novel personally, but the plot of the novels revolves around his ideology. This research article, ‘Gandhi’s Ideology-Raja Rao-Moorthy in Kanthapura,’ aims at how the Gandhi’s ideology influenced Raja Rao which resulted in the creation of the character of Moorthy. It also focuses on how Moorthy, under the influence Gandhi, tries to inspire the people towards the Freedom Struggle. Gandhi is the way, the truth, life to Raja Rao. Similarly, Gandhi’s ideology is the way, the truth, and the life to Moorthy in the novel Kanthapura.
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Rahmath, Ayshath Shamah, Raihanah Mohd Mydin, and Ruzy Suliza Hashim. "Archetypal Motherhood and the National Agenda: The Case of the Indian Muslim Women." Space and Culture, India 7, no. 4 (March 29, 2020): 12–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v7i4.590.
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The grand narratives of Mother India posit women’s emancipation as the central concern, insisting on her public participation in the educational and economic sectors. The relegation of the archetypal motherhood to the national periphery is strictly rooted in the Hindu traditional culture. The schisms of caste, class, and religion in contemporary society are normalised whilst the gendered undercurrents of domestic violence, chauvinism and religious sensibilities are ignored. Such polished idealisms are, in fact, far from the living reality of most women and girls across all spheres in the country. By reviewing notable texts from past and present, this research problematises the position of Muslim women in India, specifically during the nationalistic discourse and post-independent era. The national freedom struggle movement assured a democratic constitution, which primed Mother India as the figurative Indian woman encrypting ideologies from socio-religious discourses. The grand narratives often become instrumental in politicising the vested interest of the hegemonic class. The struggles of Muslim women were foregrounded not only in the gendered disparity of the religious domain but also in the socio-cultural disparities which excluded them from the domain of Indian womanhood. Mainstream history, literature and even women development organisations deliberately typified Muslim women along with the religious discourse. Briefly, in this paper, we infer that Muslim women were rendered invisible in the limelight of the archetypal Mother India, denying their social, political, cultural and literary participation. They were thus subjected to constitutional othering by the mainstream socio-political entities (who subjected them) at the onset of nationalism, which continues to exist in post-colonial discourses where women are expected to constantly negotiate their religious identity over their national identity.
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Hoffman, Bruce, and Haley Duschinski. "Between Freedom and Justice: Popular Protest and Jurisdictional Contestation of Militarized Governance in Indian-Controlled Kashmir." Social & Legal Studies 29, no. 5 (February 18, 2020): 650–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663919897370.
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In Indian-controlled Kashmir, local residents express aspirations for freedom from Indian-militarized governance even as they demand state accountability for pervasive everyday violence. Kashmiris negotiate this complexity through jurisdictional contestation, asserting alternative forms of authority to speak about law and develop strategies for justice and political transformation. Drawing from sociolegal literatures of jurisdiction and global legal pluralism, we analyze a Kashmiri community forum confronting institutional denial in a prominent case of sexual violence and murder involving state armed forces. We analyze how Kashmiri actors from diverse normative communities drew on popular understandings of law to claim competing forms of authority, give meaning to the case, and develop strategies of response. We also explore how participants, through the work of jurisdictional contestation, made global legal ideas locally meaningful and relied on jurisdictional myths of struggle and justice to motivate resistance and establish spaces of hope.
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Moffat, Chris. "Politics and the Work of the Dead in Modern India." Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 1 (January 2018): 178–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417517000457.
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AbstractThis article provides a framework for understanding the continuing political potential of the anticolonial dead in twenty-first-century India. It demonstrates how scholars might move beyond histories of reception to interrogate the force of inheritance in contemporary political life. Rather than the willful conjuring of the dead by the living, for a politics in the present, it considers the more provocative possibility that the dead might themselves conjure politics—calling the living to account, inciting them to action. To explicate the prospects for such an approach, the article traces the contested afterlives of martyred Indian revolutionary Bhagat Singh (1907–1931), comparing three divergent political projects in which this iconic anticolonial hero is greeted as interlocutor in a struggle caught “halfway.” It is this temporal experience of “unfinished business”—of a revolution left incomplete, a freedom not yet perfected—that conditions Bhagat Singh's appearance as a contemporary in the political disputes of the present, whether they are on the Hindu nationalist right, the Maoist student left, or amidst the smoldering remains of Khalistani separatism in twenty-first-century Punjab. Exploring these three variant instances in which living communities affirm Bhagat Singh's stake in the struggles of the present, the article provides insight into the long-term legacies of revolutionary violence in India and the relationship between politics and the public life of history in the postcolonial world more generally.
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Prokofieva, I. T. "The Young Goddess in the Ancient Pantheon of India." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture, no. 3 (November 17, 2019): 88–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2019-3-11-88-100.
