Journal articles: 'Indian National Congress'

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Vij, Krishna, and Prof Ridhi. "The Birth of Indian National Congress: A Safety Valve for Colonial India." International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 11, no. 8 (August 31, 2023): 842–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2023.50461.

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Abstract: The Indian National Congress (INC) has been around longer than any other Indian political party, having been founded in 1885. In the fight for Indian independence from British colonial control, the establishment of the Indian National Congress was a critical factor. The Congress's formation was not, however, without debate. The "safety valve theory" was at the centre of one such debate; this theory proposed that the British established the Congress in order to alleviate the strain of rising Indian nationalism. The purpose of this research is to examine the relationship between the emergence of the Indian National Congress and the concept of a safety valve. The Indian National Congress (INC) is one of India's oldest and most influential political parties, having been instrumental in the country's fight for freedom from British colonial authority. This organisation, known as the Congress, had its origins in the late 19th century, when a group of Indian intellectuals and professionals sought to organise in order to better express their discontent with the British colonial government. In 1885, Indian nationalists banded together to form the Congress in the hopes of bringing about sweeping political and social change in the country. The 'Safety Valve' theory, however, argued that the Congress was formed to unleash the mounting anger among the Indian masses and forestall revolutionary outbreaks. This paper will examine the formation of Indian national congress and the role of safety valve theory.

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Nikitin, Dmitry S. "United Indian Patriotic Association versus Indian National Congress (1888–1893)." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 1 (2022): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080013036-6.

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The article examines the emergence of Anglo-Indian and Muslim opposition to the Indian National Congress (INC) in the second half of the 1880s – early 1890s. By 1887, Congress had lost the support of the Viceroy of India Dufferin, and it greatly influenced the formation of the anti-Congress movement. The social base of opposition to the Congress was formed by the most conservative parts of society – the Anglo-Indians (the British who permanently lived in India) and Indian Muslims. The center of the anti-Congress movement was the Aligarh College, and the leader was the Muslim educator and founder of the college, Syed Ahmad Khan. The movement received support from the Anglo-Indian press and colonial officials. In 1888, United Indian Patriotic Association was founded with the Muslim organizations of Upper India and the conservative Hindu aristocracy in its ranks. The Association believed that the Congress did not represent the interests of the entire Indian people, but only a narrow stratum of European educated Indians. The INC's proposals for the introduction of an elective element in legislative councils and simultaneous examinations for civil service in India and Great Britain were regarded as premature, threatening interests of Muslims and British rule in India. The main goal of the United Indian Patriotic Association was to counter the agitation of the INC in Great Britain, where the British Committee of the INC operated, by holding anti-Congress meetings and pamphleting. After the adoption of the Indian Councils Act of 1892, the leaders of the Association focused on protecting the interests of Indian Muslims, and this solution led to the dissolution of the United Indian Patriotic Association in 1893. The Association became one of the first organizations opposed to the INC and had a significant impact on strengthening the political activity of Indian Muslims. The emergence of Muslim opposition to INC in the second half of the 1880s. became an important factor in the political development of India and the national liberation movement in the first half of the XX century.

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Mandal, Madan Mohan. "Emergence and Development of the Indian National Congress." Global Journal For Research Analysis 3, no. 6 (June 15, 2012): 95–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22778160/june2014/32.

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MENON, K. RUKMINI. "How National Was The Indian National Congress?" Australian Journal of Politics & History 11, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 70–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1965.tb00415.x.

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Nowrojee, Pheroze. "The Indian Freedom Struggle and the Kenyan Diaspora." Matatu 52, no. 1 (November 22, 2021): 101–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05201008.

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Abstract The connections between the Indian Freedom movement and the Kenyan Indian diaspora after the First World War led to the involvement of the Indian National Congress and Gandhi in the struggle of the Kenyan Indians for equality and equal treatment with the British white settlers in Kenya. The Congress considered that the success of the equality struggle in Kenya would also lead to equal treatment of Indians in India itself. This was consistent with the prevailing political goal of the freedom movement in India in 1919, which was self-rule through Dominion Status under the British Crown. But when the struggle of the Kenya Indians failed and equality was denied to them by the famous Devonshire Declaration in 1923, there the Indian freedom movement realized that this signalled unequal status and a denial of self-rule to India itself. Historic consequences followed. This was the turning point and over the years immediately after the Kenyan decision (1923–1929), the Indian National Congress changed its political aim from Dominion Status to Full Independence as a Republic, realized over the 17 years to 1947.

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Nikitin, Dmitrii. "Documents on the history of the Indian National Congress from the archive of viceroy of India Minto." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 6 (June 2021): 86–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.6.33220.

