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KURACINA, WILLIAM F. "Sentiments and Patriotism: The Indian National Army, General Elections and the Congress's Appropriation of the INA Legacy." Modern Asian Studies 44, no. 4 (October 22, 2009): 817–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09990291.
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AbstractThis paper considers the extent to which Subhas Chandra Bose and the Indian National Army (INA) contributed to India's liberation from British imperialism. The fundamental issue examined is why leaders of the Indian National Congress appropriated the INA legacy, contrary to two decades of non-violent struggle and regardless of the incompatibility of Bose's ideology and strategic vision. Drawing on published sources that chart policy decisions and illustrate the attitudes of leading actors in the formulation of Congress policy, this paper hypothesizes that Congress leaders defended INA prisoners-of-war and questions why the Congress apparently abandoned its long-established principles for immediate political gains, only to re-prioritize anew India's national interests once the public excitement over the INA had quietened. It illustrates that the Congress's overt and zealous defence of the INA was intended to harness public opinion behind an all-India issue rooted in sentimentalism and patriotism. The paper concludes that such support was crucial to the Congress's post-war electioneering campaign and was designed to counter the Muslim League's equally emotive electoral messages.
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Nikitin, Dmitrii. "Documents on the history of the Indian National Congress from the archive of viceroy of India Minto." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 6 (June 2021): 86–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.6.33220.
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The subject of this research is the documents from the archive of the viceroy of India Minto, which contain the records about the Indian National Congress. The author examines the history of studying the archive of Minto in foreign scientific literature. Special attention is given to correspondence of Minto with the Secretary of State for India Lord John Morley and their deputies that covers the period from the first Partition of Bengal (1905), split in the Indian National Congress (1907), and draft of the Morley-Minto reform, which involved the members of the Indian National Congress. The article also discusses the activity of the Indian Parliamentary Committee in the British House of Commons, and the response of the colonial authorities to hire pro-Indian parliamentarians in London. The conclusion is made that the documents on the history of the Indian National Congress from Minto’s archive reveal the peculiarities of interaction between the British colonial administration and the national elites, which was aimed at preserving the loyalty of the most moderate representatives of the Indian National Congress, as well as at weakening the national liberation movement that manifested in countering by the colonial administration the significant extension of rights of the Indian nationals and implementation of “separate electorates: within the framework of the Morley-Minto reform. The documents from Minto’s archive reflect the perspective of the colonial administration on the path of further development of India within the empire by preserving British power.
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Mandal, Madan Mohan. "Emergence and Development of the Indian National Congress." Global Journal For Research Analysis 3, no. 6 (June 15, 2012): 95–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22778160/june2014/32.
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Nikitin, Dmitry S. "To the History of the Formation of the Indian Parliamentary Committee in the British House of Commons." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 462 (2021): 142–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/462/18.
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The aim of this article is to study the history of the formation of the Indian Parliamentary Committee (IPC) in the British House of Commons in 1893. To achieve this aim, the following objectives are envisaged: determination of reasons for establishing the IPC; analysis of the activities of the Indian National Congress and British liberals; analysis of the election campaign of Dadabhai Naoroji, which enabled him to get a seat in the House of Commons in 1892. The sources of the study are the pamphlets of the Indian National Congress members, which explain the need for Indian representatives to participate in the British Parliament; records of parliamentary hearings on the Indian issue; materials of the press describing the course of the election campaign of 1892 and the tasks of the Indian Committee in Parliament. In the course of the study, the author came to the following conclusions. The moderate branch in the Indian liberation movement considered the British Rule in India to be a progressive phenomenon in the Indian life. The defects of the British administration were due to the fact that the English people and Parliament did not understand the problems that the Indian population faced under the British Rule. The Parliamentary Committee dealing exclusively with the Indian issue could contribute to solving this problem. The main conductor of this idea in India was the National Congress, which, since its inception, began work on the formation of the IPC. In the late 1880s, an Indian political agency, which intensified attempts to organize an Indian committee in Parliament, was established in London. The interests of the Indians in the House of Commons at that time were defended by the Liberal MP Charles Bradlaugh. On the basis of the proposals of the National Congress, he prepared a bill on Indian councils, which came into force in 1892. Nevertheless, the creation of the Indian Parliamentary Committee became possible only in 1893, when Dadabhai Naoroji and William Wadderburn (founders of the British Committee of the Indian National Congress) were elected to the House of Commons as Liberal MPs. In general, the creation of the IPC was a progressive step in the development of the Indian liberation movement because the IPC gave the moderate nationalists and their British liberal supporters new tools of fighting for the rights of Indian subjects of the British Empire. The appearance of supporters of Indian reforms in Parliament was the evidence of the success of the IPC’s course of expanding political agitation in England, although it did not guarantee significant achievements in solving of the Indian question.
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Nitza-Makowska, Agnieszka. "The role of political parties in building democracy in India and Pakistan. A party-oriented approach towards democratisation processes." Securitologia 23, no. 1 (December 30, 2016): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0009.5272.
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Political parties in India and Pakistan consider democracy a desirable regime for their countries. In order to introduce their own vision of a democratic state, they violate rules of free and fair elec-tions, undermining the very procedures that constitute democracy. The Indian National Congress and the Muslim League made different kinds of impacts on the democratisation processes in India and Pakistan respectively. In just a few years, the Indian National Congress, contrary to its counterpart in Pakistan, introduced a constitution and organised elections.
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CHOUDHURY, D. K. LAHIRI. "Sinews of Panic and the Nerves of Empire: the Imagined State's Entanglement with Information Panic, India c.1880–1912." Modern Asian Studies 38, no. 4 (October 2004): 965–1002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0400126x.
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This is a narrative of events and panics in India in 1907: the fiftieth anniversary of 1857. After the East India Company's political ascendancy in 1757, the uprisings and insurrections of 1857 shook the very foundations of British rule in India. In the summer of 1907, several different strands of protest came together: the nearly all-India telegraph strike was barely over when a revolutionary terrorist network was unearthed, bringing the simmering political cauldron to the boil. The burgeoning swadeshi and boycott movement splintered, partly through the experience of Government repression, into political extremism within the Indian National Congress and revolutionary terrorism via secret societies. The growing radicalism within nationalist politics culminated in the split of the Congress at the meeting at Surat in 1907. Through this process the Indian National Congress changed from its constitutional and elite politics of reform into a more popular and mass-oriented organization. Though much has been written about this period of Indian politics, this paper delineates the larger international technological and informational entanglement through a case study of India, and in particular, Bengal.