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The paper covers the origin and functioning of ‘Mother India’ (Bharat Mata) – the goddess, who joined the ancient and vast Hindu pantheon only in the beginning of the XX century. ‘Mother India’ emerged as the embodiment of national territory, and the universal symbol of the country’s diverse communities. Paraded in various media, the new goddess swiftly changed her names (from the Spirit of Motherland through Banga Mata on to Bharat Mata) and appearances, incorporating the map shape of the subcontinent into the portrait of the original four-handed young woman.The new image reflected the nation’s patriotic trend of collective self-identification with Indian territory and the desire to surrender lives for its freedom. Exploiting the mutual entanglement of the cartographic and anthropomorphic images, Mother India is distinguished from from the other members of Hindu pantheon, which guarantees her unique status as the only embodiment and symbol of the national territory. The graphic integration of the woman and the map brought into existence the new phenomenon of ‘Geo-body’ to become yet another symbol of the Indian struggle for independence together with the saffron-white-green flag and ‘VandeMataram’ song. In addition to the traditional forms of devotion (statues and temples) across India, the image of Bharat Mata spread through mass media and became the first envoy of Hindu gods abroad.
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Twaddle, Michael. "Z. K. Sentongo and the Indian Question in East Africa." History in Africa 24 (January 1997): 309–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172033.
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East Africa is really what one may call a ‘test case’ for Great Britain. If Indians cannot be treated as equals in a vacant or almost vacant part of the world where they were the first in occupation—a part of the world which is on the equator—it seems that the so-called freedom of the British Empire is a sham and a delusion.The Indian question in East Africa during the early 1920s can hardly be said to have been neglected by subsequent scholars. There is an abundant literature on it and the purpose here is not simply to run over the ground yet again, resurrecting past passions on the British, white settler and Indian sides. Instead, more will be said about the African side, especially the expatriate educated African side, during the controversy in Kenya immediately after World War I, when residential segregation, legislative rights, access to agricultural land, and future immigration by Indians were hotly debated in parliament, press, private letters, and at public meetings. For not only were educated and expatriate Africans in postwar Kenya by no means wholly “dumb,” as one eminent historian of the British Empire has since suggested, but their comments in newspaper articles at the time can be seen in retrospect to have had a seminal importance in articulating both contemporary fears and subsequent “imagined communities,” to employ Benedict Anderson's felicitous phrase—those nationalisms which were to have such controversial significance during the struggle for independence from British colonialism in Uganda as well as Kenya during the middle years of this century.
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Singh, Ajay Kr. "Bhabani Bhattacharya Vs ‘He Who Rides A Tiger’." Journal of Advanced Research in English and Education 05, no. 01 (February 15, 2021): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24321/2456.4370.202003.
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Bhabani Bhattacharya’s ‘He Who Rides a Tiger’ is yet another novel of man’s epic struggle against the unjust social equations which are as old as the ancient vedic civilization. It is the story of a blacksmith, Kalo, living in a small town, Jharana, in Bengal, and his daughter, Chandra Lekha. It is set against the backdrop of a widespread famine of Bengal of 1943. Though ‘He Who Rides a Tiger’ and ‘So Many Hungers’ treat the theme of hunger, exploitation and debasement of man, ‘He Who Rides a Tiger’ is no rehash of the latter novel. It launches a scathing critisism on the evil of caste system which has been the bane of Indian society. Arguably the writer’s best novel, it touches the pulse of the irony of Indian social life. The Indian social realities are presented with increasing bitterness within the perspective of the freedom movement. Its greatness as a piece of literature lies in its assertion of tremendous potentialities of the spiritual growth of man, and a thorough exposure of an imperfect social system.
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Sanders, A. J. G. M. "The Freedom Charter and Ethnicity— towards a Communitarian South African Society." Journal of African Law 33, no. 1 (1989): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300008020.
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At national as well as international level the South African Freedom Charter has become a symbol of the long-standing struggle against apartheid. In this essay the emphasis will be on the charter's provisions relating to ethnicity. The question of ethnicity is a crucial one, for on its solution depends the outcome of the economic and other social problems which trouble South African society.The 1955 Freedom Charter, which was the outcome of a joint venture of the African National Congress (A.N.C.), the South African Indian Congress, the South African Coloured People's Organisation and the predominantly European South African Congress of Democrats, suggests a unitary, participatory welfare state, which will acccord equal rights to all “national groups and races”.For the A.N.C., the senior partner in the “Congress Alliance”, the reference in the charter to “national groups and races” soon became a major headache. Could it be said that the charter lent support to the creation of “four nations”? A number of people within the A.N.C. feared that much. Prominent among them were the “Africanists” who in April 1959 broke away from the A.N.C, and formed the Pan-Africanist Congress (P.A.C.) “Charterists” and “Africanists” are still at loggerheads, but the A.N.C.'s “Revolutionary Programme” of 1969 and its “Constitutional Guidelines for a Democratic
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Bose, Aniruddha. "Shunting the nation: Survival strategies of Indian (and Pakistani) railway workers (1939–1949)." Indian Economic & Social History Review 57, no. 3 (June 18, 2020): 399–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464620930885.