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The subject of this research is the documents from the archive of the viceroy of India Minto, which contain the records about the Indian National Congress. The author examines the history of studying the archive of Minto in foreign scientific literature. Special attention is given to correspondence of Minto with the Secretary of State for India Lord John Morley and their deputies that covers the period from the first Partition of Bengal (1905), split in the Indian National Congress (1907), and draft of the Morley-Minto reform, which involved the members of the Indian National Congress. The article also discusses the activity of the Indian Parliamentary Committee in the British House of Commons, and the response of the colonial authorities to hire pro-Indian parliamentarians in London. The conclusion is made that the documents on the history of the Indian National Congress from Minto’s archive reveal the peculiarities of interaction between the British colonial administration and the national elites, which was aimed at preserving the loyalty of the most moderate representatives of the Indian National Congress, as well as at weakening the national liberation movement that manifested in countering by the colonial administration the significant extension of rights of the Indian nationals and implementation of “separate electorates: within the framework of the Morley-Minto reform.  The documents from Minto’s archive reflect the perspective of the colonial administration on the path of further development of India within the empire by preserving British power.

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KURACINA, WILLIAM F. "Sentiments and Patriotism: The Indian National Army, General Elections and the Congress's Appropriation of the INA Legacy." Modern Asian Studies 44, no. 4 (October 22, 2009): 817–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09990291.

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AbstractThis paper considers the extent to which Subhas Chandra Bose and the Indian National Army (INA) contributed to India's liberation from British imperialism. The fundamental issue examined is why leaders of the Indian National Congress appropriated the INA legacy, contrary to two decades of non-violent struggle and regardless of the incompatibility of Bose's ideology and strategic vision. Drawing on published sources that chart policy decisions and illustrate the attitudes of leading actors in the formulation of Congress policy, this paper hypothesizes that Congress leaders defended INA prisoners-of-war and questions why the Congress apparently abandoned its long-established principles for immediate political gains, only to re-prioritize anew India's national interests once the public excitement over the INA had quietened. It illustrates that the Congress's overt and zealous defence of the INA was intended to harness public opinion behind an all-India issue rooted in sentimentalism and patriotism. The paper concludes that such support was crucial to the Congress's post-war electioneering campaign and was designed to counter the Muslim League's equally emotive electoral messages.

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Nikitin, Dmitry S. "To the History of the Formation of the Indian Parliamentary Committee in the British House of Commons." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 462 (2021): 142–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/462/18.

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The aim of this article is to study the history of the formation of the Indian Parliamentary Committee (IPC) in the British House of Commons in 1893. To achieve this aim, the following objectives are envisaged: determination of reasons for establishing the IPC; analysis of the activities of the Indian National Congress and British liberals; analysis of the election campaign of Dadabhai Naoroji, which enabled him to get a seat in the House of Commons in 1892. The sources of the study are the pamphlets of the Indian National Congress members, which explain the need for Indian representatives to participate in the British Parliament; records of parliamentary hearings on the Indian issue; materials of the press describing the course of the election campaign of 1892 and the tasks of the Indian Committee in Parliament. In the course of the study, the author came to the following conclusions. The moderate branch in the Indian liberation movement considered the British Rule in India to be a progressive phenomenon in the Indian life. The defects of the British administration were due to the fact that the English people and Parliament did not understand the problems that the Indian population faced under the British Rule. The Parliamentary Committee dealing exclusively with the Indian issue could contribute to solving this problem. The main conductor of this idea in India was the National Congress, which, since its inception, began work on the formation of the IPC. In the late 1880s, an Indian political agency, which intensified attempts to organize an Indian committee in Parliament, was established in London. The interests of the Indians in the House of Commons at that time were defended by the Liberal MP Charles Bradlaugh. On the basis of the proposals of the National Congress, he prepared a bill on Indian councils, which came into force in 1892. Nevertheless, the creation of the Indian Parliamentary Committee became possible only in 1893, when Dadabhai Naoroji and William Wadderburn (founders of the British Committee of the Indian National Congress) were elected to the House of Commons as Liberal MPs. In general, the creation of the IPC was a progressive step in the development of the Indian liberation movement because the IPC gave the moderate nationalists and their British liberal supporters new tools of fighting for the rights of Indian subjects of the British Empire. The appearance of supporters of Indian reforms in Parliament was the evidence of the success of the IPC’s course of expanding political agitation in England, although it did not guarantee significant achievements in solving of the Indian question.

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Nikitin, D. S. "Indian National Congress in the years of the Curzon’s government (1899–1905): problems of development." Bulletin of the Moscow State Regional University (History and political science), no. 2 (May 2, 2022): 96–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-676x-2022-2-96-103.

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Aim. To study the influence of the Indian policy of Viceroy Curzon on the development of the Indian National Congress and the national movement in British India in the late 19th – early 20th centuries.Methodology. Based on the annual reports on the sessions of the Indian National Congress, the works of the Congress leaders (A. O. Hume, G. K. Gokhale) and Curzon, the author considers the problem of the relationship between the INC and the government, Curzon’s views on India’s place in the British Empire, the influence of the Viceroy’s administrative decisions on the processes of internal development of the Congress and the national movement.Results. It is concluded that the repressive measures of Curzon contributed to the intensification of contradictions within the Congress, which led to a revision of the organizational structure and tactics of the Congress. These included the adoption of the constitution of the Congress and its subsequent modification, strengthening of the democratic wing in the Congress, which advocated the use of more active methods of struggle for fulfillment of Congress’ demands.Research implications. The theoretical justification of the crisis of the Indian national movement at the beginning of the 20th century, which contributed to the gradual transition of the movement into a phase of active struggle against the British colonialists, is presented. The peculiarities of liberal and conservative political thought of Great Britain in relation to the question of the colonies place in the empire and the ways of their development are shown.

