Relevant bibliographies by topics / Indian National Congress. British Committee

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Academic literature on the topic 'Indian National Congress. British Committee'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 8 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Indian National Congress. British Committee"

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Nikitin, Dmitry S. "To the History of the Formation of the Indian Parliamentary Committee in the British House of Commons." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 462 (2021): 142–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/462/18.

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The aim of this article is to study the history of the formation of the Indian Parliamentary Committee (IPC) in the British House of Commons in 1893. To achieve this aim, the following objectives are envisaged: determination of reasons for establishing the IPC; analysis of the activities of the Indian National Congress and British liberals; analysis of the election campaign of Dadabhai Naoroji, which enabled him to get a seat in the House of Commons in 1892. The sources of the study are the pamphlets of the Indian National Congress members, which explain the need for Indian representatives to participate in the British Parliament; records of parliamentary hearings on the Indian issue; materials of the press describing the course of the election campaign of 1892 and the tasks of the Indian Committee in Parliament. In the course of the study, the author came to the following conclusions. The moderate branch in the Indian liberation movement considered the British Rule in India to be a progressive phenomenon in the Indian life. The defects of the British administration were due to the fact that the English people and Parliament did not understand the problems that the Indian population faced under the British Rule. The Parliamentary Committee dealing exclusively with the Indian issue could contribute to solving this problem. The main conductor of this idea in India was the National Congress, which, since its inception, began work on the formation of the IPC. In the late 1880s, an Indian political agency, which intensified attempts to organize an Indian committee in Parliament, was established in London. The interests of the Indians in the House of Commons at that time were defended by the Liberal MP Charles Bradlaugh. On the basis of the proposals of the National Congress, he prepared a bill on Indian councils, which came into force in 1892. Nevertheless, the creation of the Indian Parliamentary Committee became possible only in 1893, when Dadabhai Naoroji and William Wadderburn (founders of the British Committee of the Indian National Congress) were elected to the House of Commons as Liberal MPs. In general, the creation of the IPC was a progressive step in the development of the Indian liberation movement because the IPC gave the moderate nationalists and their British liberal supporters new tools of fighting for the rights of Indian subjects of the British Empire. The appearance of supporters of Indian reforms in Parliament was the evidence of the success of the IPC’s course of expanding political agitation in England, although it did not guarantee significant achievements in solving of the Indian question.
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Nikitin, Dmitrii. "Documents on the history of the Indian National Congress from the archive of viceroy of India Minto." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 6 (June 2021): 86–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.6.33220.

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The subject of this research is the documents from the archive of the viceroy of India Minto, which contain the records about the Indian National Congress. The author examines the history of studying the archive of Minto in foreign scientific literature. Special attention is given to correspondence of Minto with the Secretary of State for India Lord John Morley and their deputies that covers the period from the first Partition of Bengal (1905), split in the Indian National Congress (1907), and draft of the Morley-Minto reform, which involved the members of the Indian National Congress. The article also discusses the activity of the Indian Parliamentary Committee in the British House of Commons, and the response of the colonial authorities to hire pro-Indian parliamentarians in London. The conclusion is made that the documents on the history of the Indian National Congress from Minto’s archive reveal the peculiarities of interaction between the British colonial administration and the national elites, which was aimed at preserving the loyalty of the most moderate representatives of the Indian National Congress, as well as at weakening the national liberation movement that manifested in countering by the colonial administration the significant extension of rights of the Indian nationals and implementation of “separate electorates: within the framework of the Morley-Minto reform.  The documents from Minto’s archive reflect the perspective of the colonial administration on the path of further development of India within the empire by preserving British power.
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Nikitin, Dmitry S. "The British Committee of the Indian National Congress: objectives and results." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 409 (August 1, 2016): 115–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/409/18.

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Ghosh, Durba. "Whither India? 1919 and the Aftermath of the First World War." Journal of Asian Studies 78, no. 2 (May 2019): 389–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911819000044.