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Between 1939 and 1949, a million men, women and children worked for the railways in India and Pakistan. Drawing on memoires, newspapers and government documents, this article seeks to examine the survival strategies these workers adopted in this tumultuous decade. It starts with a study of their efforts to survive the challenges of the Second World War. The article highlights how they rose to these challenges and played a crucial role in India’s war effort. It also examines how these workers navigated the demands of the Quit India movement. The article discusses evidence that sheds light on how they chose to remain at their posts while extending moral support to the freedom struggle. The article also explores how Indian and Pakistani railway workers coped with the challenge of partition. During what was certainly the greatest challenge faced by any railway workforce on the planet, these workers transported three million refugees over the newly created boundaries. The article discusses the challenges of class conflict that are endemic to modern industrial relations, specifically, how railway workers used acts of everyday resistance as well as organised strikes to protect their interests. Finally, the article discusses how Indian and Pakistani railway workers rose to the challenge posed by the initial years of independence, when both countries were vulnerable. The article argues that the workers adopted a multitude of survival strategies to overcome the challenges of the 1939–1949 decade. The article further argues that survival strategies culminated in a constructive relationship with nationalist politics, consolidated through the crucial decision of railway workers to work through independence and the partition crisis.
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Cardozo, Elloit. "‘The Sagacity of Words’." Exchanges: The Interdisciplinary Research Journal 8, no. 3 (May 6, 2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/eirj.v8i3.652.
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Best known for his ideas of ahimsa and satyagraha, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was a prominent figure in the Indian freedom movement. Even today, he is highly revered for his philosophy of non-violence which was also an integral part of India’s freedom struggle. Gandhi was responsible for making non-violent protests an important part of the movement. Now famous as a global expressive culture including forms of dance and music, Hip Hop, too, was conceived as a reaction to the violence that pervaded the gang culture of the late-1960s to early-1970s in The Bronx, New York City. Drawing from this thread of similarity, this article fleshes out parallels between the ideas of Gandhi and Hip Hop culture. Divided into three sections, it begins by establishing the cultural linkages between Gandhi, the Gandhian foundations of Hip Hop, and marking out the rationale of the study. The following section goes on to discuss the intertwining strings between Gandhi’s perceptions of knowledge and the significance of knowledge in Hip Hop culture. Finally, the third section discusses references to and representations of Gandhi in selected works of 21st century Hip Hop. In doing so, the article posits that Gandhism and Hip Hop culture belong to a similar lineage of ideas, if not the same one.
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Roychoudhary, Dr Mausumi. "‘Marriage: Freedom or Subjugation’: A Case Study of Paro’s Dreams by Namita Gokhale." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 8, no. 5 (May 28, 2020): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v8i5.10589.
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The present paper searches to present a modest study of the novel of Namita Gokhale. It can be truly said that Namita Gokhale introduced herself to the world of English Literature through the novel Paro: dreams of passion and got recognition and appreciation as the best seller, as she realistically projected the elite class of Delhi. Her novel made her the talk of the town. It also aims at the exploration of the versatile personality of the author. Namita Gokhale is a world renowned Indian author and novelist known for her works in English language. She is a founder-director of the Jaipur Literature Festival along with the author, William Dalrymple, which started in 2006. Her writings often show a mixture of cultures expressed through the use of various languages. She has received numerous awards for her works. She is the author of several acclaimed novels like Paro - Dreams of Passion, Priya: In Incredible Indyaa, Gods, Graves and Grandmother, A Himalayan Love Story and Shakuntala: The Play of Memory. Her works of non-fiction include Mountain Echoes and The Book of Shiva. Her writings are unique and contributed a lot to Indian writing in English. The novel Paro: Dreams of Passion, created a stir by its frankness in the early 80s, and pioneered the sexually frank genre, which made her famous. It deals with the satire of Delhi’s upper class. Gokhale through her bold women characters talks about such society where woman is not free to lead her life in her own style. She depicts the double standard treatment for male and female, upper and lower class and the hypocrisy of the society. Therefore, Gokhale is known as woman activist and feminine writer. Her novel Paro: Dreams of Passion also deals with the same issues as it talks about the discriminations and identity crisis faced by women in society. She believes in frank narration of incidents and open heartedness. Particularly, the novel has portrayed the urge, necessity and consequences of freedom if not taken care. In a nutshell the novel is about women’s dream, emancipation and their struggle for existence.