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Zafar, Muhammad Naeem. "India National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) and BJP: A Comparative Study." Bulletin of Business and Economics (BBE) 12, no. 3 (February 4, 2024): 819–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.61506/01.00133.

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This article focusses on the formation of a new alliance, namely the India National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA). The Indian National Congress, which has long dominated Indian politics, leads the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance. Opposition parties formed the India National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA) to challenge the BJP in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. The coalition contends that the BJP is endangering India’s multiparty democracy and secular principles. The “Collective Resolve” campaign includes a pledge to preserve and uphold the idea of India as it is expressed in the Constitution of India. Efforts are being done to resist the claimed systemic conspiracy by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to target, punish, and suppress specific Indians and address polarization. Findings of the reveal that there have been instances of Hindu extremist groups initiating anti-Muslim operations, resulting in numerous casualties and injuries among the Muslim community, as well as other minority groups within the region. The BJP challenged the Indian National Congress, the Nehruvian state, and secular democracy. The policies implemented by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) from 2014 to 2019 were highly detrimental to society, as they strategically employed the Hindutva ideology for political gain and suppressed minority groups through their uncompromising ideological stance. Contrarily, the policies implemented by Congress subsequent to 2009 exhibited a greater emphasis on principles such as freedom, economic growth, liberalism, and prioritization of the welfare of the populace.

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Nikitin, Dmitrii. "Indian National Congress in the Years of the Lansdowne’s Government (1888–1894): Problems of Development." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (August 2023): 156–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.4.12.

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Introduction. The article is devoted to the study of the main activities of the Indian National Congress (INC) during the reign of Viceroy Lansdowne. During this period, the main objects of the Congress were official recognition by the colonial administration and the expansion of propaganda work in Britain. But Congress also had several internal problems, such as an undeveloped organizational structure and controversies over unresolved social problems in India. Methods and materials. Based on reports on the annual sessions of the INC and the Indian and British press, the article examines the main problems of the development of the INC in 1888– 1894, the reasons for the increased activity of the Congress in England and the process of the emergence of the Congress’ branches in London and the Indian Parliamentary Committee, and the peculiarities of the relationship between Congress and the colonial administration. Analysis. The Viceroy’s views on Congress and their differences from the previous course of the Indian government are analyzed. The specifics of the activities of the INC in Great Britain are revealed. Particular attention is paid to the parliamentary work of the Congress. The reasons for the intensification of internal contradictions in the INC in the early 1890s are investigated. Results. It is concluded that Viceroy Lansdowne’s refusal to abandon the repressive policy towards the Congress contributed to the progressive development of the Congress, which manifested itself in the revitalization of its activities in Great Britain. However, the development was accompanied by the strengthening of internal organizational contradictions and the beginning of the formation of a Congress’ radical wing.

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Uppal, Ashok, and J. P. Mohr. "Third National Congress of Indian Stroke Association." International Journal of Stroke 3, no. 3 (August 2008): 223–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4949.2008.00211.x.

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Singh, Sourav, and Dr Shakshi Mehta. "Indian national congress Jammu and Kashmir politics." International Journal of Political Science and Governance 2, no. 2 (July 1, 2020): 141–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33545/26646021.2020.v2.i2c.71.

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Soikham, Piyanat. "Revisiting a dominant party: Normative dynamics of the Indian National Congress." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 4, no. 1 (October 16, 2018): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891118805157.

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Previous scholarship has established that the Indian National Congress (INC) is widely regarded as India’s dominant party due to its consecutive victories in winning the majority of the vote share in elections, its ability to manage and embrace internal conflict through strong organizational structures and the dominant capacity to set the public agenda and political order. To deepen understanding of this party, this article adopts a norm-based framework to define norms, a social understanding of social groups, which determines and shapes actions and behaviour. Building upon this framework, despite the electoral setbacks and even decline in electoral fortunes of Congress after Indira Gandhi since 1977, the INC has been able to maintain a significant presence in Indian party politics due to certain key norms, allowing it to adapt to a changing context. This article concludes that the INC’s set of norms on self-autonomy, social and national inclusivity, nationwide organization, social justice and peaceful and democratic resolution has over time shaped the Congress’s aspirations and achievements to become a dominant party. Regardless of the relative decline of electoral performance, these norms continue to set the INC as India’s dominant party, with a strong organizational structure and the ability to frame India’s political order.

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Alam, Dr Md Aftab. "Causes and Consequences of the Decline of the “One Party Dominance” of the Indian National Congress." Praxis International Journal of Social Science and Literature 6, no. 6 (June 25, 2023): 55–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.51879/pijssl/060608.