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Soikham, Piyanat. "Revisiting a dominant party: Normative dynamics of the Indian National Congress." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 4, no. 1 (October 16, 2018): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891118805157.
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Previous scholarship has established that the Indian National Congress (INC) is widely regarded as India’s dominant party due to its consecutive victories in winning the majority of the vote share in elections, its ability to manage and embrace internal conflict through strong organizational structures and the dominant capacity to set the public agenda and political order. To deepen understanding of this party, this article adopts a norm-based framework to define norms, a social understanding of social groups, which determines and shapes actions and behaviour. Building upon this framework, despite the electoral setbacks and even decline in electoral fortunes of Congress after Indira Gandhi since 1977, the INC has been able to maintain a significant presence in Indian party politics due to certain key norms, allowing it to adapt to a changing context. This article concludes that the INC’s set of norms on self-autonomy, social and national inclusivity, nationwide organization, social justice and peaceful and democratic resolution has over time shaped the Congress’s aspirations and achievements to become a dominant party. Regardless of the relative decline of electoral performance, these norms continue to set the INC as India’s dominant party, with a strong organizational structure and the ability to frame India’s political order.
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SHARMA, SHALINI. "‘Yeh azaadi jhooti hai!’: The shaping of the opposition in the first year of the Congress raj." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 5 (December 5, 2013): 1358–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000693.
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AbstractWithin a year of Indian independence, the Communist Party of India declared independence to be a false dawn and the whole Socialist bloc within the ruling Indian National Congress cut its ties with the national government. The speed with which the left disengaged from what had been a patriotic alliance under colonialism surprised many at the time and has perplexed historians ever since. Some have looked to the wider context of the Cold War to explain the onset of dissent within the Indian left. This paper points instead to the neglected domestic context, examining the lines of inclusion and exclusion that were drawn up in the process of the making of the new Indian constitution. Once in power, Congress leaders recalibrated their relationship with their former friends at the radical end of the political spectrum. Despite some of the well-known differences among leading Congress personalities, they spoke as one on industrial labour and the illegitimacy of strikes as a political weapon in the first year of national rule and declared advocates of class politics to be enemies of the Indian state. Congress thus attempted to sideline the Socialists and Communists and brand them as unacceptable in the new regime. This paper focuses on this first year of independence, emphasizing how rapidly the limits of Indian democracy were set in place.
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Yin, Cao. "An Indian Town’s Entry into the Second World War: Holding Together the Congress Party and Training Chinese Soldiers in Wartime Raj." China Report 57, no. 1 (February 2021): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445520984765.
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During the Second World War, Ramgarh, a small town in northeast India, was the site of the 53rd Session of the Indian National Congress and the training centre for the Chinese Expeditionary Force. By uncovering the links between the two events and knitting them into the broader context of the Indian nationalist movement and China’s War of Resistance, this article tries to break down the hegemony of the Eurocentric national narratives of the history of the Second World War in India and China. In doing so, it provides an alternative way of writing an entangled history of India and China during the Second World War.
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Ghosh, Durba. "Whither India? 1919 and the Aftermath of the First World War." Journal of Asian Studies 78, no. 2 (May 2019): 389–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911819000044.
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As diplomats across the world gathered in Paris in spring 1919 to discuss the peace process, observers asked “Whither India?” Critics wondered how the British government could enact emergency laws such as the Rowlatt Acts at the same time as it introduced the Government of India Act of 1919, which was intended to expand Indian involvement in governing the British dominions on the Indian subcontinent. Because Britain presented itself as a liberal form of empire on the international stage, its willingness to suspend rule of law over its subjects appeared contradictory. India's support of the Allied powers allowed Indian moderates to represent India in Paris; during the war, Indian subjects had contributed over one million soldiers and suffered influenza, plague, and famine. The possibility of a new relationship between those governing and those being governed led many Indians to demand an adherence to the rule of law, a guarantee of civil liberties, and the foundations of a government that was for and by the Indian people. In a time of revolution in Russia, and assassinations by anarchists in Italy and France, it seemed foolhardy to repress radicals by censoring the press, preventing the right of individuals to assemble, or detaining suspects before they had committed any crimes. Lala Lajpat Rai, an Indian political activist who had been part of the progressive wing of the Indian National Congress, wrote from the United States, “India is a part of the world and revolution is in the air all the world over. The effort to kill it by repression and suppression is futile, unwise, and stupid.”
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CHERESHNEVA, Larisa Aleksandrovna. "CONSTITUTIONS OF JAWAHARLAL NEHRU AND LIAQUAT ALI KHAN: CORRELATION OF POLITICAL STRATEGY AND STATE AND LEGAL REALIA OF INDEPENDENT INDIA AND PAKISTAN (1947–1956)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 174 (2018): 210–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-174-210-216.
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India and Pakistan, which emerged on the political map of the world 70 years ago, with the end of two hundred years of colonial rule of Britain, appeared to be the first states in the South Asia that demonstrated the uniqueness of the algorithms of the sovereignty of the liberated countries of the East. To what extent was it possible to combine tradition and modernization in their state-building? Return to the Eastern despotism, monarchical princely forms of governing or the creation of republics? What was the role in the States of free Hindustan to be supposed for their religion, religious institutions? Could the system of separation of powers correspond to the traditional ideas of many Indian and Pakistani peoples about power? We describe the characteristics of the program models of the state system, developed by the leading political forces of Colonial India – the All-Indian National Congress and the Muslim League for the future independent Hindustan, and their correlation with the real state and legal foundations of the Indian Union and Pakistan, formed in 1947–1956. It is noted that the League had only a general idea of the state formation and nation-building of Pakistan, which could not but affect the specifics of the Muslim project “Two Nations-two Indias” and subsequently led Pakistan to slide to the military dictatorships. The interrelation of the development of democratic legislation with the ideas of social justice, equality of national and ethno-religious minorities and the title majority is shown, the emphasis is placed on the risks of violation of the historical multiculturalism of the Indian civilization. We have involved the Indian, Pakistani and British documentaries on state-legal, historical and political issues, archival materials of the National Archives of India.
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Low, D. A. "VI. Counterpart Experiences: Indian and Indonesian Nationalisms 1920s–1950s." Itinerario 10, no. 1 (March 1986): 117–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009013.