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Sharma, Aparajita. "Irom Chanu Sharmila and the Movement against Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA)." Space and Culture, India 1, no. 3 (March 1, 2014): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v1i3.42.
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This paper, through the narratives of activists and Meira Paibis reiterates the slogan—repeal the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), which is draconian and anti-people in spirit. The atroci-ty, which has been meted out on the people of Manipur because of this Act, is a profound violation of human rights. Rape, mindless killings, kidnapping, fake encounters have been normalised by virtue of this Act. The youths have been badly affected due to the conflict emerging out of this Act which treats people in Manipur as ‘objects’ against the imagined boundaries of the Indian nation-state for security from the neighbouring nations. In this process, the lived experiences of the people have been pushed to the periphery against the massive motive of the state to protect bor-ders and the imagined nation, which is a direct offshoot of the legacy of colonialism in India. The paper has tried to capture the history of Manipur on a capsule to concretise the struggle of Irom Sharmila and the ‘hopes’ she gives to the people of Manipur for ‘peace’ and ‘justice’. Alongside, it makes a humble attempt to describe the ‘life’ of Irom Sharmila. In addition, it describes the rage of Manipuris, which have given rise to insurgency asking for ‘freedom’ through various platforms.
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Mandal, Partha Sarathi. "Politics of Self and Other, Act of Ambivalence and Resistance, Cricket and Colonialism, Indian Pluralism, Anti-colonial Propagan." Journal of English Language and Literature 11, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 1120–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17722/jell.v11i2.413.
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Narayan’s Swami and Friends (1935) luminously portrays its child protagonist Swaminathan’s adventures in soul making, his skirmishes with his little comrades and reconciliations in his soupy school, his contact with the experienced adult world vis-à-vis apparently apolitical, shallow and banal Swami and Friends (1935) also postulates encoded political and cultural resistance so strategically camouflaged by Narayan’s narrative devise. Narayan’s Anti-colonial propaganda, his aversion to fundamentalism and authoritarianism, his earnest desire to bring the subaltern narrative into our mainstream narrative give him a special place in literary world. Kudos to the Nietzschean Will to Power of the common inhabitants of Malgudi and the little urchins of Albert Mission School that they dared to join the protest march against the hegemony of their white colonial masters. Swami much like Ishaan of Aamir Khan’s Taare Zameen Par (2007) used to shudder at the very thought of his monotonous school where his wings of freedom used to be crushed under the fatal mill of the authoritarian and strict teachers except D.Pillai who was famous among the students. Swaminathan’s hybrid identity, Rajam’s Europeanized existence, overlapping associations of tradition and modernity, class struggle, Centre/Periphery, Self/Other, Master/Slave dichotomy in Swami and Friends (1935) actually celebrate Narayan’s deep concern for our pluralistic and multicultural Indian identity where Narayan has also given space to the subaltern existence like Rajam’s family cook who was insulted and undervalued by Rajam only because Rajam belonged to the centre of a power structure. In this paper I would like to investigate in which way Narayan has pointed out the various agathokakological entities of human life through the artistic representation of his characters, his celebration of India’s heterogeneous identity, class struggle, the marginalized and peripheralized existence of subaltern voices, politics of colonial masters’ Self and the muted Other in an unequal power structure where a very limited number of people actually get access to the resources , ambivalence, hybrid identity etc. with reference to Swami and Friends (1935).
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Irfani, Suroosh. "Double Betrayal." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 3 (October 1, 1996): 405–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i3.2302.
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Since 1989, more Kasluniris have died in the struggle against Indianrule than the cumulative number of Bosnian casualties of Serb attacks inSarajevo and of Palestinians during the intifada. Even so, not many peopleare aware of the mass freedom movement that has gripped the northernHimalayan state of Jammu and Kashmir for the past six years. Reasons forsuch apathy are not hard to gauge: Western stakes in Kashmir are of a differentkind than those in the Balkans or the oil-rich Middle- EastConsequently, the uprising in Kashmir and the massive human rights violations there have been relegated to the fringe of the Western media. Overburdenedby its post-cold war concerns, the Western conscience seems tobe on recess in Kashmir.
A corollary to the lack of international concern over Kashmir is thevirtual absence of literature on contemporary Kashmiri reality. The studyby Paula Newberg, a senior associate at the Camegie Endowment whohas visited Kashmir several times, is an apt response to this doubledeficit. Academically unpretentious and refreshingly free of prescriptivesolutions, Double Betrayal (available from The Brooking Institution inWashington, DC) etches a disturbing image of mass resistance and insularmass repression in this land-locked Indian-administered state. Thebook encapsulates the nature of the Kashmiri insurgency, Indian repression,and the agony of an entire population whose suffering the worldrefuses to fathom ...