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When India got independence and chose to be a democracy, experts were skeptical whether India will survive as a democracy, because it was not a middle income country, industrialisation had not taken place in India, and it was large and highly diverse country, these were preconditions for democracy. Congress has been one of the most important institutions in India’s modern political development trajectory. Congress has played a significant role, while remaining as a dominant party in a competitive party system, in evolving an institutionalized democracy in post-independent India. But, we have witnessed Congress’ decline since 1980s while there has been some points of recoveries as well in between. The paper dwells upon the reasons for the decline of Congress, as well as the consequences of decline of Congress for Indian democracy at large.

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Reddy, Thiven. "The Congress Party Model: South Africa's African National Congress (ANC) and India's Indian National Congress (INC) as Dominant Parties." African and Asian Studies 4, no. 3 (2005): 271–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920905774270493.

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Abstract The paper argues that the model developed to analyze the dominance of the Indian National Congress of the political party system during the first two decades of independence helps in our understanding of the unfolding party system in South Africa. A comparison of the Congress Party and the African National Congress suggests many similarities. The paper is divided into three broad sections. The first part focuses on the dominant party system in India. In the second part, I apply the model of the Congress System to South Africa. I argue that the three features of the Congress System – a dominant party with mass based legitimacy, constituted by many factions and operating on the idiom of consensus-seeking internal politics, and sources of opposition who cooperate with factions in the dominant party to influence the political agenda – prevails in South Africa. In the third part, I draw on the comparison between the ANC and Congress Party to account for why certain nationalist movements become dominant parties. I emphasize that broad nationalist movements displaying high degrees of legitimacy and embracing democratic practices are adaptive to changing contexts and develop organizational mechanisms to manage internal party conflict. They contribute to the consolidation of democracy rather than undermine it.

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SHARMA, SHALINI. "‘Yeh azaadi jhooti hai!’: The shaping of the opposition in the first year of the Congress raj." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 5 (December 5, 2013): 1358–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000693.

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AbstractWithin a year of Indian independence, the Communist Party of India declared independence to be a false dawn and the whole Socialist bloc within the ruling Indian National Congress cut its ties with the national government. The speed with which the left disengaged from what had been a patriotic alliance under colonialism surprised many at the time and has perplexed historians ever since. Some have looked to the wider context of the Cold War to explain the onset of dissent within the Indian left. This paper points instead to the neglected domestic context, examining the lines of inclusion and exclusion that were drawn up in the process of the making of the new Indian constitution. Once in power, Congress leaders recalibrated their relationship with their former friends at the radical end of the political spectrum. Despite some of the well-known differences among leading Congress personalities, they spoke as one on industrial labour and the illegitimacy of strikes as a political weapon in the first year of national rule and declared advocates of class politics to be enemies of the Indian state. Congress thus attempted to sideline the Socialists and Communists and brand them as unacceptable in the new regime. This paper focuses on this first year of independence, emphasizing how rapidly the limits of Indian democracy were set in place.

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Hasan, Zoya. "Bridging a growing divide? The Indian National Congress and Indian democracy." Contemporary South Asia 15, no. 4 (December 2006): 473–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584930701330063.

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Taylor, David. "The Indian National Congress: a hundred-year perspective." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 119, no. 2 (April 1987): 289–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035869x00140675.

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India, it is often pointed out both by Indians and by others, is the world's largest democracy, not simply in terms of the sheer number of people who participate in elections but also because of the continuous stream of open political activity. Democracy is not just a label that has been applied to the country at the whim of an individual or clique but is manifestly something that is alive and well. In the last decade alone, there have been two changes of government at the national level, and the government in New Delhi currently coexists, more or less willingly, with non-Congress ministries in several major states. There have indeed been voices to suggest that India in its present economic circumstances cannot afford the luxury of uncontrolled political activity. One of the arguments, for example, put forward for a presidential system has been that the level of “unproductive” political activity would be reduced. It could certainly be argued that the relatively sluggish rate of economic growth that has been maintained over the past four decades is linked to political constraints. That question, however, is not the theme of this article. For better or worse, India's democracy is here to stay, and one of the most important tasks for the historian or the political scientist, is to try to identify the factors that have given it its apparent staying power.

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Chhibber, Pradeep K., and John R. Petrocik. "The Puzzle of Indian Politics: Social Cleavages and the Indian Party System." British Journal of Political Science 19, no. 2 (April 1989): 191–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005433.

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The social cleavage theory of parly systems has provided a major framework for the study of Western party systems. It has been quite unimportant in studying other party systems, especially those of developing countries, where comparative development, and not mass electoral politics, has been the focus of study. This article reports the results of an attempt to bridge these traditions by analysing popular support for the Congress Party of India in terms of the expectations of the social cleavage theory of parties. This analysis illustrates the degree to which Indian partisanship conforms to the expectations of the theory. More importantly, this social cleavage theory analysis offers some new perspectives on (1) the inability of the Indian political system to develop national parties other than the Congress and (2) the ‘disaggregation’ of the Congress party.

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Reddy, K. Siva. "Emergence of the BJP and Erosion of the Congress: A Critical Evaluation." International Journal of Management and Development Studies 11, no. 09 (September 30, 2022): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.53983/ijmds.v11n09.003.