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India's national day is 26 January; Indonesia's 17 August. They point to a difference. 26 January derives from the Indian National Congress' decision at its Lahore Congress in December 1929 to launch a Civil Disobedience movement against the British Government in India. Jawaharlal Nehru as Congress' President arranged that the first step would be for thousands of Congress rank and file to join together on 26 January 1930 to take the Independence Pledge. This declared that since ‘it is the inalienable right of the Indian people […] to have freedom, […] if any government deprives a people of those rights […] the people have a […] right to […] abolish it […]. We recognise, however, that the most effective way of gaining freedom is not through violence. We will, therefore, prepare ourselves by withdrawing, so far as we can, all voluntary association from the British Government and will prepare for Civil Disobedience.’ From that moment onwards 26 January has been India's Independence Day, though when it was first held India's independence still stood 17 years away. The celebrations have thus come to link post-independent India with the feats of the Indian national movement which for so many years pursued the strategy of civil disobedience, and which, despite a series of intervening fits and starts, is seen to have been crucial to its success. For India the heroics of its freedom struggle lie, that is, in its elon-gated pre-independence past, of long years of humiliating harassment and costly commitment. They are not much associated with the final run up to independence. With the emphasis rather upon the earlier, principally Gandhian years, of protests and processions, of proscriptions and prison, the final transfer of power is not seen, moreover, as comprising a traumatic break with the past, but as the logical climax to all that had gone before. The direct continuities between the pre- and post-independence periodes in India in these respects are accepted as a central part of its national heritage.
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MENON, K. RUKMINI. "How National Was The Indian National Congress?" Australian Journal of Politics & History 11, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 70–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1965.tb00415.x.
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Lone, Suhail-ul-Rehman. "The princely states and the national movement: The case of Kashmir (1931–39)." Studies in People's History 4, no. 2 (October 23, 2017): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448917725855.
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The British created an invisible wall between ‘British India’ and the ‘Princely India’ by governing the latter indirectly through hereditary princes, who were supposedly fully autonomous, but for British ‘paramountcy’. The Indian National Congress had from the beginning adopted a policy of non-interference in the states’ affairs, which Mahatma Gandhi too upheld. However, nationalism began to cast its influence in the states despite this policy of non-interference. In Kashmir the opposition to the Maharaja took, first, the form of a Muslim agitation against the ruler’s oppressive measures. But in time as the movement against the Dogra Raj obtained increasing support from the nationalist leaders, notably Jawaharlal Nehru, the Muslim Conference (later named National Conference) leadership headed by Sheikh Abdullah gravitated towards the All-India States Peoples Conference and its spiritual parent, the Congress. The Congress too abandoned its policy of non-interference fully by 1939. This shift ultimately caused a rift in the valley, with Ch. Ghulam Abbas forming the Muslim Conference in opposition to Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference in 1941.
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Reddy, Thiven. "The Congress Party Model: South Africa's African National Congress (ANC) and India's Indian National Congress (INC) as Dominant Parties." African and Asian Studies 4, no. 3 (2005): 271–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920905774270493.
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Abstract The paper argues that the model developed to analyze the dominance of the Indian National Congress of the political party system during the first two decades of independence helps in our understanding of the unfolding party system in South Africa. A comparison of the Congress Party and the African National Congress suggests many similarities. The paper is divided into three broad sections. The first part focuses on the dominant party system in India. In the second part, I apply the model of the Congress System to South Africa. I argue that the three features of the Congress System – a dominant party with mass based legitimacy, constituted by many factions and operating on the idiom of consensus-seeking internal politics, and sources of opposition who cooperate with factions in the dominant party to influence the political agenda – prevails in South Africa. In the third part, I draw on the comparison between the ANC and Congress Party to account for why certain nationalist movements become dominant parties. I emphasize that broad nationalist movements displaying high degrees of legitimacy and embracing democratic practices are adaptive to changing contexts and develop organizational mechanisms to manage internal party conflict. They contribute to the consolidation of democracy rather than undermine it.
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Anuplal, Gopalan. "Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose: Contributions of a Revolutionary to Indian Social Reforms and Indian Industrial Relations." Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 15, no. 2 (April 1, 2016): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.37.4.
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NetajiSubhas Chandra Bose –the fiery Indian revolutionary has been in the news during 2015 and 2016 in connection with the declassification of files about his mysterious disappearance after 18th of August 1945. Of late, maximum research and writings on the leader have been about the mystery and associated theories connected with his disappearance, with the Indian Prime Minister himself taking a keen interest. It is largely History and to some extent Political Science, which as academic disciplines, has incorporated Subhas Chandra Bose as “Topic of Study/Research”. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose had an in-depth knowledge of not only the Indian Society but also Japanese and European Society. He was a very keen observer of Indian Society and with his keen observation and constant interaction with a wide section of the general public during his constant travels, both within India and abroad, he was aware of various social problems particular to India and its magnitude. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was also fully aware of the British Colonial interests (the cunning-oppressive Agenda) who did not want the total eradication of social problems,especially that of caste and communal rivalry. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose had practical experience in Indian Industrial Relations as an Outside Trade Union Leader of various major trade unions and President of the first Indian Trade Union Federation-The All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC). As the President of India’s most powerful political party, the Indian National Congress (INC), for two consecutive terms, Netaji’s contacts with Indian leaders belonging to different groups/associations including trade unionists, and general public those days was next only to Mahatma Gandhi. All these broadened his horizon and called for constant observation and study of Indian Society on a day to day basis. Netaji also donned the role of conciliator and arbitrator during industrial disputes. Thus his ideas and writings on these areas were a result of practical experience. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose also tried his level best to ameliorate the social status of Indians and was particularly concerned about the plight of Indian labour and farmers. This Article focuses on the role of NetajiSubhas Chandra Bose in Social Reforms and Industrial Relations and aims at highlighting the fact that Bose can be an interesting ‘Topic of Research’ even in Sociology, especially Sociology of Indian Social Reforms, Sociology of Indian Industrial Relations and Military Sociology.
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Singh, Onkar. "West Bengal Assembly Election 2021: An Analysis." Journal of Policy & Governance 01, no. 01 (August 20, 2021): 69–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.33002//jpg010107.