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As diplomats across the world gathered in Paris in spring 1919 to discuss the peace process, observers asked “Whither India?” Critics wondered how the British government could enact emergency laws such as the Rowlatt Acts at the same time as it introduced the Government of India Act of 1919, which was intended to expand Indian involvement in governing the British dominions on the Indian subcontinent. Because Britain presented itself as a liberal form of empire on the international stage, its willingness to suspend rule of law over its subjects appeared contradictory. India's support of the Allied powers allowed Indian moderates to represent India in Paris; during the war, Indian subjects had contributed over one million soldiers and suffered influenza, plague, and famine. The possibility of a new relationship between those governing and those being governed led many Indians to demand an adherence to the rule of law, a guarantee of civil liberties, and the foundations of a government that was for and by the Indian people. In a time of revolution in Russia, and assassinations by anarchists in Italy and France, it seemed foolhardy to repress radicals by censoring the press, preventing the right of individuals to assemble, or detaining suspects before they had committed any crimes. Lala Lajpat Rai, an Indian political activist who had been part of the progressive wing of the Indian National Congress, wrote from the United States, “India is a part of the world and revolution is in the air all the world over. The effort to kill it by repression and suppression is futile, unwise, and stupid.”
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Low, D. A. "VI. Counterpart Experiences: Indian and Indonesian Nationalisms 1920s–1950s." Itinerario 10, no. 1 (March 1986): 117–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009013.

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India's national day is 26 January; Indonesia's 17 August. They point to a difference. 26 January derives from the Indian National Congress' decision at its Lahore Congress in December 1929 to launch a Civil Disobedience movement against the British Government in India. Jawaharlal Nehru as Congress' President arranged that the first step would be for thousands of Congress rank and file to join together on 26 January 1930 to take the Independence Pledge. This declared that since ‘it is the inalienable right of the Indian people […] to have freedom, […] if any government deprives a people of those rights […] the people have a […] right to […] abolish it […]. We recognise, however, that the most effective way of gaining freedom is not through violence. We will, therefore, prepare ourselves by withdrawing, so far as we can, all voluntary association from the British Government and will prepare for Civil Disobedience.’ From that moment onwards 26 January has been India's Independence Day, though when it was first held India's independence still stood 17 years away. The celebrations have thus come to link post-independent India with the feats of the Indian national movement which for so many years pursued the strategy of civil disobedience, and which, despite a series of intervening fits and starts, is seen to have been crucial to its success. For India the heroics of its freedom struggle lie, that is, in its elon-gated pre-independence past, of long years of humiliating harassment and costly commitment. They are not much associated with the final run up to independence. With the emphasis rather upon the earlier, principally Gandhian years, of protests and processions, of proscriptions and prison, the final transfer of power is not seen, moreover, as comprising a traumatic break with the past, but as the logical climax to all that had gone before. The direct continuities between the pre- and post-independence periodes in India in these respects are accepted as a central part of its national heritage.
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Lone, Suhail-ul-Rehman. "The princely states and the national movement: The case of Kashmir (1931–39)." Studies in People's History 4, no. 2 (October 23, 2017): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448917725855.

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The British created an invisible wall between ‘British India’ and the ‘Princely India’ by governing the latter indirectly through hereditary princes, who were supposedly fully autonomous, but for British ‘paramountcy’. The Indian National Congress had from the beginning adopted a policy of non-interference in the states’ affairs, which Mahatma Gandhi too upheld. However, nationalism began to cast its influence in the states despite this policy of non-interference. In Kashmir the opposition to the Maharaja took, first, the form of a Muslim agitation against the ruler’s oppressive measures. But in time as the movement against the Dogra Raj obtained increasing support from the nationalist leaders, notably Jawaharlal Nehru, the Muslim Conference (later named National Conference) leadership headed by Sheikh Abdullah gravitated towards the All-India States Peoples Conference and its spiritual parent, the Congress. The Congress too abandoned its policy of non-interference fully by 1939. This shift ultimately caused a rift in the valley, with Ch. Ghulam Abbas forming the Muslim Conference in opposition to Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference in 1941.
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KURACINA, WILLIAM F. "Sentiments and Patriotism: The Indian National Army, General Elections and the Congress's Appropriation of the INA Legacy." Modern Asian Studies 44, no. 4 (October 22, 2009): 817–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09990291.