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The historical scenario of Indian politics marked a period of One Party dominance, which pertained to the Indian National Congress' supremacy in the years following India's independence in 1947. This party played a crucial role in the struggle for freedom and garnered considerable backing throughout the nation. The waning of the Congress Party's control led to a more diversified political landscape in India, where numerous parties and coalitions competed for authority. Despite remaining a significant political entity, the Congress Party's influence became more localized, and it encountered opposition from both national and regional parties. It's worth noting that the concept of one-party dominance has evolved recently due to the emergence of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) as a predominant force in national politics, as discussed earlier.

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Verma, Vijay. "The Changing Nature of the Indian Party System: ‘Congress System’ to ‘BJP Dominance’." Research Expression 6, no. 8 (March 31, 2023): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.61703/10.61703/vol-6vyt8_1.

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In the last 75 years, the Indian political system has gone through various changes and transition phases, the clear impact of which can be seen in the Indian party system. The existence of the Congress as an important national party after independence, both at the national and state levels, in what Rajni Kothari termed the 'Congress System' (1952-1967). Morris-Jones described the 1950–1967 phase in similar terms as "coexistence with competition but without a trace of alternative". 1977 marked the beginning of the end of the 'Congress system' by Rajni Kothari, which had been facing challenges since 1967, when Congress lost power in eight states for the first time. The main reasons behind this were the rise of opposition and regional parties, allegations of corruption and scams, preference for seniority and dynasty over talent, the dominance of the Nehru-Gandhi family, failure to attract youth and the Modi wave etc. Along with this, various parties and regional parties started emerging in the opposition, which changed the Indian party system towards a multi-party system. In this form, BJP emerged as an important national party, which completely changed the party system after winning the national elections in 2014 and 2019. Some thinkers argue that 2014 marks the beginning of India's fourth party system—the first three-party system in the Congress system (1950–77), the second transitional phase (1977–89) when the dominance of the Congress was challenged, Third, the emergence and new phase of a bipolar party system in the 1990s. Can we compare BJP dominance with the 'Congress System'? What are the similarities and dissimilarities in this? What are the reasons behind the decline of 'Congress System'? All these questions will be discussed in detail.

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Nitza-Makowska, Agnieszka. "The role of political parties in building democracy in India and Pakistan. A party-oriented approach towards democratisation processes." Securitologia 23, no. 1 (December 30, 2016): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0009.5272.

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Political parties in India and Pakistan consider democracy a desirable regime for their countries. In order to introduce their own vision of a democratic state, they violate rules of free and fair elec-tions, undermining the very procedures that constitute democracy. The Indian National Congress and the Muslim League made different kinds of impacts on the democratisation processes in India and Pakistan respectively. In just a few years, the Indian National Congress, contrary to its counterpart in Pakistan, introduced a constitution and organised elections.

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Lollen, Nyajum. "Emergence of Indian National Congress and Its Role in State Politics of Arunachal Pradesh." Dera Natung Government College Research Journal 3, no. 1 (2018): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.56405/dngcrj.2018.03.01.04.

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he political activities in Arunachal Pradesh are of recent origin as it remains unexposed to outer world for long time. Traditional socio-political institutions of various tribal communities were primarily responsible for managing people’s day-to-day affairs. People of Arunachal (erstwhile NEFA) were ignorant about the party politics and election system for a long time since independence but it doesn’t mean that they have no idea about the Indian National Congress. Before the emergence of modern polity in NEFA, some sections of people have an idea about the INC because of its active participation in Indian struggle for independence. However, the initiation of political party formation in the state started with the visit of Kumarasami Kamraaj, then president, AICC in 1967, at Pasighat where he talked about the necessity of foundation of Congress party in the state. With this backdrop, the paper aims to trace the emergence and growth of Indian National Congress, popularly known as “Congress” in Arunachal Pradesh. The data for the study were gathered through already available literature on state politics in Arunachal Pradesh and through face-to-face interview with some of the eminent political personalities of the state who played vital role in political development of Arunachal Pradesh.

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Barsh, Russel Lawrence. "The IX Inter-American Indian Congress." American Journal of International Law 80, no. 3 (July 1986): 682–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2201793.

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Forty-five years ago, U.S. Indian Commissioner John Collier helped persuade the members of the Pan American Union (now the Organization of American States) to establish the Inter-American Indian Institute “to elucidate the problems affecting the Indian groups within their respective jurisdictions, and to cooperate with one another, on a basis of mutual respect for the inherent rights of each to exercise absolute liberty in solving the ‘Indian Problem’ in America.” Operating under an international convention concluded in November 1940 and governed by a board of 21 state representatives, the Mexico City-based Institute is charged with “scientific investigations,” technical assistance to national Indian agencies and “the training of men and women experts devoted to the problems of the Indian.” Institute policy is also guided by an Inter-American Indian Congress of governmental administrators of Indian affairs, which is convened every four years.

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Mathes, Valerie Sherer. "Helen Hunt Jackson, Amelia Stone Quinton, and the Mission Indians of California." Southern California Quarterly 96, no. 2 (2014): 172–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/scq.2014.96.2.172.