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West Bengal Assembly election was one of the most keenly watched assembly elections in India in 2021. One of the reasons for this interest was the unexpected rise of the Bhartiya Janata Party in a state mostly known for its contests between the Left parties, the Indian National Congress, and the All-India Trinamool Congress. The Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) had only 3 seats in the last assembly election of 2016, whereas the ruling All India Trinamool Congress (AITC or TMC) party had 212 seats. The BJP was never a major player in the state except during the last parliamentary election (2019) when BJP bagged 18 out of the 42 parliamentary seats. The analysis presented in this paper analyzes the constituency-wise figures for each of the 294 constituencies spread over 19 districts of the state of West Bengal in India. The TMC emerged victorious with 48% of the total popular votes, while the opposition BJP got 39% of the popular votes. Also, TMC won 213 (73%) of total seats, whereas the BJP came to a distant second with 77 (26%) seats, even though it raised its stock significantly in the West Bengal Assembly from its 2016 tally of a meager 3 seats. After the West Bengal 2021 election results, Mamata Banerjee emerged as one of the main challengers of BJP at the national arena of Indian politics. This paper will benefit and help anyone interested in Indian political analysis and would also provide key insights for the political analysts and the political parties interested in a seat-by-seat deep dive. The analysis was done with the help of Microsoft Excel and R Software.
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CHERESHNEVA, Maria Sergeyevna. "THE EVENTS IN 1950 IN EAST PAKISTAN AND VALLABHBHAI PATEL." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 175 (2018): 183–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-175-183-188.
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We characterize the emergence, beginning and end of the crisis in East Pakistan in 1950 and India’s reaction to the events on its North-Eastern borders. The central figure of the study is the Minister of Home Affairs and at the same time the Minister of States of India Vallabhbhai Patel – a politician of India, a disciple of Mahatma Gandhi and a friend of Jawaharlal Nehru, an indisputable authority in the ruling Indian National Congress, which for all that is very poorly studied in domestic science. Complex personality, the informal leader of India and Congress, he remained on the second place only at the behest of M. Gandhi. A devoted servant of the people, a native of a peasant family, who later became a brilliant lawyer and politician, V. Patel has repeatedly saved India at the crucial moments in history. The study is based on the Indian sources and continues our series of publications on the role and place of V. Patel in the history of independent India.
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Garver, John. "Across the Himalayan Gap: An Indian Quest for Understanding China. Edited by Tan Chung. [New Delhi: Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts and Gyan Publishing House, 1998. ISBN 81-212-0585-9.]." China Quarterly 170 (June 2002): 477–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443902310283.
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This is a fascinating book essential for anyone seeking to understand contemporary China–India relations. It presents in considerable detail and from a number of different perspectives the strategic vision of a coalition of China and India struggling in common to create a new world economic–political order in greater comport with the interests and values of the peoples of the non-Western world. This vision of Sino-Indian co-operation in building a new world order was posited as the desirable end-goal of the process of Sino-Indian rapprochement presided over by Indian Congress Party and Chinese leaders beginning in 1988.
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Chhibber, Pradeep K., and John R. Petrocik. "The Puzzle of Indian Politics: Social Cleavages and the Indian Party System." British Journal of Political Science 19, no. 2 (April 1989): 191–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005433.
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The social cleavage theory of parly systems has provided a major framework for the study of Western party systems. It has been quite unimportant in studying other party systems, especially those of developing countries, where comparative development, and not mass electoral politics, has been the focus of study. This article reports the results of an attempt to bridge these traditions by analysing popular support for the Congress Party of India in terms of the expectations of the social cleavage theory of parties. This analysis illustrates the degree to which Indian partisanship conforms to the expectations of the theory. More importantly, this social cleavage theory analysis offers some new perspectives on (1) the inability of the Indian political system to develop national parties other than the Congress and (2) the ‘disaggregation’ of the Congress party.
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Silvestri, Michael. "“The Sinn Féin of India”: Irish Nationalism and the Policing of Revolutionary Terrorism in Bengal." Journal of British Studies 39, no. 4 (October 2000): 454–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386228.
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A recent article in the Calcutta magazine Desh outlined the exploits of a revolutionary fighting for “national freedom” against the British Empire. The article related how, during wartime, this revolutionary traveled secretly to secure the aid of Britain's enemies in starting a rebellion in his country. His mission failed, but this “selfless patriot” gained immortality as a nationalist hero. For an Indian—and particularly a Bengali—audience, the logical protagonist of this story would be the Bengali nationalist leader Subhas Chandra Bose. Bose, the former president of the Indian National Congress, assumed the leadership of the Indian National Army with the support of the Japanese imperial government during the Second World War in the hopes of freeing India from British rule. The subject of the story, however, was not Bose, but the United Irishmen leader Theobald Wolfe Tone and his efforts in 1796 to secure assistance for an Irish rebellion from the government of Revolutionary France. The article went on to narrate how Ireland had been held in the “grip of imperialism” for an even longer period of time than India and concluded that the Irish and Indian nationalist movements were linked by a history of rebellion against British rule.As the Desh article illustrates, the popular image of the relationship between Ireland and India within the British Empire has been that of two subject peoples striving for national freedom. This linkage of Irish and Indian history has had particular resonance in Bengal.
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Mathes, Valerie Sherer. "Helen Hunt Jackson, Amelia Stone Quinton, and the Mission Indians of California." Southern California Quarterly 96, no. 2 (2014): 172–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/scq.2014.96.2.172.
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Helen Hunt Jackson, the author of an 1883 government report and a book on the condition of California’s Mission Indians as well as the novel Ramona, came late to the cause of Indian reform. Others, including Amelia Stone Quinton, had earlier founded organizations such as the Women’s National Indian Association (WNIA) to pressure Congress for reform and to engage directly in assisting Native American peoples. Correspondence between Jackson and Quinton illuminate their different methods of and proposals for Indian reform, yet it was Jackson’s published work, based on research and direct observation, that inspired many WNIA members.
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Muldoon, Andrew. "Politics, Intelligence and Elections in Late Colonial India: Congress and the Raj in 1937." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 20, no. 2 (September 15, 2010): 160–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/044403ar.
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This article addresses questions of political reform and colonial intelligence collection in 1930s India. It focuses on the expectations British colonial officials had of the impact of the 1935 Government of India Act reforms on Indian political behaviour, especially regarding the creation of largely autonomous provincial assemblies. The 1937 provincial elections put these colonial suppositions to the test, and found them wanting. The article outlines the flawed and blinkered nature of colonial information gathering, demonstrating how the election results, particularly the very strong showing by an organized Indian National Congress, came as a real surprise to colonial administrators. However, the article also shows that these results did not necessarily change colonial opinions about Indian politics overmuch, as administrators and governors sought to frame what had happened within their existing understanding of India. Overall, this piece argues for the persistence of certain ways of colonial thinking in India, driven by ideological or cultural biases, as well as by the real limitations on the capability of the colonial state.
