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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Indian National Congress'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 August 2024

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1

Kuracina, William F. "Toward a Congress Raj : Indian nationalism and the pursuit of a potential nation-state." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available, full text:, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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2

Ansara, David. "The decline of a dominant party : the Indian National Congress, 1967-1977." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10034.

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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 104-109).
This thesis is concerned with the phenomenon of Single Party Dominance (SPD) and the implications of such a phenomenon on the party system in post-Independence India. Specifically, the work is tasked with explaining how dominance can end by providing an analytical narrative of a single case of SPD and its collapse. This will be done by examining the precipitous decline of the Indian National Congress over a ten-year period from 1967, where Congress lost its first state-level elections, to 1977, where the party was finally rejected at the national level after three decades of dominance.

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3

Kundu, Apurba. "How will the return of the Congress Party affect Indian Foreign and Security Policy?" Thesis, EIAS Policy Brief, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2985.

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The 2004 Indian general elections stunned observers when, contrary to expectations, the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coalition government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Prime Minister Atul Behari Vajpayee was defeated by an electoral coalition led by the Indian National Congress (INC) headed by Sonia Gandhi. A further surprise came when Gandhi declined to become India's first foreign-born prime minister, opting instead to back party stalwart Dr Manmohan Singh for this office. Dr Singh, India's first Sikh prime minister, now heads a United Progressive Alliance (UPA) coalition government headed by a cabinet containing 19 INC members and 10 members of smaller parties. Will the return to power of the INC after eight years in opposition (during three years of Left Front then five years of BJP/NDA rule) result in a shift of India's foreign and national security policies?

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4

Ghosh, Sudaita. "Role of political parties in India : a study of the Indian national Congress and the left parties (1967-2000)." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1308.

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5

Naidoo, Kumaran. "Class, consciousness and organisation : Indian political resistance in Durban, South Africa, 1979-1996." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310296.

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6

Spiess, Clemens. "One-party-dominance in changing societies the African National Congress and Indian National Congress in comparative perspective ; a study in party systems and agency in post-colonial India and post-apartheid South Africa /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2004. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=97250981X.

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7

Spieß, Clemens [Verfasser], and Subrata K. [Akademischer Betreuer] Mitra. "One-Party-Dominance in Changing Societies: The African National Congress and Indian National Congress in Comparative Perspective: A Study in Party Systems and Agency in Post-Colonial India and Post-Apartheid South Africa / Clemens Spieß ; Betreuer: Subrata K. Mitra." Heidelberg : CrossAsia E-Publishing, 2006. http://d-nb.info/1218726458/34.

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8

Blubaugh, Hannah Patrice. ""Self-Determination without Termination:" The National Congress of American Indians and Defining Self-Determination Policy during the Kennedy and Johnson Administrations." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1533051153006372.

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9

Bala, Babulal. "Congress in the politics of West Bengal : from dominance to marginality (1947-1977)." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2017. http://ir.nbu.ac.in/handle/123456789/2809.

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10

Parr, Rosalind Elizabeth. "Citizens of everywhere : Indian nationalist women and the global public sphere, 1900-1952." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/33063.

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The first half of the twentieth century saw the evolution of the global public sphere as a site for political expression and social activism. In the past, this history has been marginalised by a discipline-wide preference for national and other container- based frames of analysis. However, in the wake of 'the global turn', historians have increasingly turned their attention to the ways historical actors thought, acted, and organised globally. Transnational histories of South Asia feed into our understanding of these processes, yet, so far, little attention has been paid to the role of Indian nationalist women, despite there being significant 'global' aspects to their lives and careers. Citizens of Everywhere addresses this lacuna through an examination of the transnational activities of a handful of prominent nationalist women between 1900 and 1950. These include alliances and interactions with women's organisations, anti-imperial supporters and the League of Nations, as well as official contributions to the business of the fledgling United Nations Organisation after 1946. This predominantly below-state-level activity built on and contributed to public and private networks that traversed the early twentieth century world, cutting across national, state and imperial boundaries to create transnational solidarities to transformative effect. Set against a backdrop of rising imperialist-nationalist tension and global geopolitical conflict, these relationships enable a counter-narrative of global citizenship - a concept that at once connotes a sense of belonging, a modus operandi, and an assertive political claim. However, they were also highly gendered, sometimes tenuous, and frequently complex interactions that constantly evolved according to local and global conditions. In advancing our understanding of nationalist women's careers, Citizens of Everywhere contributes to the recovery of Indian women's historical subjectivity, which, in turn, sheds light on gender and nationalism in South Asia. Further, Indian women's transnational activities draw attention to a range of interventions and processes that illuminate the global history of liberal ideas and political practices, the legacies of which appear embattled in the present era.