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Nirmalawati, Widya. "A Dillema of a Post-Feminist Woman: A Study Case of One Indian Girl." Academic Journal Perspective : Education, Language, and Literature 6, no. 1 (May 30, 2018): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.33603/perspective.v6i1.1063.
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After post-feminism period, women still have to struggle to be “perfect human being”as her own ideal. It is not only the case for women having no power, intellectualism, and money, but also for ladies with authority and prosperity enabling her own to be an single individual with financial and time freedom. This can be seen in a contemporary literary work, One Indian Girl (Bhagat: 2016), in which an Indian girl having a prestigious position in an American investment bank could not achieve her ideal life. This paper is aimed to reveal the dilemma of a feminist woman in her relation to men and to her family norms and her defeat to the true reality she failed to mediate. Using post-feminist approach, this paper investigated the fictional facts to prove that source of the problems is actually her female being. It is indicated that the problems she had in her life coming from her female feminist. From the very first, it was depicted that she was viewed negatively by her own mother for being a female baby. Her intellectual is not worthy for boys and her mother. In her study, she was blamed for having her master, rather than early marriage. Finally, she was being accused of earning a lot of money, which normally becomes a prestigious achievement for men, by her boyfriend and her mother. She was in dilemma to choose between her dreamed profession or her marriage. The girl is a character who highly likely to represent other girls or women who are still defeated by the inequities of positioning a man-woman parallelism. Key words: One Indian Girl, post-feminist, dilemma
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Mandy Suhr-Sytsma. "In the Light of Reverence and the Rhetoric of American Indian Religious Freedom: Negotiating Rights and Responsibilities in the Struggle to Protect Sacred Lands." Wicazo Sa Review 28, no. 2 (2013): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5749/wicazosareview.28.2.0060.
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Ristić, Maja. "Culture of resistance: The theatre that changes the world." Kultura, no. 169 (2020): 234–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/kultura2069234r.
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The main goal of this paper is to point out the power of the alternative and independent theatre in changing society, based on the scientific research of prof, dr Milena Dragićević-Šešić. The first part of the paper offers deliberations on the theories of reflection and shaping of Victoria de Alexander, according to which art and theatre always reflect social events. In the second part of the paper, we will analyse the work of independent theatre troupes (Dah teatar, Mim Art.) during the nineties, and their resistance to the regime of Slobodan Milošević - a significant contribution to the struggle for freedom of thought and the right of every human being to take to the streets freely. And the streets were indeed cordoned by police during the student and civil protests. This paper wants to point out the importance of the applied theatre for spreading of culture and the influence of the theatre on the audiences. The work was written based on the sociological theories of art of Victoria de Alexander, the theory of applied theatre by August Boal, and also the studies of dr Milena Dragićević Šešić: Art and Alternative, Culture of Resistance and Indian Theatre.
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K. Saravanan. "Cultural conflicts in select Diaspora Novels: Kiran Desai’s The Inheritance of Loss & Jumpha Lahiri’s The Namesake." Creative Launcher 6, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2021.6.2.02.
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People are identified by their culture basically. When we know the new culture it will enrich our knowledge but adopting the same and living in an alien land will affect our freedom of thought and life. Folks move from one place to another for all kind of betterment. Change of whereabouts and language from one to other drag the people to a further complicated world. They drop all their hopes towards the newness and try to adjust or struggle for their life in the unexpected circumstances. Man Booker Prize winner, a famous Indian Diaspora writer, Kiran Desai’s The Inheritance of Loss discusses different kind of losses take place by man’s displacement. The characters Biju, Sai and Bela represent the pain and affliction of departers. They are longing for identity and want to create a comfort zone in the alien soil leads them frustrated. Jumpha Lahiri, the Pulitzer Prize winner, put across the same expatriate sensibility in her novel The Namesake. The protagonist Gogol and others Ashoke, Ashima migrate to another country still wants to follow their culture and traditional values there. These novels traced the concept of cultural identity with rootlessness and ancestral expectation. The present paper deals with identity predicament in the basis of cultural conflict through the characters’ strife of unfamiliar terrain.
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SINGH, Dr ABHA. "Love, Betrayal and Violence: A Female Subjugation in Shakespeare’s Play Othello." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 5, no. 4 (April 30, 2017): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v5i4.1914.