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AbstractThis paper considers the extent to which Subhas Chandra Bose and the Indian National Army (INA) contributed to India's liberation from British imperialism. The fundamental issue examined is why leaders of the Indian National Congress appropriated the INA legacy, contrary to two decades of non-violent struggle and regardless of the incompatibility of Bose's ideology and strategic vision. Drawing on published sources that chart policy decisions and illustrate the attitudes of leading actors in the formulation of Congress policy, this paper hypothesizes that Congress leaders defended INA prisoners-of-war and questions why the Congress apparently abandoned its long-established principles for immediate political gains, only to re-prioritize anew India's national interests once the public excitement over the INA had quietened. It illustrates that the Congress's overt and zealous defence of the INA was intended to harness public opinion behind an all-India issue rooted in sentimentalism and patriotism. The paper concludes that such support was crucial to the Congress's post-war electioneering campaign and was designed to counter the Muslim League's equally emotive electoral messages.
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Silvestri, Michael. "“The Sinn Féin of India”: Irish Nationalism and the Policing of Revolutionary Terrorism in Bengal." Journal of British Studies 39, no. 4 (October 2000): 454–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386228.

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A recent article in the Calcutta magazine Desh outlined the exploits of a revolutionary fighting for “national freedom” against the British Empire. The article related how, during wartime, this revolutionary traveled secretly to secure the aid of Britain's enemies in starting a rebellion in his country. His mission failed, but this “selfless patriot” gained immortality as a nationalist hero. For an Indian—and particularly a Bengali—audience, the logical protagonist of this story would be the Bengali nationalist leader Subhas Chandra Bose. Bose, the former president of the Indian National Congress, assumed the leadership of the Indian National Army with the support of the Japanese imperial government during the Second World War in the hopes of freeing India from British rule. The subject of the story, however, was not Bose, but the United Irishmen leader Theobald Wolfe Tone and his efforts in 1796 to secure assistance for an Irish rebellion from the government of Revolutionary France. The article went on to narrate how Ireland had been held in the “grip of imperialism” for an even longer period of time than India and concluded that the Irish and Indian nationalist movements were linked by a history of rebellion against British rule.As the Desh article illustrates, the popular image of the relationship between Ireland and India within the British Empire has been that of two subject peoples striving for national freedom. This linkage of Irish and Indian history has had particular resonance in Bengal.
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CHOUDHURY, D. K. LAHIRI. "Sinews of Panic and the Nerves of Empire: the Imagined State's Entanglement with Information Panic, India c.1880–1912." Modern Asian Studies 38, no. 4 (October 2004): 965–1002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0400126x.

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This is a narrative of events and panics in India in 1907: the fiftieth anniversary of 1857. After the East India Company's political ascendancy in 1757, the uprisings and insurrections of 1857 shook the very foundations of British rule in India. In the summer of 1907, several different strands of protest came together: the nearly all-India telegraph strike was barely over when a revolutionary terrorist network was unearthed, bringing the simmering political cauldron to the boil. The burgeoning swadeshi and boycott movement splintered, partly through the experience of Government repression, into political extremism within the Indian National Congress and revolutionary terrorism via secret societies. The growing radicalism within nationalist politics culminated in the split of the Congress at the meeting at Surat in 1907. Through this process the Indian National Congress changed from its constitutional and elite politics of reform into a more popular and mass-oriented organization. Though much has been written about this period of Indian politics, this paper delineates the larger international technological and informational entanglement through a case study of India, and in particular, Bengal.
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Brookshire, Jerry H. "The National Council of Labour, 1921–1946." Albion 18, no. 1 (1986): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4048702.

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The National Council of Labour attempted to coordinate the policies and actions of the Trades Union Congress and Labour party. It had a checkered history and eventually failed. Its existence, however, demonstrated that the leadership of the Trades Union Congress and Labour party were grappling with questions which have constantly confronted modern British labor, especially the ever-present controversy over the TUC and party relationship, as well as whether a unified labor movement is possible or even desirable, or whether the TUC and labour party appropriately represent components within such a movement. If the last is true, do both institutions share fundamental concepts, and can they develop common tactics or approaches in furthering them? Are those “two wings” mutually dependent? Can the party aid the TUC in achieving its political goals? If the concerns of the TUC and party differ, can they or should they be reconciled? Should the TUC-party relationship remain the same whether the party is in government or in opposition?The National Council of Labour consisted of representatives from the TUC's General Council, the Labour party's National Executive Committee (NEC), and the parliamentary Labour party's Executive Committee (PLP executive). Originally created in 1921 as the National Joint Council, it was reconstituted in 1930 and again in 1931-32, renamed the National Council of Labour in 1934, and began declining in 1940 to impotence by 1946. It was an extra-parliamentary, extra-party body designed to enhance cooperation and coherence within the labor movement.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Indian National Congress. British Committee"

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Wainwright, Alfred Martin. "The Labour party, Indian nationalism, and dominion status, 1916-35 the effect of the changing definition of dominion status on relations between the British Labour party and the Indian National Congress /." 1985. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/12737512.html.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1985.
Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 138-145).
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Makin, Michael Philip. "An analysis of South Africa's relationship with the Commonwealth of Nations between 1945 and 1961." Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17305.