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Singh, Rajkumar, and Chandra Singh Prakash. "GENESIS OF COALITION POLITICS IN INDIA: A REVIEW OF EARLY TO PRESENT." Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 58, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 185–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/jssh.v58i2.24.
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In the election of 17th Lok Sabha held in mid-2019, the Indian political parties tried hard to be a tie-up with each other against the present Modi-led NDA dispensation. In independent India, first, such attempt was made early in 1974 and started a new process of consolidation of opposition forces by the merger. In line, the Bharatiya Lok Dal (BLD) was formed by the merger of seven political parties and in this process, the constituent units lost their identity in the BLD. At the time although Congress (O) and the Jana Sangh were ready to cooperate but refused to lose their existence. Their experiences of emergency proved a blessing for them and they came together and formed an alliance called Janata Party, to challenge the Congress leadership of the time. Likewise, as of today in 2018-19 the Bharatiya Janata Party is the country’s largest political party in terms of representation in the national parliament and state assemblies and all political parties of present-day India with Indian National Congress as forerunner with the help of regional party try a futile attempt first to challenge and then to defeat the BJP in various elections. Although with a great difference in the situation the motto of opposition parties has been one and only to give weighty protest to turn the events in their favour. This ups and downs of Indian politics may prove a path-breaking for other developing countries where political parties are struggling hard to gain power but did not succeed on account of causes best known to them.
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Clink, Kellian. "National Congress of American Indians." Reference Reviews 31, no. 2 (February 20, 2017): 19–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/rr-10-2016-0256.
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Purushotham, Sunil. "Sovereignty, Federation, and Constituent Power in Interwar India, ca. 1917–39." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 40, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 421–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-8747379.
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Abstract For nearly three decades prior to 1947 federation was the dominant and most plausible model for reforming Britain's Indian Empire. Federation offered a capacious framework for innovating upon the sovereign landscapes of empire, for imagining a wide array of nonnational futures, and for elaborating questions of rights and democracy. This essay examines official projects of federation in interwar India, efforts that culminated with the “Federation of India” envisioned by the 1935 Government of India Act. These projects sought to codify the Raj's uncodified, plural, and ambiguous imperial regime of sovereignty. As a result, the nearly six hundred “princely states” or “Indian States” had a major influence over the course of India's constitutional development. The 1935 Act inaugurated the most decisive phase in late colonial India's political and constitutional development by unleashing a competition over sovereignty in the subcontinent. It was in this context that a fully sovereign constituent assembly was adopted by the Indian National Congress as their fundamental demand. Federation played a decisive role in the development of republicanism in India.
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Parkash, Dr Braham. "Political Life of Lala Lajpat Rai." Think India 22, no. 3 (September 26, 2019): 547–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/think-india.v22i3.8327.
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The fact is that Lala Lajpat Rai joined the Indian National Congress (INC) and participated in many political agitations in Punjab. For his political agitation, he was deported to Burma without trial in 1907 but returned after a few months because of lack of evidence. Moreover, He was opposed to the partition of Bengal and founded the Home Rule League of America in 1917 in New York. He was also elected President of the All India Trade Union Congress and he supported the non-cooperation movement of Gandhi at the Nagpur session of the Congress in 1920. He also protested against the Rowlatt Act and the Jallianwala Bagh massacre that followed. He founded the Servants of People Society in 1921 and he was elected deputy leader of the Central Legislative Assembly in 1926. In 1928, he moved a resolution in the assembly refusing cooperation with the Simon Commission since the Commission had no Indian members. He was leading a silent protest against the Simon Commission in Lahore when he was brutally lathi-charged by Superintendent of Police, James Scott. Rai died of injuries sustained a few weeks later. In this regard most of the scholars agreed that Lala Lajpat Rai’s contribution to Indian National Movement fall in the unique category. The present research paper highlights Lala Lajpat Rai’s political life.
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Talukdar., DR Subhash. "CHAPTER: ROLE OF ALL INDIA UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT (AIUDF) IN ASSAM." International Journal of Modern Agriculture 9, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 357–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/ijma.v9i3.158.
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Party system is the important factor in the working of representative form of Government. India is a democratic state. In the democratic state, political parties are said to be the life – blood of democracies. Modern democracies are indirect in character. They can function with the help of political parties. In the absence of political parties democracy cannot deliver the goods. Well organized political parties constitute the best form of democracy. India has the largest democracy in the world. It introduced universal adult franchise as the basis of voting right in the country. Now the voting age has been lowered down to 18. Most of the Indian voters are not politically matured and they do not have the political education in the proper sense. Political parties in India are classified by the Election Commission of India. It was classified for the allocation of symbol. The Election Commission of India classified parties into three main heads: National parties, State parties and registered (unrecognized) parties.
The Regional Political Parties are playing a very significant role in Indian political system, particularly in the post Congress era and in coalition politics. As far as the national level politics is concerned, the regional political parties play a ‘king maker’ role. Whereas, the politics at state level is concerned, the regional political parties have been playing an effective role for working of government machinery. The Assam has also not lagging behind this context. Although the state has produces some small political parties before 1985, but formation of the AGP, BPPF, BPF and the AIUDF playing a very significant role in the politics of Assam. The AGP and the AIUDF not only emerge as an alternative of the Congress party at the state politics but also could able to participate in the national politics. Following are the reasons for the growth of regional parties in Assam -
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Uppal, Ashok, and J. P. Mohr. "Third National Congress of Indian Stroke Association." International Journal of Stroke 3, no. 3 (August 2008): 223–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4949.2008.00211.x.
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Gould, William. "Congress Radicals and Hindu Militancy: Sampurnanand and Purushottam Das Tandon in the Politics of the United Provinces, 1930–1947." Modern Asian Studies 36, no. 3 (July 2002): 619–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x02003049.
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A recent trend in the historiography of north India has involved analyses of ‘Hindu nationalist’ motifs and ideologies within both mainstream nationalist discourses and subaltern politics. A dense corpus of work has attempted to provide historical explanations for the rise of Hindutva in the subcontinent, and a great deal of debate has surrounded the implications of this development for the fate of secularism in India. Some of this research has examined the wider implications of Hindutva for the Indian state, democracy and civil society and in the process has highlighted, to some degree, the relationship between Hindu nationalism and ‘mainstream’ Indian nationalism. Necessarily, this has involved discussion of the ways in which the Congress, as the predominant vehicle of ‘secular nationalism’ in India, has attempted to contest or accommodate the forces of Hindu nationalist revival and Hindutva. By far the most interesting and illuminating aspect of this research has been the suggestion that Hindu nationalism, operating as an ideology, has manifested itself not only in the institutions of the right-wing Sangh Parivar but has been accommodated, often paradoxically, within political parties and civil institutions hitherto associated with the forces of secularism. An investigation of this phenomenon opens up new possibilities for research into the nature of Hindu nationalism itself, and presents new questions about the ambivalent place of religious politics in institutions such as the Indian National Congress.