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11

Barbieri, Julie Laut. "Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya, anti-imperialist and women's rights activist, 1939-41." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1218456911.

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12

Robin, Cyril. "Du rôle de la caste en politique : la représentation des Other Backward Classes sur la scène politique de l'Etat du Bihar, 1952-2005." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007IEPP0051.

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En Inde, principalement à partir des premières élections tenues au suffrage universel en 1951, la suprématie des hautes castes sur le parti dominant, le parti du Congrès, a largement contribué au maintien en marge du processus de décision des élus issus d’autres groupes et catégories de la société indienne. L’objectif de cette étude est alors de décrire et d’analyser les ressorts de la représentation politique aussi bien symbolique, descriptive que substantive des élus appartenant à la catégorie des Other Backward Classes (« autres classes défavorisées », OBC), catégorie située entre les deux pôles de l’espace social indien : la catégorie des Scheduled Castes (« castes répertoriées », ex intouchables, SC) et la catégorie des hautes castes qui peut être définie par son exclusion des bénéfices de la politique compensatoire. L’examen des élections régionales qui se sont tenues entre 1952 et 2005 à l’Assemblée législative du Bihar permet de suivre l’évolution des rapports de force entre les différents groupes d’élus et de s’interroger sur le lien entre représentation et démocratisation. Une première fois après les élections de 1967, puis une deuxième fois en 1977, des membres de la catégorie OBC vont être élus au poste de chef du gouvernement du Bihar. Toutefois, ce n’est qu’après les élections de 1990 qu’un changement plus radical se produit avec, pour la première fois dans un Etat du nord de l’Inde, un nombre d’élus de hautes castes inférieur à celui des élus OBC. Depuis, la scène politique du Bihar est largement dominée par les OBC dont la présence au pouvoir a révélé des intérêts divergents croissants
In India, mainly from the first general elections held in 1951 by universal suffrage, the domination of upper castes over the main political party, the Indian National Congress, largely contributed to the marginalization from the decision making process of MLAs belonging to other sections of the Indian society. The objective of this study is therefore to describe and analyse the motivations - symbolic, descriptive as well as substantive - of elected members belonging to Other Backward Classes (OBC). The OBC category is placed between the two extremities in Indian society, namely the Scheduled Castes (SC), earlier treated as untouchable, and the upper castes who were not entitled to the advantages of compensatory politics. A study of the elections to the Bihar Legislative Assembly held between 1952 and 2005 allows us to follow the changes in the balance of power between elected representatives belonging to different castes and question the relationship between representation and the spread of democracy. For the first time after the 1967 elections and for the second time in 1977, OBC members were elected Chief Ministers of Bihar. However, it was only after the 1990 elections that a more radical change took place when, for the first time, there were fewer elected representatives from the upper castes than from the OBC in a North Indian state. Since then, politics Bihar has been mainly dominated by OBCs whose presence at the helm of affairs has increasingly brought to light their divergent interests

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13

Damodaran, Vinita. "Unfilled promises : popular protest, the Congress and the national movement in Bihar, 1937-46." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1990. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272730.

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14

Baloch, Bilal Ali. "Crisis, credibility, and corruption : how ideas and institutions shape government behaviour in India." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a017adea-7dc4-45a2-9246-4df6adcabb9b.

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Anti-corruption movements play a vital role in democratic development. From the American Gilded Age to global demonstrations in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, these movements seek to combat malfeasance in government and improve accountability. While this collective action remains a constant, how government elites perceive and respond to such agitation, varies. My dissertation tackles this puzzle head-on: Why do some democratic governments respond more tolerantly than others to anti-corruption movements? To answer this research question, I examine variation across time in two cases within the worldâs largest democracy: India. I compare the Congress Party government's suppressive response to the Jayaprakash Narayan movement in 1975, and the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance governmentâs tolerant response to the India Against Corruption movement in 2012. For developing democracies such as India, comparativist scholarship gives primacy to external, material interests â such as votes and rents â as proximately shaping government behavior. Although these logics explain elite decision-making around elections and the predictability of pork barrel politics, they fall short in explaining government conduct during credibility crises, such as when facing nationwide anti-corruption movements. In such instances of high political uncertainty, I argue, it is the absence or presence of an ideological checks and balance mechanism among decision-making elites in government that shapes suppression or tolerance respectively. This mechanism is produced from the interaction between structure (multi-party coalition) and agency (divergent cognitive frames in positions of authority). In this dissertation, elites analyze the anti-corruption movement and form policy prescriptions based on their frames around social and economic development as well as their concepts of the nation. My research consists of over 110 individual interviews with state elites, including the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, party leaders, and senior bureaucrats among other officials for the contemporary case; and a broad compilation of private letters, diplomatic cables and reports, and speeches collected from three national archives for the historical study. To my knowledge this is the first data-driven study of Indian politics that precisely demonstrates how ideology acts as a constraint on government behavior in a credibility crisis. On a broader level, my findings contribute to the recently renewed debate in political science as to why democracies sometimes behave illiberally.