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This thesis provides a survey and an analysis of South Africa's relations with the British Commonwealth (Commonwealth of Nations) between the years 1945 and 1961. It outlines and explains the deterioration of this relationship in the context of the crisis in South Africa's foreign relations after World War II. Documentary evidence is produced to throw more light on the relationship with Britain and, to a lesser extent, other Commonwealth countries. This relationship is analysed in the context of political, economic and strategic imperatives which made it necessary for Britain to continue to seek South Africa's co-operation within the Commonwealth. This thesis also describes how the African and Asian influence began to be felt within the Commonwealth on racial issues. This influence was to become particularly important during the crucial period after the Sharpeville incident. The attitudes of Britain and other Commonwealth countries at the two crucial conferences of 1960 and 1961 are re-examined. The attitude of extra-parliamentary organisations in South Africa towards the Commonwealth connection is an important theme of this thesis in addition to the other themes mentioned above. It is demonstrated how Indian and African opinions became increasingly hostile towards what was seen as British and "white" Commonwealth "appeasement" of South Africa. These attitudes are surveyed in the context of an increasing radicalisation of black politics in South Africa. The movement by English and Afrikaans-speaking white South Africans toward a consensus on racial and foreign policy is also examined. Finally, the epilogue to this thesis discusses the return of South Africa to the Commonwealth in 1994. It includes a brief survey of developments in the Commonwealth attitude to South Africa since 1961.
History
D. Litt. et Phil. (History)
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Books on the topic "Indian National Congress. British Committee"

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The British Committee of the Indian National Congress, 1889-1921. New Delhi: Promila & Co. Publishers in association with Bibliophile South Asia, 2011.

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Yadav, Raj Pal Singh. History of U.P. Congress Committee. New Delhi: S.K. Publishers, 2000.

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History of U.P. Congress Committee. New Delhi: S.K. Publishers, 2000.

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British Library. The Indian National Congress 1885-1985: British Library exhibition notes. London: British Library Board, 1985.

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Dove, Marguerite Rose. Forfeited future: The conflict over Congress ministries in British India, 1933-1937. Delhi: Chanakya Publications, 1987.

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Puri, Yogesh. Party politics in the Nehru era: A study of Congress in Delhi. New Delhi, India: National Book Organisation, 1993.

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The National Indian Gaming Commission: Hearing before the Committee on Indian Affairs, United States Senate, One Hundred Tenth Congress, second session, April 17, 2008. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2008.

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Indian gaming: Hearing before the Committee on Indian Affairs, United States Senate, One Hundred Eleventh Congress, second session, July 29, 2010. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2011.

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Indian Gaming Regulatory Act: Hearing before the Committee on Indian Affairs, United States Senate, One Hundred Eighth Congress, first session on oversight hearing on Indian Gaming Regulatory Act, role and funding of the National Indian Gaming Commission. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2003.

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"Minimum internal control standards" (MICS) for Indian gaming: Oversight hearing before the Committee on Resources, U.S. House of Representatives, One Hundred Ninth Congress, second session, Thursday, May 11, 2006. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "Indian National Congress. British Committee"

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Griffiths, Percival. "Indian National Congress: The Second Phase." In The British Impact on India, 295–305. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429057656-32.

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Griffiths, Percival. "The Indian National Congress: The First Twenty Years." In The British Impact on India, 278–83. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429057656-30.

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"II. The Foundation of the Indian National Congress." In Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan and the Muslim Cause in British India, 126–36. De Gruyter, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783112208687-015.

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Owen, Nicholas. "Liberal Anti‐Imperialism: The Indian National Congress in Britain, 1885–1906." In The British Left and India, 22–48. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199233014.003.0002.