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Diwakar, Rekha. "Change and continuity in Indian politics and the Indian party system." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 2, no. 4 (November 25, 2016): 327–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891116679309.
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The 2014 Indian general election was notable due to a single party – the Bharatiya Janata Party – winning a majority of seats in Lok Sabha for the first time since 1984. The Congress, the other main national party, suffered its worst ever defeat. This election was viewed by some as signalling the advent of a phase of a BIP-dominated party system in India. In this article, I revisit the results of this election, and of the subsequent state assembly elections, to analyse if they signal a substantial change in the political landscape and party system in India. I argue that although the Congress decline has continued, and the BJP has won many recent state assembly elections, it is premature to conclude that the Indian party system has shifted to a BJP-dominated one. Further, given India’s first-past-the-post electoral system and a diffused political environment, where state and regional parties continue to be strong in many parts of the country, achieving a legislative majority remains a difficult proposition for a single party.
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Kaviraj, Sudipta. "The General Elections in India." Government and Opposition 32, no. 1 (January 1997): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb01206.x.
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AT THE TIME OF INDEPENDENCE FIFTY YEARS AGO MAHATAMA Gandhi suggested that the Indian National Congress, which he successfully led to independence, should be disbanded. As its function was to produce a coalition which could achieve independence from British rule, its historical role was over. This was an entirely logical, yet an entirely unpractical suggestion. Politicians active inside the Congress wished, not unnaturally, to turn their sacrifices into potential investments in an independent state. Independence was accompanied by partition of the country which degenerated into riots and massacre of civilians. There was no other political organization except the Congress to establish effective government. In any case, Congress was too successful a political organization to be dissolved purely by the power of argument. The Congress, therefore, turned from an independence movement into a governing party, a difficult transformation under all circumstances, and flourished. The historical significance of the recent general elections in India, the eleventh after independence, seems to be the actual realization of Gandhi's suggestion. India must now find a political structure which can function without the overwhelming presence of the Congress, a party universally reviled but, ironically, treated as indispensable.
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Taylor, David. "The Indian National Congress: a hundred-year perspective." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 119, no. 2 (April 1987): 289–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035869x00140675.
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India, it is often pointed out both by Indians and by others, is the world's largest democracy, not simply in terms of the sheer number of people who participate in elections but also because of the continuous stream of open political activity. Democracy is not just a label that has been applied to the country at the whim of an individual or clique but is manifestly something that is alive and well. In the last decade alone, there have been two changes of government at the national level, and the government in New Delhi currently coexists, more or less willingly, with non-Congress ministries in several major states. There have indeed been voices to suggest that India in its present economic circumstances cannot afford the luxury of uncontrolled political activity. One of the arguments, for example, put forward for a presidential system has been that the level of “unproductive” political activity would be reduced. It could certainly be argued that the relatively sluggish rate of economic growth that has been maintained over the past four decades is linked to political constraints. That question, however, is not the theme of this article. For better or worse, India's democracy is here to stay, and one of the most important tasks for the historian or the political scientist, is to try to identify the factors that have given it its apparent staying power.
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Datta, Prabhat Kumar, and Inderjeet Singh Sodhi. "The Rise of the Panchayati Raj Institutions as the Third Tier in Indian Federalism: Where the Shoe Pinches." Indian Journal of Public Administration 67, no. 1 (March 2021): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00195561211005569.
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The idea of forming a two-tier federal structure in India gathered considerable momentum after the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League came together through a Pact in 1916. But the concept of the third tier which was mooted in the Constituent Assembly through the incorporation of panchayats in the Directive Principles of State Policy after detailed deliberation began receiving attention after the 73rd Amendment of the Constitution in 1992 which coincided with the paradigmatic shift in the policy of the Indian State. This Act signified in clear terms the intention of the State to strengthen the process of third tier federalism in India. This article seeks to critically examine the process of evolution of Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) as a new tier in the Indian federal system, excluding the Fifth and Sixth Scheduled Areas. An attempt has also been made to analyse despite constitutionalisation of PRIs where the shoe still pinches and wherein lies the ray of hope.
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Kumar Sarma, Pranjit, and Rituparna Bhattacharyya. "Assembly Elections of India, 2021: Revisiting Assam." Space and Culture, India 9, no. 1 (June 24, 2021): 6–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v9i1.1189.
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In India, Assembly Elections were held in Assam, West Bengal, Kerela, Tamil Nadu and Puducherry in the first half of 2021. Driving this study is an attempt to analyse the election results of the state of Assam where Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its allies, Mitrajot or National Democratic Alliance (NDA), successfully defeated the Indian National Congress (INC), and its allies, Mahajot (Grand Alliance). Drawing primarily upon secondary data and applying GIS techniques, the study makes a critical analogy of how Mitrajot managed to accomplish victory.
This is a solicited article. Submitted: 10 May 2021; Accepted: 24 June 2021.
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Laveay, Fraser, Coy Callison, and Ann Rodriguez. "Offensiveness of Native American Names, Mascots, and Logos in Sports: A Survey of Tribal Leaders and the General Population." International Journal of Sport Communication 2, no. 1 (March 2009): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ijsc.2.1.81.
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The pervasiveness of media coverage of sports teams with American Indian names and imagery has arguably supported stereotypical beliefs of those referenced. Past research investigating opinions on sports teams using American Indian themes has been inconsistent in findings and drawn criticism for lacking valid samples of Native Americans. Through a survey of National Congress of American Indians leaders (n = 208) and random U.S. adults (n = 484), results reveal that Native Americans are more offended by sports teams employing American Indian imagery, as well as more supportive of change, than is the general public. Investigation of how demographic characteristics influenced perceptions show that although age and education level have little influence, political party affiliation does correlate with opinions, with those voting Democrat viewing the teams with American Indian names, logos, and mascots as most offensive and in need of change.
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Hasan, Zoya. "Bridging a growing divide? The Indian National Congress and Indian democracy." Contemporary South Asia 15, no. 4 (December 2006): 473–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584930701330063.