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Helen Hunt Jackson, the author of an 1883 government report and a book on the condition of California’s Mission Indians as well as the novel Ramona, came late to the cause of Indian reform. Others, including Amelia Stone Quinton, had earlier founded organizations such as the Women’s National Indian Association (WNIA) to pressure Congress for reform and to engage directly in assisting Native American peoples. Correspondence between Jackson and Quinton illuminate their different methods of and proposals for Indian reform, yet it was Jackson’s published work, based on research and direct observation, that inspired many WNIA members.

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Lee, Jeong Ho. "Mahatma Gandhi As a Leader of Indian National Congress." Journal of international area studies 7, no. 2 (July 31, 2003): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.18327/jias.2003.07.7.2.218.

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Nikitin, Dmitry S. "Political demands of the Indian National Congress (1885-1907)." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Istoriya, no. 71 (June 1, 2021): 83–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/19988613/71/12.

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Wright, Denis. "Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan and the Indian National Congress." Australian Journal of Politics & History 35, no. 3 (June 28, 2008): 364–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1989.tb01297.x.

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30

Brasted, H. V. "Irish models and the Indian National Congress 1870–1922." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 8, no. 1-2 (June 1985): 24–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856408508723064.

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31

Bevir, Mark. "Theosophy and the origins of the Indian National Congress." International Journal of Hindu Studies 7, no. 1-3 (February 2003): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11407-003-0005-4.

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32

Nikolenyi, Csaba. "When the Central Player Fails: Constraints on Cabinet Formation in Contemporary India." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 2 (June 2004): 395–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904040181.

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From the first post–independence election in 1952 until the general elections of 1989, the Indian National Congress party won a plurality of the votes and a majority of the legislative seats in every national parliamentary election except for the one that was held in 1977. Although the party maintained its dominant position in the national party system for almost four decades, starting in 1967 it gradually lost it at the subnational level. Finally, the 1989 national election brought Congress dominance to a definite end in the national party system as well. Since 1989, Congress has neither remained the consistently strongest electoral party nor has it won a parliamentary majority in any single election.

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Desai, Ashwin, and Goolam Vahed. "A fool’s errand? Black Consciousness and the 1970s debate over the “Indian” in the Natal Indian Congress." New Contree 86 (July 30, 2021): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v86i0.22.

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Bantu Stephen Biko, born in Tarkastad in the Eastern Cape was murdered by the South African apartheid regime in September 1977, aged 31. The year 2021 marks the 75th anniversary of his birth. Biko remains iconic, but a figure that exists on the margins in South Africa. His impact in challenging both apartheid-imposed race categories and the dominant thinking of the African National Congress (ANC) inspired a whole generation through the 1970s. This article seeks to illustrate this through a previously under-researched topic; the debate between members of the fledgling Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) and those advancing the revival of the Natal Indian Congress (NIC). Through the mining of interviews and newspaper articles, the authors show how BCM adherents attempted to move the planned Indian Congress into a People’s Congress that went beyond ethnic and racial boundaries. The move was ultimately defeated, but it resonated through the 1980s and creates the possibility of new ways of thinking about still prevalent apartheid racial categories in the present.

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34

Nikitin, Dmitrii. "The Indian National Movement in the Works of A. E. Snesarev." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 7 (July 2022): 93–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2022.7.36051.

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The subject of the study is the reflection of the activities of the Indian National Congress and the national movement in India in the works of A. E. Snesarev, a Russian and Soviet military commander and orientalist. The article examines the history of the study of the Indian national movement in Russia by A. E. Snesarev's predecessors in this field - I. P. Minaev and E. Lamansky (1870-1890s). The reasons for A. E. Snesarev's appeal to the development of socio-political and economic thought of British India are analyzed. Special attention is paid in the article to the work "India as the main factor in the Central Asian issue" and the analysis of the attitude of Indian society to British rule carried out in it. In the course of the study, the following conclusions were made: the national movement in India and the activities of the Indian National Congress were not the main subject of research by Russian orientalists in the pre-revolutionary period, however, interest in the development of socio-political thought in British India and the problems of the relationship of Indian society with the British colonial authorities intensified as the confrontation between the Russian and British empires in Central Asia intensified. Asia during the "Big Game", an example of which was the work of A. E. Snesarev, who, despite the limited range of available sources, was one of the first in Russian historiography to turn to the study of Indian nationalism.

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35

Zaitcev, Andrei. "The Splits of the Indian National Congress in the 1940s and 1960s and the Consolidation of the Party around the Nehru-Gandhi political Dynasty in domestic and Indian Historiography." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 4 (April 2022): 28–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2022.4.38629.