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"III. Muslim Reaction to the Founding of the Indian National Congress." In Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan and the Muslim Cause in British India, 136–42. De Gruyter, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783112208687-016.

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Schrad, Mark Lawrence. "Gandhi, Indian Nationalism, and Temperance Resistance against the Raj." In Smashing the Liquor Machine, 194–224. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190841577.003.0007.

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Chapter 7 follows Mahatma Gandhi’s embrace of prohibitionism as resistance against Britain’s “narco-military empire,” first in South Africa and then in India. Gandhi understood that the British system of imperial dominance was built upon trafficking addictive opium and alcohol, the revenues from which paid for military occupation. Nationalists Gandhi and C. Rajagopalachari adopted temperance tactics such as picketing liquor stores as part of their noncooperation activism. Their Prohibition League of India—a “social” rather than “political” organization—provided organizational safe haven for nationalists of the Indian National Congress when the British clamped down on Gandhi’s nationalist efforts. Making common cause with transnational temperance norm entrepreneurs such as “Pussyfoot” Johnson added greater legitimacy to both Indian nationalism and prohibitionism, which became utterly synonymous in Gandhi’s quest for independence.
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Ganguly, Sumit, and William R. Thompson. "Democratic Institutions." In Ascending India and Its State Capacity. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300215922.003.0009.

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This chapter looks at Indian democratic institutions. Contrary to popular belief, the British did little or nothing to promote the growth of democratic institutions in India. Instead, Indian nationalists from the late nineteenth century onward successfully appropriated liberal-democratic principles from the United Kingdom and infused them into the Indian political context. Under the influence of Mohandas K. Gandhi in the 1930s, these beliefs and principles were disseminated to a broad swath of India's population via the Indian National Congress, the leading nationalist political party. As this was occurring, the British colonial regime was losing few opportunities to thwart or at least contain the growth of democratic sentiment and practice in India. The Indian nationalists can justifiably claim that each step toward self-rule and democratic governance was the result of sustained and unrelenting political agitation against authoritarian colonial rule.
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Brown, Gavin. "Anti-apartheid solidarity in the perspectives and practices of the British far left in the 1970s and 1980s." In Waiting for the Revolution. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526113658.003.0005.

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Communists and members of the New Left were involved in the Anti-Apartheid Movement [AAM] from its origins in the Boycott Committee in the late 1950s. In its early days, the AAM welcomed support from individual communists, but was reluctant to be seen to be too close to the Communist Party. Nevertheless, members of the Communist Party of Great Britain [CPGB] played a significant role at all levels of the movement throughout its history. Fundamental to this was the relationship between the CPGB and the South African Communist Party [SACP] whose cadre played a central role in the exiled structures of the African National Congress [ANC]. In contrast to the CPGB, other left tendencies had more complicated relationships with the AAM’s leadership. This chapter examines the relationship of different far Left tendencies to the anti-apartheid struggle during the 1970s and 1980s.
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McConnell, Michael W. "The Executive Power Vesting Clause." In The President Who Would Not Be King, 235–62. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691207520.003.0014.

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This chapter recalls the fundamental structural decisions made by the Committee of Detail about the powers of the executive, such as allocating the established prerogative powers of the British executive to Congress or to the president. It examines the important changes by the Convention in parceling out prerogative powers, which subjected some of them to senatorial advice and consent. It also talks about the Committee beginning of Article II with a sentence vesting the “Executive Power” in a single person — the president. The chapter investigates the Executive Vesting Clause that has engendered lively debate since the earliest years of the republic and caused the Supreme Court to grapple with the two possible meanings for it. It argues that the Vesting Clause vests all national powers of an executive nature in the president, except for that portion of the executive power that is vested elsewhere.
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Fraser, W. Hamish. "The Joint Board, Representing, The Parliamentary Committee of the Trades Union Congress, The General Federation of Trade Unions, and the Labour Party. Secretaries: C. W. Bowerman, M.P., W. A. Appleton. J. Ramsay MacDonald, M.P. Report on National Insurance and Reversal of the Osborne Judgment. Report of Special Conference Held in Jhl Memorial Hall, Farrlngdon Street, London, E.C., ON Tuesday and Wednesday, 20th and 21st June, 1911." In British Trade Unions, 1707–1918, 261–96. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003192077-20.

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