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Kashin, V., and T. Shaumyan. "Рarliamentary Elections in India 2014: the New Political Realities." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2014): 104–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-104-114.
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Parliamentary elections in India were held from April 7 to May 12, 2014 and ended with a convincing victory of conservative Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), leader of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), and a crushing defeat for the Indian National Congress (INC) from the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) created in 2004. BJP won 282 seats in Parliament for the first time in 30 years which was sufficient for the formation of a single-party government, while Congress has only 44 seats – the lowest result for all years of the independence of Republic of India. The election results are natural and reflect the real balance of power in the political arena of the country at the moment. BJP victory was largely achieved thanks to the wide support its leader Narendra Modi received from the Indian electorate. The defeat of the Congress shows a deep and prolonged crisis in the party and the inability of the current representatives of the dynasty of Nehru-Gandhi to cope with it due to lack of political will and constructive ideas that meet the modern needs of the society. Numerous regional parties are still limited in scope, which narrows the chance of their political influence to the borders of one state and prevents the creation of a coalition that is ready to compete with the NDA and UPA. The key issue for Narendra Modi as Prime Minister will be the problem of development, economic growth and achievement of economic self-sufficiency – the slogan is highly attractive to the younger generation of voters. Being an explicit pragmatist, Modi is going to manage the country on the principle that if something does not serve the interests of India, especially the interests of economic growth, India would not do this. According to many experts, his government in the short and long term context will focus on such areas as agriculture, energy, law and order, administrative reform and international relations. Narendra Modi describes Russia as a "time-tested and reliable friend, who supported India in difficult periods of its history, and a major partner in building the foundations of India's defense capability." He intends to raise the Russian-Indian relations to a higher level and is looking for a meeting with V. Putin before the end of this year.
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KURZON, DENNIS. "Romanisation of Bengali and Other Indian Scripts." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 20, no. 1 (November 30, 2009): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186309990319.
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AbstractThis article will discuss two attempts at the romanisation of Indian languages in the twentieth century, one in pre-independence India and the second in Pakistan before the Bangladesh war of 1971. By way of background, an overview of the status of writing in the subcontinent will be presented in the second section, followed by a discussion of various earlier attempts in India to change writing systems, relating mainly to the situation in Bengal, which has one language and one script used by two large religious groups – Muslims and Hindus (in modern-day Bangladesh and West Bengal, respectively). The fourth section will look at the language/script policy of the Indian National Congress in pre-independence days, and attempts to introduce romanisation, especially the work of the Bengali linguist S. K. Chatterji. The penultimate section deals with attempts to change the writing system in East Pakistan, i.e. East Bengal, to (a) the Perso-Arabic script, and (b) the roman script.In all cases, the attempt to romanise any of the Indian scripts failed at the national – official – level, although Indian languages do have a conventional transliteration. Reasons for the failure will be presented, in the final section, in terms of İlker Aytürk's model (see this issue), which proposes factors that may allow – or may not lead to – the implementation of romanisation.
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JALAL, AYESHA. "STRIKING A JUST BALANCE: MAULANA AZAD AS A THEORIST OF TRANS-NATIONAL JIHAD." Modern Intellectual History 4, no. 1 (March 8, 2007): 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244306001065.
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This article probes the link between anti-colonial nationalist thought and a theory of jihad in early twentieth-century India. An emotive affinity to the ummah was never a barrier to Muslims identifying with patriotic sentiments in their own homelands. It was in the context of the aggressive expansion of European power and the ensuing erosion of Muslim sovereignty that the classical doctrine of jihad was refashioned to legitimize modern anti-colonial struggles. The focus of this essay is on the thought and politics of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. A major theoretician of Islamic law and ethics, Azad was the most prominent Muslim leader of the Indian National Congress in pre-independence India. He is best remembered in retrospectively constructed statist narratives as a “secular nationalist”, who served as education minister in Jawaharlal Nehru's post-independence cabinet. Yet during the decade of the First World War he was perhaps the most celebrated theorist of a trans-national jihad.
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BANDYOPADHYAY, SEKHAR. "Transfer of Power and the Crisis of Dalit Politics in India, 1945–47." Modern Asian Studies 34, no. 4 (October 2000): 893–942. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003875.
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Ever since its beginning, organized dalit politics under the leadership of Dr B. R. Ambedkar had been consistently moving away from the Indian National Congress and the Gandhian politics of integration. It was drifting towards an assertion of separate political identity of its own, which in the end was enshrined formally in the new constitution of the All India Scheduled Caste Federation, established in 1942. A textual discursive representation of this sense of alienation may be found in Ambedkar's book, What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables, published in 1945. Yet, within two years, in July 1947, we find Ambedkar accepting Congress nomination for a seat in the Constituent Assembly. A few months later he was inducted into the first Nehru Cabinet of free India, ostensibly on the basis of a recommendation from Gandhi himself. In January 1950, speaking at a general public meeting in Bombay, organized by the All India Scheduled Castes Federation, he advised the dalits to co-operate with the Congress and to think of their country first, before considering their sectarian interests. But then within a few months again, this alliance broke down over his differences with Congress stalwarts, who, among other things, refused to support him on the Hindu Code Bill. He resigned from the Cabinet in 1951 and in the subsequent general election in 1952, he was defeated in the Bombay parliamentary constituency by a political nonentity, whose only advantage was that he contested on a Congress ticket. Ambedkar's chief election agent, Kamalakant Chitre described this electoral debacle as nothing but a ‘crisis’.
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Stepanyants, M. T. "IN REFUTATION OF STEREOTYPES: ABUL KALAM AZAD (1888–1958)." Islam in the modern world 14, no. 3 (October 2, 2018): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2018-14-3-47-56.
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A convincing refutation of stereotypes about Islam as a religion of implacably hostility to the adherents of other faiths serves as an example of life, activity, and evolution of thinking that was demonstrated by an outstanding political leader of the Indian national liberation movement Abul Kalam Azad (1888-1958). Initially he was an ardent follower of Aligarh movement which stood for Muslim education and their cooperation with the colonial authorities. From 1911 to 1916 Azad is an active promoter of Muslim nationalism, Caliphate movement. From 1920 until the end of life Azad was a tough critic of the separatist Muslim nationalism, one of the most prominent leaders of the Indian National Congress Party, Minister of education of secular Republic of India. History of Azad’s personal evolution convincingly testifi es to the dynamic nature of Islamic teaching which calls for renunciation of dogmatic views and maintaining the constant desire to discover the deep world outlook meanings
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Suyo Nugroho, Ischak. "Pembentukan Negara Islam Pakistan: Tinjaun Historis Peran Ali Jinah." Jurnal Online Studi Al-Qur an 15, no. 2 (July 30, 2019): 201–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/jsq.015.2.04.