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Women across historical, social and religious boundaries have been pitted against the asphyxiating patriarchal norms and rigid cultural constructs which bestow power, dominance and freedom on man, and push her into the margins of both, society and domestic space. The current paper attempts to explore the mechanics of domestic violence, and its treatment in William Shakespeare’s Othello. The aim is to ascertain how the playwright addresses the issue of crime against women within the familial and social world of his times. Based on the theme of power politics within domestic hierarchy, the play not only lays bare a grim picture of domestic abuse and violence against women in matrimony, but also offers an insight into the psyche of abusers. The dialectics of power struggle in the play written in the 16thcentury is a reflection of the playwright’s sensitivity towards the existential reality of women of his times and his negation of male hegemony and criminal violence in conjugal relations. . Vishal Bhardwaj adopted Othello to make the film Omkara in 2006. Bringing the 17th century Elizabethan society in the 21st century Indian setting, Bhardwaj deftly pointed out the present scenario. There are numerous cases of a father’s restriction on daughter’s freedom of choice, brother’s threat to the sister for not to disgrace their family apart from ‘honour killing’. This continues even in the household of her ‘soul mate’ for whom she dares to defy every challenge. The predicament of modern Desdemona’s in the hand of Othello bears the testimony of Shakespeare’s immortal creation and its never ending relevance. The universality of Shakespeare is still rejoiced due to his experiment on the core region of the human psyche which fails to alter even with high-tech service or ‘progressive’ education.
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Salim, Hajra, and Abdul Rashid Khan. "Contextual interpretation of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s Concept of Islam." PERENNIAL JOURNAL OF HISTORY 1, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.52700/pjh.v1i1.23.
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Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was the most controversial, misinterpreted and misunderstood personality in the South Asian history of Freedom Movement. Not only Indian and British historians but also Pakistanis historians are confused about his sect and beliefs. Jinnah’s figure was buried under the layers of propaganda. This is the most contentious discussed issue in Pakistan among the different scholars. Both right and left wing intellectuals sought legitimacy of their views with the vision of Jinnah, either the Jinnah was secular or Islamist. The object of the purposed research paper is to analyze and understand the Religious Concept of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah and also explore his concept of Islam to resolve the problematic condition of the nature of Pakistani state. Contextual interpretation of Struggle Movement has great importance for analyzing the character and active participation of our great leader and also necessary for removing the misunderstandings about his personality. Different historians, intellectuals, scholars and thinkers are doing their best to prove him a secular or Islamist leader according to their own point of view and perception with the references of his speeches, statements, different events of his life and from his works. His personality was interpreted by the historians from different angles and aspects to clear the questions that were raised in their minds about his secularism.
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Gilmartin, David. "Legislative Politics and the Freedom Struggle in the Punjab, 1897–1947. By Satya M. Rai. New Delhi: Indian Council of Historical Research, 1984. xviii, 373 pp. Appendixes, Glossary, Bibliography, Index. Rs 100." Journal of Asian Studies 44, no. 4 (August 1985): 876. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2056503.
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Gilmartin, David. "Legislative Politics and the Freedom Struggle in the Punjab, 1897–1947. By Satya M. Rai. New Delhi: Indian Council of Historical Research, 1984. xviii, 373 pp. Appendixes, Glossary, Bibliography, Index. Rs 100." Journal of Asian Studies 44, no. 04 (August 1985): 876. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911800094833.
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Woods, Tryon P. "Marronage, Here and There: Liberia, Enslavement's Conversion, and the Settler-Not." International Labor and Working-Class History 96 (2019): 38–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547919000206.
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AbstractThis proposed contribution to the special issue of ILWCH offers a theoretical re-consideration of the Liberian project. If, as is commonly supposed in its historiography and across contemporary discourse regarding its fortunes into the twenty-first century, Liberia is a notable, albeit contested, instance of the modern era's correctable violence in that it stands as an imperfect realization of the emancipated slave, the liberated colony, and the freedom to labor unalienated, then such representation continues to hide more than it reveals. This essay, instead, reads Liberia as an instructive leitmotif for the conversion of racial slavery's synecdochical plantation system in the Americas into the plantation of the world writ large: the global scene of antiblackness and the immutable qualification for enslavement accorded black positionality alone. Transitions between political economic systems—from slave trade to “re-colonization,” from Firestone occupation to dictatorial-democratic regimes—reemerge from this re-examination as crucial but inessential to understanding Liberia's position, and thus that of black laboring subjects, in the modern world. I argue that slavery is the simultaneous primitive accumulation of black land and bodies, but that this reality largely escapes current conceptualization of not only the history of labor but also that of enslavement. In other words, the African slave trade (driven first by Arabs in the Indian Ocean region, then Europeans in the Mediterranean, and, subsequently, Euro-Americans in the Atlantic) did not simply leave as its corollary effect, or byproduct, the underdevelopment of African societies. The trade in African flesh was at once the co-production of a geography of desire in which blackness is perpetually fungible at every scale, from the body to the nation-state to its soil—all treasures not simply for violation and exploitation, but more importantly, for accumulation and all manner of usage. The Liberian project elucidates this ongoing reality in distinctive ways—especially when we regard it through the lens of the millennium-plus paradigm of African enslavement. Conceptualizing slavery's “afterlife” entails exploring the ways that emancipation extended, not ameliorated, the chattel condition, and as such, impugns the efficacy of key analytic categories like “settler,” “native,” “labor,” and “freedom” when applied to black existence. Marronage, rather than colonization or emancipation, situates Liberia within the intergenerational struggle of, and over, black work against social death. Read as enslavement's conversion, this essay neither impugns nor heralds black action and leadership on the Liberian project at a particular historical moment, but rather agitates for centering black thought on the ongoing issue of black fungibility and social captivity that Liberia exemplifies. I argue that such a reading of Liberia presents a critique of both settler colonialism and of a certain conceptualization of the black radical tradition and its futures in heavily optimist, positivist, and political economic terms that are enjoying considerable favor in leading discourse on black struggle today.