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The article analyzes domestic and Indian scientific publications covering the splits of India's oldest political party, the Indian National Congress, in the first decades after the independence of India. The subject of the study is to highlight the role of the Nehru-Gandhi family of these splits in Russian and Indian historiography. The purpose of the study is to identify the level of scientific coverage of the problem of consolidation of the Indian National Congress Party around Nehru-Gandhi during the splits of the 1940s-1960s. The main method of research has become cultural-anthropological, which involves the study of the positions of the authors of scientific publications in the formulation of the problem and the selection of arguments in defense of their point of view; the relationship of domestic and Indian scientists to the object of research. Despite the fact that the historiography devoted to the activities of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty consists of a huge number of monographs and articles in scientific journals, the degree of elaboration of the topic can be defined as low. To date, most of these works and author's assessments have not been analyzed and generalized. This is the scientific novelty of the work. In addition, it is relevant because the Nehru-Gandhi family and currently holds leading positions in the Indian National Congress. The main conclusion is that, according to experts, the splits of the party are associated with personal qualities and the unified social and political doctrine of the Nehru-Gandhi family.

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Nikitin, D. S. "THE EMERGENCE OF THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS AND ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY IN 1880ss." Учёные записки Петрозаводского государственного университета 44, no. 2 (February 2022): 19–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15393/uchz.art.2022.727.

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37

Chowdhry, Prem. "Social Support Base and Electoral Politics: The Congress in Colonial Southeast Punjab." Modern Asian Studies 25, no. 4 (October 1991): 811–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010854.

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The weakest hold of the Indian National Congress in the colonial period was in the province of Punjab. The strength and domination of the National Unionist Party and the limited support and response afforded to the various nationalist movements highlight the weakness of the Congress especially in its southeast region, now known, after being carved out as a separate state on the 1st of November 1966, as Haryana.

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CHOUDHURY, D. K. LAHIRI. "Sinews of Panic and the Nerves of Empire: the Imagined State's Entanglement with Information Panic, India c.1880–1912." Modern Asian Studies 38, no. 4 (October 2004): 965–1002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0400126x.

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This is a narrative of events and panics in India in 1907: the fiftieth anniversary of 1857. After the East India Company's political ascendancy in 1757, the uprisings and insurrections of 1857 shook the very foundations of British rule in India. In the summer of 1907, several different strands of protest came together: the nearly all-India telegraph strike was barely over when a revolutionary terrorist network was unearthed, bringing the simmering political cauldron to the boil. The burgeoning swadeshi and boycott movement splintered, partly through the experience of Government repression, into political extremism within the Indian National Congress and revolutionary terrorism via secret societies. The growing radicalism within nationalist politics culminated in the split of the Congress at the meeting at Surat in 1907. Through this process the Indian National Congress changed from its constitutional and elite politics of reform into a more popular and mass-oriented organization. Though much has been written about this period of Indian politics, this paper delineates the larger international technological and informational entanglement through a case study of India, and in particular, Bengal.

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Pionke, Albert D. "The Nascent Indian National Congress Canvasses Britain’s Newest Electors: An Appeal on Behalf of the People of India to the Electors of Great Britain and Ireland (1885)." Victorians Institute Journal 49 (November 1, 2022): 224–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/victinstj.49.2022.0224.

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Abstract “Published and Distributed on behalf of the people of India” by five of the founding regional associations of the Indian National Congress, An Appeal on Behalf of the People of India to the Electors of Great Britain and Ireland is now exceedingly rare, with only one copy recorded in WorldCat’s digital database of library catalogs. The pamphlet attempts to influence Britain’s newest and largest constituency of electors—those enfranchised by the Third Reform Act of 1884—to cast their first votes, in the general election of 1885, with their own and Indian colonial subjects’ shared democratic principles in mind. Although unsuccessful in promoting the return of its recommended candidates, An Appeal marks a key moment in British imperial history, when the empire, as it were, came home to speak in what would become the irresistible voice of the Indian National Congress. Its annotated republication is especially appropriate in this seventy-fifth-anniversary year of Indian independence (1947).

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40

Low, D. A. "VI. Counterpart Experiences: Indian and Indonesian Nationalisms 1920s–1950s." Itinerario 10, no. 1 (March 1986): 117–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009013.

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India's national day is 26 January; Indonesia's 17 August. They point to a difference. 26 January derives from the Indian National Congress' decision at its Lahore Congress in December 1929 to launch a Civil Disobedience movement against the British Government in India. Jawaharlal Nehru as Congress' President arranged that the first step would be for thousands of Congress rank and file to join together on 26 January 1930 to take the Independence Pledge. This declared that since ‘it is the inalienable right of the Indian people […] to have freedom, […] if any government deprives a people of those rights […] the people have a […] right to […] abolish it […]. We recognise, however, that the most effective way of gaining freedom is not through violence. We will, therefore, prepare ourselves by withdrawing, so far as we can, all voluntary association from the British Government and will prepare for Civil Disobedience.’ From that moment onwards 26 January has been India's Independence Day, though when it was first held India's independence still stood 17 years away. The celebrations have thus come to link post-independent India with the feats of the Indian national movement which for so many years pursued the strategy of civil disobedience, and which, despite a series of intervening fits and starts, is seen to have been crucial to its success. For India the heroics of its freedom struggle lie, that is, in its elon-gated pre-independence past, of long years of humiliating harassment and costly commitment. They are not much associated with the final run up to independence. With the emphasis rather upon the earlier, principally Gandhian years, of protests and processions, of proscriptions and prison, the final transfer of power is not seen, moreover, as comprising a traumatic break with the past, but as the logical climax to all that had gone before. The direct continuities between the pre- and post-independence periodes in India in these respects are accepted as a central part of its national heritage.