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15

Hurtado, Espinoza Abel. "El ejercicio del derecho al autogobierno de los pueblos indígenas a través del modelo institucional del National Congress of American Indians de los Estados Unidos." Master's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2018. http://tesis.pucp.edu.pe/repositorio/handle/123456789/12529.

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El derecho al autogobierno es una forma de ejercer el derecho a la libre determinación que tienen los pueblos indígenas. Este derecho reconoce a estos pueblos el control de sus propios asuntos internos, para poder determinar libremente su estatus político y promover su desarrollo económico, social y cultural. En la presente tesis analizamos el contenido de este derecho, y su reconocimiento en el plano internacional para luego analizar cómo ha sido su ejercicio en el plano nacional, que para el presente caso son los Estados Unidos (en adelante EEUU). Para lograr ese objetivo, la investigación nos lleva a describir y analizar el ejercicio de este derecho de acuerdo a las constantes políticas federales indígenas implementadas en los EEUU. En estas políticas se ha evidenciado una tendencia casi generalizada, orientada al desconocimiento de la soberanía indígena y la extinción de sus poblaciones, buscando la asimilación a la cultura predominante. Un escenario histórico muy difícil en el que la propia comunidad indígena de este país busca formas de organizarse a fin de garantizar la soberanía de sus gobiernos y el ejercicio del derecho a la libre determinación, y con este el de autogobierno. En esa medida, nuestra tesis está orientada básicamente a explorar de forma analítica el contenido del derecho al autogobierno indígena como un derecho humano de los pueblos indígenas y, con ello, lograr demostrar, de qué manera el ejercicio de este derecho se encontraría garantizado a través de un modelo institucional adoptado por los pueblos indígenas en los Estados Unidos, que para el caso en particular viene a ser el National Congress of American of Indias (NCAI)
Tesis

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16

Nikolenyi, Csaba. "The Indian National Congress Party after the dynasty." Thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/5483.

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Rajiv Gandhi's violent death in May 1991 signalled the end of an entire era for the Congress Party: the long-lasting rule of the dynasty was over. Subsequent developments in the party have raised the question of change versus continuity. Has the end of the dynasty led to the birth of a new Congress, or will the dynastic party structures and organizational features continue into the post-Gandhi period? The argument that I will be advancing throughout the thesis is that structural continuity has characterized the organizational order of the party in its postdynastic period. The most obvious indicators of this continuity are that the party continues to be a deinstitutionalized, loosely structured coglomerate of political bosses with varying bases of support; the party remains paralyzed by factionalism at all levels, yet it escapes splits and schisms; and the Congress Prime Minister continues to be at the apex of the decision-making pyramid. The important question for political scientists to answer is why continuity has taken precedence over drastic change. I shall maintain that structural continuity in the party's organizational order has come about primarily as a result of environmental pressures exerted by the turbulence in the party system that was undergoing a fundamental transformation. The Indian party system changed from a predominant into a more competitive one in the late 1980s and early 1990s as the election results for 1989-91 period suggest. Under this environmental condition, it has been the requirement of organizational survival amidst external change that both necessitated and facilitated the continuation of the old order in the party.

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17

Spieß, Clemens [Verfasser]. "One-party-dominance in changing societies : the African National Congress and Indian National Congress in comparative perspective ; a study in party systems and agency in post-colonial India and post-apartheid South Africa / vorgelegt von Clemens Spieß." 2004. http://d-nb.info/97250981X/34.

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18

Soske, Jon. "'Wash Me Black Again': African Nationalism, the Indian Diaspora, and Kwa-Zulu Natal, 1944-60." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/19234.