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Mukhtar, Shabnum. "History of Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir." Shanlax International Journal of Management 8, S1-Feb (February 26, 2021): 185–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/management.v8is1-feb.3774.
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After the independence of India in 1947, it got divided into two territories of India and Pakistan. Kashmir, which was a princely ruled state at that time, was in a state of confusion whether it should accede to India or Pakistan or stay sovereign. Hari Singh, the then Maharaja of Kashmir, felt it better to accede with India than Pakistan and signed the instrument of accession with India. The government of Pakistan resisted this accession as they were keen to add this region to their territory and thus started the Kashmir conflict. India and Pakistan have fought for more than seventy years over Kashmir. Wars over Kashmir resulted in eleven United Nations resolutions and two peace agreements, but the problem of Kashmir remained unsolved. For more than seventy years, India and Pakistan have driven a cycle of violence, retaliation, and exploitation in Kashmir, and this dispute over Kashmir has caused at least forty-seven thousand deaths and made Kashmir one of the most militarized1 regions of the earth and is still a bone of contention between India and Pakistan. Kashmiris have roused many times against oppression, tyranny, and occupation. There are umpteen historical documents of earlier times, where they have challenged numerous rulers for their ugly behavior, right from 1585, at the onset of the Mughal rule.This paper deals with the origin of the Kashmir conflict and historical and political background, and its effect on India and Pakistan.
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Mehmood, Wajid, Syed Ali Shah, and Muhammad Shoaib Malik. "Ulema and the Freedom Struggle for Pakistan." Global Political Review 1, no. 1 (November 30, 2016): 44–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2016(i-i).05.
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In the freedom struggle in British India, Ulama had played a significant role. Ranging from the socio-cultural guidance of the Muslims to leading them politically, they played their role actively in every sphere of life. Starting their active political role in British India in 1803, Ulama continued their struggle till 1947. Darul Uloom-i-Deoband, apparently a religious seminary, was built for the revitalization of Muslim society in India. The Ulama were the pioneers, who initiated the very idea of freedom from the imperial power. The tenderness, dynamism, and catholicity which was created in this movement, in fact, was due to the unending and countless struggle of the Ulama. It is an undeniable fact that the independence movement and the history of the Indo-Pak subcontinent are so mixed-up with the history of Ulama and religious personalities that it is now difficult to separate one from another
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Cell, John W. "The Indian and African Freedom Struggles: Some comparisons." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 27, no. 2 (May 1999): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086539908583059.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 82, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2008): 113–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002468.