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41

Burakowski, Adam, and Krzysztof Iwanek. "India’s Aam Aadmi (Common Man’s) Party." Asian Survey 57, no. 3 (May 2017): 528–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.3.528.

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The Aam Aadmi Party (Common Man’s Party, AAP) has taken over part of the program of the Indian National Congress. The AAP was able to include new solutions within the traditional political repertoire. In Delhi the AAP took over the traditional Congress electorate but was also able to reach out to the middle-class voter.

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42

Sen, Ronojoy. "India's Changing Political Fortunes." Current History 112, no. 751 (April 1, 2014): 131–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2014.113.762.131.

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43

Ankit, Rakesh. "Jayaprakash Narayan, Indian National Congress and Party Politics, 1934–1954." Studies in Indian Politics 3, no. 2 (December 2015): 149–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023015601739.

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44

Moulton, Edward C. "Allan O. Hume and the Indian National Congress, a reassessment." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 8, no. 1-2 (June 1985): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856408508723063.

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45

Kaul, S., and V. K. Sharma. "Fourth National Congress of the Indian Stroke Association in Hyderabad." International Journal of Stroke 4, no. 5 (October 2009): 417–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4949.2009.00342.x.

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46

Diwakar, Rekha. "Change and continuity in Indian politics and the Indian party system." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 2, no. 4 (November 25, 2016): 327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891116679309.

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The 2014 Indian general election was notable due to a single party – the Bharatiya Janata Party – winning a majority of seats in Lok Sabha for the first time since 1984. The Congress, the other main national party, suffered its worst ever defeat. This election was viewed by some as signalling the advent of a phase of a BIP-dominated party system in India. In this article, I revisit the results of this election, and of the subsequent state assembly elections, to analyse if they signal a substantial change in the political landscape and party system in India. I argue that although the Congress decline has continued, and the BJP has won many recent state assembly elections, it is premature to conclude that the Indian party system has shifted to a BJP-dominated one. Further, given India’s first-past-the-post electoral system and a diffused political environment, where state and regional parties continue to be strong in many parts of the country, achieving a legislative majority remains a difficult proposition for a single party.

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Jal, Murzban. "The Indian left and the Indian National Congress Party: what is to be done?" Critique 47, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03017605.2018.1554757.

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Laveay, Fraser, Coy Callison, and Ann Rodriguez. "Offensiveness of Native American Names, Mascots, and Logos in Sports: A Survey of Tribal Leaders and the General Population." International Journal of Sport Communication 2, no. 1 (March 2009): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ijsc.2.1.81.

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The pervasiveness of media coverage of sports teams with American Indian names and imagery has arguably supported stereotypical beliefs of those referenced. Past research investigating opinions on sports teams using American Indian themes has been inconsistent in findings and drawn criticism for lacking valid samples of Native Americans. Through a survey of National Congress of American Indians leaders (n = 208) and random U.S. adults (n = 484), results reveal that Native Americans are more offended by sports teams employing American Indian imagery, as well as more supportive of change, than is the general public. Investigation of how demographic characteristics influenced perceptions show that although age and education level have little influence, political party affiliation does correlate with opinions, with those voting Democrat viewing the teams with American Indian names, logos, and mascots as most offensive and in need of change.

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SARKAR, JAYABRATA. "Power, Hegemony and Politics: Leadership Struggle in Congress in the 1930s." Modern Asian Studies 40, no. 2 (April 18, 2006): 333–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0600179x.

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The decade of the 1930s provided a near perfect backdrop for a leftist surge in Indian national politics whose trajectory so far had been mapped under the political leadership of Gandhi. It had its moments of excitement, glory and disappointments. Although ample opportunities presented themselves to the Left to decisively influence the nationalist struggle during this period, it failed in its endeavour to play a historical role, beaten by a smarter, tactful, opportunist ‘Old guard’, the ‘right-wing’ leadership of the Indian National Congress, who, as events indicated in the later years, left behind all scruples to cling to political power.

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C, Satheeshkumar. "August - 15: Periyar's Reading." International Research Journal of Tamil 4, S-5 (August 25, 2022): 284–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/irjt22s544.

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India's Independence Day was an important event in the history of world literature. At a time when India's allies and axis countries were at loggerheads during World War II, the Indian territory was actively engaged in its work for independence. The Indian War of Independence, led by Gandhi, had many turning points. The Congress movement, Subhash Chandra Bose's Indian National Army, and the non-Brahmin movement in the South have been at work with various internal contradictions in the history of Indian independence. Periyar was outraged by Congress's various initiatives and its leader, Gandhi, who was regarded as the sole representative of the Indian landscape in the worldview. Periyar declared August 15, 1947, to be a black day, claiming that the nation had not truly been liberated. This article takes shape through the reading experiences of Periyar: August 15, a transcript created by Comrade S.V.R. in 1998 in order to find an explanation for Periyar’s activities. Moreover, it can also be understood as the study of a man who had his eye on the matter without any compromise.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Indian National Congress'

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