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My dissertation combines a critical history of the Indian diaspora’s political and intellectual impact on the development of African nationalism in South Africa with an analysis of African/Indian racial dynamics in Natal. Beginning in the 1940s, tumultuous debates among black intellectuals over the place of the Indian diaspora in Africa played a central role in the emergence of new and antagonistic conceptualizations of a South African nation. The writings of Indian political figures (particularly Gandhi and Nehru) and the Indian independence struggle had enormous influence on a generation of African nationalists, but this impact was mediated in complex ways by the race and class dynamics of Natal. During the 1930s and 40s, rapid and large-scale urbanization generated a series of racially-mixed shantytowns surrounding Durban in which a largely Gujarati and Hindi merchant and landlord class provided the ersatz urban infrastructure utilized by both Tamil-speaking workers and Zulu migrants. In Indian-owned buses, stores, and movie theatres, a racial hierarchy of Indian over African developed based on the social grammars of property, relationship with land, family structure, and different gender roles. In such circumstances, practices integral to maintaining diasporic identities—such as religious festivals, marriage, caste (jati), language, and even dress and food—became signifiers of ranked status and perceived exclusion. Despite the destruction of this urban landscape by forced removals beginning in the late 1950s, these social relationships powerfully shaped African and Indian identities in Natal, the popular memory of different communities, and the later politics of the anti-apartheid struggle. Although a few recent publications have attempted to break down the bifurcation that characterizes Natal’s historiography, the majority of academic writing on the province employs a race-based framework that focuses on either Indians or Zulu-speaking Africans. As a result, Natal’s African/Indian racial dynamic plays, at most, a secondary role in most scholarship on the region. In turn, Natal itself generally appears in histories of the anti-apartheid struggle as either an exception or a momentary interruption to a “national” narrative overwhelmingly centered on events, organizations, and individuals in the Transvaal. Rejecting a “race relations” approach that hypostatizes coherent racial groups, my dissertation examines how segregationist policies, African and Indian political organizations, and everyday social practices continuously reproduced an “African/Indian divide” despite both the enormous heterogeneity of each group and the quotidian intimacies of urban life. At the same time, it explores the ways in which this division shaped the development of the anti-apartheid struggle in Natal and the consequences of Natal’s politics for South Africa as a whole.

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19

Wainwright, Alfred Martin. "The Labour party, Indian nationalism, and dominion status, 1916-35 the effect of the changing definition of dominion status on relations between the British Labour party and the Indian National Congress /." 1985. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/12737512.html.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1985.
Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 138-145).

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20

Makin, Michael Philip. "An analysis of South Africa's relationship with the Commonwealth of Nations between 1945 and 1961." Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17305.

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This thesis provides a survey and an analysis of South Africa's relations with the British Commonwealth (Commonwealth of Nations) between the years 1945 and 1961. It outlines and explains the deterioration of this relationship in the context of the crisis in South Africa's foreign relations after World War II. Documentary evidence is produced to throw more light on the relationship with Britain and, to a lesser extent, other Commonwealth countries. This relationship is analysed in the context of political, economic and strategic imperatives which made it necessary for Britain to continue to seek South Africa's co-operation within the Commonwealth. This thesis also describes how the African and Asian influence began to be felt within the Commonwealth on racial issues. This influence was to become particularly important during the crucial period after the Sharpeville incident. The attitudes of Britain and other Commonwealth countries at the two crucial conferences of 1960 and 1961 are re-examined. The attitude of extra-parliamentary organisations in South Africa towards the Commonwealth connection is an important theme of this thesis in addition to the other themes mentioned above. It is demonstrated how Indian and African opinions became increasingly hostile towards what was seen as British and "white" Commonwealth "appeasement" of South Africa. These attitudes are surveyed in the context of an increasing radicalisation of black politics in South Africa. The movement by English and Afrikaans-speaking white South Africans toward a consensus on racial and foreign policy is also examined. Finally, the epilogue to this thesis discusses the return of South Africa to the Commonwealth in 1994. It includes a brief survey of developments in the Commonwealth attitude to South Africa since 1961.
History
D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

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21

Zachary, Lauren E. "Henry S. Lane and the birth of the Indiana Republican Party, 1854-1861." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4668.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
Although the main emphasis of this study is Lane and his part in the Republican Party, another important part to this thesis is the examination of Indiana and national politics in the 1850s. This thesis studies the development of the Hoosier Republican Party and the obstacles the young organization experienced as it transformed into a major political party. Party leaders generally focused on states like New York and Pennsylvania in national elections but Indiana became increasingly significant leading up to the 1860 election. Though Hoosier names like George Julian and Schuyler Colfax might be more recognizable nationally for their role in the Republican Party, this thesis argues that Lane played a guiding role in the development of the new third party in Indiana. Through the study of primary sources, it is clear that Hoosiers turned to Lane to lead the organization of the Republican Party and to lead it to its success in elections. Historians have long acknowledged Lane’s involvement in the 1860 Republican National Convention but fail to fully realize his significance in Indiana throughout the 1850s. This thesis argues that Lane was a vital leader in Hoosier politics and helped transform the Republican Party in Indiana from a grassroots movement into a powerful political party by 1860.

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