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David Scott; Conscripts of Modernity: The Tragedy of Colonial Enlightenment (Shalina Puri)Rebecca J. Scott; Degrees of Freedom: Louisiana and Cuba after Slavery (Olivia Maria Gomes da Cunha)Patrick Bellegarde-Smith (ed.); Fragments of Bone: Neo-African Religions in a New World (Dianne M. Stewart)Londa Schiebinger; Plants and Empire: Colonial Bioprospecting in the Atlantic World (J.D. La Fleur)F. Abiola Irele, Simon Gikandi (eds.);The Cambridge History of African and Caribbean Literature (A. James Arnold)Sean X. Goudie; Creole America: The West Indies and the Formation of Literature and Culture in the New Republic (J. Bradford Anderson)Doris Garraway; The Libertine Colony: Creolization in the Early French Caribbean (Charles Forsdick)Adélékè Adéèkó; The Slave’s Rebellion: Fiction, History, Orature (Owen Robinson)J. Brooks Bouson; Jamaica Kincaid: Writing Memory, Writing Back to the Mother (Lizabeth Paravisini-Gebert)Gary Wilder; The French Imperial Nation-State: Negritude and Colonial Humanism between the Two World Wars (Nick Nesbitt)Fernando Picó; History of Puerto Rico: A Panorama of its People (Francisco A. Scarano)Peter E. Siegel (ed.); Ancient Borinquen: Archaeology and Ethnohistory of Native Puerto Rico (William F. Keegan) Magali Roy-Féquière; Women, Creole Identity, and Intellectual Life in Early Twentieth-Century Puerto Rico (Yolanda Martínez-San Miguel)Katherine E. Browne; Creole Economics: Caribbean Cunning under the French Flag (David Beriss)Louis A. Pérez, Jr; To Die in Cuba: Suicide and Society (Matt D. Childs)John Lawrence Tone; War and Genocide in Cuba, 1895-1898 (Gillian McGillivray)Frank Argote-Freyre; Fulgencio Batista: From Revolutionary to Strongman (Javier Figueroa-De Cárdenas)Juanita de Barros, Audra Diptee, David V. Trotman (eds.); Beyond Fragmentation: Perspectives on Caribbean History (Bernard Moitt)Matthew Mulcahy; Hurricanes and Society in the British Greater Caribbean, 1624-1783 (Bonham C. Richardson)Michaeline A. Crichlow; Negotiating Caribbean Freedom: Peasants and the State in Development (Christine Chivallon)Peta Gay Jensen; The Last Colonials: The Story of Two European Families in Jamaica (Karl Watson)Marc Tardieu; Les Antillais à Paris: D’hier à aujourd’hui (David Beriss)Rhonda D. Frederick; “Colón Man a Come”: Mythographies of Panamá Canal Migration (Michael L. Conniff)James Robertson; Gone is the Ancient Glory: Spanish Town, Jamaica, 1534-2000 (Philip D. Morgan)Philippe R. Girard; Paradise Lost: Haiti’s Tumultuous Journey from Pearl of the Caribbean to Third World Hotspot (Carolle Charles)Michael Deibert; Notes from the Last Testament: The Struggle for Haiti (Carolle Charles)Ellen de Vries; Suriname na de binnenlandse oorlog (Aspha E. Bijnaar)In: New West Indian Guide/ Nieuwe West-Indische Gids no. 82 (2008), no: 1-2, Leiden
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Matthew, Laura E. "Indian Petitioners for Freedom - Global Indios: The Indigenous Struggle for Justice in Sixteenth-Century Spain. By Nancy E. van Deusen. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2015. Pp. xv, 319. Preface. Acknowledgments. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $94.95 cloth; $26.95 paperback." Americas 77, no. 4 (October 2020): 638–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2020.76.
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Saleemi, Sundus. "Kamran Asdar Ali. Communism in Pakistan: Politics and Class Activism 1947- 1972. London, U.K.: I. B. Tauris & Co. Ltd./Philip Wilson Publishers Ltd. 2015. 304 pages. £ 59.00." Pakistan Development Review 55, no. 2 (June 1, 2016): 151–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v55i2pp.151-154.
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The book is divided into two parts consisting of eight chapters, including the introductory and concluding chapters, and an epilogue. It is a 304 page book including notes and references, which are not only interesting but are very helpful for any reader interested in the topic. The introductory chapter sets the stage for the reader, introducing her to the diversity of nations living in the geographical boundaries of Pakistan and points to the failure of their integration in the state project. The author also touches upon the ethnic and nationalistic struggles played out in Pakistan throughout history and their relationship with the politics of the left. Furthermore, he reiterates that mainstream discourse on Pakistan’s history presents the struggle for separate nation in unified India as a struggle of a monolith Muslim nation in the sub-continent largely ignoring the ethnic, cultural and linguistic diversity of these Muslims, thereby undermining their aspirations for freedom, self-determination and autonomy. The Bengali and the Baloch freedom movements have been cited as examples of what he calls the “collective amnesia” of the nation and notes that resistance, or left-leaning, movements have also been largely ignored in mainstream discourses on the history of Pakistan.
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Misrahi-Barak, Judith, and Nicole Thiara. "Interview with director Jayan K. Cherian." Journal of Commonwealth Literature 54, no. 1 (June 20, 2017): 96–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021989417710303.
Full textAbstract:
In this interview with Judith Misrahi-Barak and Nicole Thiara, Jayan K. Cherian discusses his work as an independent filmmaker in India and the USA, his artistic and political commitment, and the challenges he has faced with the Central Board of Film Certification in India after the release of his first feature film Papilio Buddha (2013), which focuses on Dalit land struggles in Kerala, and again with his second feature film KaBodyscapes (2016). The interview explores how holding a dual status as an American citizen and an Overseas Citizen of India makes his situation more complex because it offers him both the freedom and constraints of being a permanent outsider. The discussion of Papilio Buddha and its representation of the Dalit land struggle is the focus of the interview. He also speaks about his intended audience(s) and the way he works on location with his crews. Since Cherian is a poet and a writer as well as a filmmaker, he explains his choices for specific media, in the particular contexts in which he positions himself.