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Abstract
Jinnah is a supporter of Hindu-Muslim unity. He joined the All India National Congress, which became the leader of the Indian independence movement with more than 15 million members. In 1913, Jinnah decided to join the All India Muslim League. He worked for Hindu-Muslim unity through the League. Based on the results of the Muslim League Session held in Lucknow, a joint plan, known as the "Lucknow Pact", wich has many actions had finally led to divisions between Muslims and Hindus. The interests of Muslims could only be guaranteed by forming a separate state from the Hindu state in India. Ali Jinnah determination to separate Indian Muslim as known as Pakistan. The methodology used in this paper is descriptive qualitative with a literature study approach that focuses on the history of the formation of the Islamic State of Pakistan and the role of Ali Jinnah in realizing Muslim rights as a minority in India. Jinnah is a Nationalist who loves her country (India) and even the formation of Pakistan was a form of his love for India and Muslims. The formation of the Islamic State of Pakistan in the thoughts and movements and efforts undertaken by Jinnah as a form of attention to the rights of minorities and to unify the differences between Islam and Hinduism
Keywords: Ali Jinnah, Pakistan, India
Abstrak
Jinnah adalah pendukung persatuan Hindu-Muslim, ia bergabung dengan All India National Congress. Kongres ini menjadi pemimpin gerakan kemerdekaan India dengan lebih dari 15 juta anggota pada tahun 1913, Jinnah memutuskan bergabung dengan All India Muslim League (Liga Muslim India). Ia bekerja untuk kesatuan Hindu-Muslim dari dalam Liga. Dalam pelaksanaan “Pakta Lucknow” banyak perbuatan yang akhirnya menimbulkan perpecahan antara Muslim dan Hindu. Sehingga Jinnah berupaya untuk membentuk Negara Islam Pakistan. Metodologi yang digunakan dalam paper ini adalah kualitatif deskriptif dengan pendekatan studi pustaka yang menitik beratkan kepada sejarah terbentuknya negara Islam Pakistan dan peran Ali Jinnah dalam mewujudkan hak-hak muslim sebagai minoritas di India. Jinnah adalah seorang Nasionalis yang mencintai negaranya (India) bahkan terbentuknya negara Pakistanpun merupakan wujud kecintaannya terhadap India dan Umat Islam. Pembentukan negara Islam Pakistan dalam pemikiran dan pergerakan serta upaya yang dilakukan oleh Jinnah sebagai bentuk perhatiannya terhadap hak-hak minoritas dan mempersatukan perbedaan antara Islam dan Hindu.
Kata Kunci : Ali Jinnah, Pakistan, Negara Islam
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Mandala, Vijaya Ramadas. "Contesting the Colonizer or Hopeless Submission? Colonialism, Indigeneity, and Environmental Thinking in India, 1857–1910." Asian Review of World Histories 9, no. 2 (July 16, 2021): 189–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22879811-12340093.
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Abstract This article examines in detail how the forms of national or indigenous consciousness emerged in the sphere of Indian political ecology between 1857 and 1910. The subjects of “ecological indigeneity” and “dispossession” formed as defining characteristics in the articulation of this ecopolitical thinking. The scholarship to date has produced voluminous writings on the political, economic, and social dimension of the histories of colonial unrest, but it has not adequately addressed the issue of how the subtext of environmentalism greatly mattered in shaping some of the resistance movements. Focusing on the period between the 1857 revolt and 1910, this study evaluates three groups – (1) the 1857 Indian rebels and the Gonds; (2) the ādivāsī tribes of Bastar in 1910; and (3) the early Indian Congress Nationalists in the 1880s – to elucidate the emergence of environmentalism and indigenous dispossession in colonial India, which became foundational in critiquing British interventionist policies.
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Vasudevan, Ramya. "Freedom Movement and the Fourth Estate- Gandhian Perspectives." JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 6, no. 3 (February 4, 2015): 1134–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v6i3.3505.
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Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi has today become an iconic figure, a symbol of many things for many people. He is seen variously as the great opponent of European Colonism,as a champion of civil rights for racial, religious and other minorities, as an important critic of the industrial system of production, as a great pacifist, or as a person who stood for the need to resist injustice in a non-violent way. In the process, he developed the new technique of civil resistance now universally known as Satyagraha. His political, social and spiritual development during those years led to his manifesto of 1909-Hind Swaraj or Indian Self-rule a work that was considered so scandalous by the British. Gandhi returned to India in 1915 and after a period of settling in soon established himself as a champion of the peasantry, leading to confrontations with white indigo planters in Champaran in 1917 and the colonial tax bureaucracy in Kheda in 1918.He also led a successful strike in Ahmedabad. In 1917 he staged his first all India protest-the Rowlatt Satyagraha and followed this in 1920 by gaining control over the Indian National Congress and launching the Non-Cooperation Movement in which Indians withdrew their support for British Colonial institutions. This was followed in later years by two more powerful confrontations with the British-the Civil Disobedience Movement of 1930-1934 and the Quit India Movement of 1942.These movements were reflected through the Press which is the powerful media which forms the predominant role in molding the information of the public opinion. It reflects the political and socio-economic opinion of the people and emerges as an important source of information for framing the political scenario of a nation or a region according to the nature of its publication.
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Lee, Jeong Ho. "Mahatma Gandhi As a Leader of Indian National Congress." Journal of international area studies 7, no. 2 (July 31, 2003): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.18327/jias.2003.07.7.2.218.
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Bevir, Mark. "Theosophy and the origins of the Indian National Congress." International Journal of Hindu Studies 7, no. 1-3 (February 2003): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11407-003-0005-4.
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Brasted, H. V. "Irish models and the Indian National Congress 1870–1922." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 8, no. 1-2 (June 1985): 24–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856408508723064.
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Wright, Denis. "Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan and the Indian National Congress." Australian Journal of Politics & History 35, no. 3 (June 28, 2008): 364–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1989.tb01297.x.
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Nikitin, Dmitry S. "Political demands of the Indian National Congress (1885-1907)." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Istoriya, no. 71 (June 1, 2021): 83–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/19988613/71/12.
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