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1
Metcalf, Alida C. "The Entradas of Bahia of the Sixteenth Century." Americas 61, no. 3 (January 2005): 373–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2005.0036.
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When Pero Magalhães de Gândavo returned to Portugal from Brazil in the 1570s, he wrote two accounts about life in Brazil, both of which extol the possibilities for poor Portuguese colonists. In one treatise he proclaims that as soon as a colonist arrives, no matter how poor, if he obtains slaves “he then has the means for sustenance; because some fish and hunt, and the others produce for him maintenance and crops; and so little by little the men become rich and live honorably in the land with more ease than in the Kingdom.” In his history, published in 1576, Gândavo adds that many colonists in Brazil own 200, 300, or even more slaves. Although the Portuguese had pioneered the development of a slave trade from West Africa and despite the fact that the sugar plantations of Bahia and Pernambuco would become vast consumers of slaves from Africa, the vast majority of the slaves that Gândavo refers to were Indian, not African. But, in the 1570s, when Gândavo confidently predicted that even the poor could acquire slaves in Brazil, the reality was that the coastal regions around the Portuguese colonies, with the exception of a few friendly Indian villages, had been left “unpopulated by the natives.” Three powerful factors challenged the future of Indian slavery. One was epidemic disease, such as the smallpox epidemic of 1562 that was described as so terrible that in two or three months 30,000 died. The second was a Jesuit campaign against Indian slavery, which resulted in a new law signed by King Sebastião in 1570 that clearly stated that the Indians of Brazil were free. The third was a rapid increase in the number of slaves arriving in Bahia and Pernambuco from Africa. But while it might seem that high mortality, legal sanctions, and the increase of African slaves would limit the future of Indian slavery, it was not to be so. Instead, Indian slavery expanded dramatically after 1570, due to the emergence of a new, trans-continental, slave trade. Facilitated by mixed-race mamelucos, this trade brought Indians from the sertão (inland wilderness frontier) to the coastal plantations. This is the first manifestation of a phenomenon that would repeat itself in later centuries in São Paulo, Minas Gerais, Goiás, and Amazonia. Known as bandeirismo, it would make Indian slavery an integral part of the colonial Brazilian economy and society. The expeditions from Bahia and Pernambuco from 1570 to 1600 descended thousands of Indians for the sugar plantations of the Bahian Recôncavo, reinforcing Indian slavery in spite of high mortality, royal laws to the contrary, and the increase of African slavery.
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Welie, Rik van. "Slave trading and slavery in the Dutch colonial empire: A global comparison." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 82, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2008): 47–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002465.
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Compares slave trading and slavery in the Dutch colonial empire, specifically between the former trading and territorial domains of the West India Company (WIC), the Americas and West Africa, and of the East India Company (VOC), South East Asia, the Indian Ocean region, and South and East Africa. Author presents the latest quantitative assessments concerning the Dutch transatlantic as well as Indian Ocean World slave trade, placing the volume, direction, and characteristics of the forced migration in a historical context. He describes how overall the Dutch were a second-rate player in Atlantic slavery, though in certain periods more important, with according to recent estimates a total of about 554.300 slaves being transported by the Dutch to the Americas. He indicates that while transatlantic slave trade and slavery received much scholarly attention resulting in detailed knowledge, the slave trade and slavery in the Indian Ocean World by the Dutch is comparatively underresearched. Based on demand-side estimates throughout Dutch colonies of the Indonesian archipelago and elsewhere, he deduces that probably close to 500.000 slaves were transported by the Dutch in the Indian Ocean World. In addition, the author points at important differences between the nature and contexts of slavery, as in the VOC domains slavery was mostly of an urban and domestic character, contrary to its production base in the Americas. Slavery further did in the VOC areas not have a rigid racial identification like in WIC areas, with continuing, postslavery effects, and allowed for more flexibility, while unlike the plantation colonies in the Caribbean, as Suriname, not imported slaves but indigenous peoples formed the majority. He also points at relative exceptions, e.g. imported slaves for production use in some VOC territories, as the Banda islands and the Cape colony, and a certain domestic and urban focus of slavery in Curaçao.
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Sachs, Honor. "“Freedom By A Judgment”: The Legal History of an Afro-Indian Family." Law and History Review 30, no. 1 (February 2012): 173–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248011000642.
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On May 2, 1771, John Hardaway of Dinwiddie County, Virginia posted a notice in theVirginia Gazetteabout a runaway slave. The notice was ordinary, blending in with the many advertisements for escaped slaves, servants, wives, and horses that filled the classified section of theGazettein the eighteenth century. Like countless other advertisements posted in newspapers wherever slaves were held, Hardaway's advertisement read: “Run away from the subscriber, a dark mulatto man slave named Bob Colemand, 25 years old, tall, slim, and well made, wears his own hair pretty long, his foretop combed very high, a blacksmith by trade, claimed his freedom under pretense of being of anIndianextraction.”
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Suzuki, Hideaki. "Enslaved Population and Indian Owners Along the East African Coast: Exploring the Rigby Manumission List, 1860–1861." History in Africa 39 (2012): 209–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2012.0014.
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Abstract:The main purpose of this article is to explore the potential of the “List of Slaves unlawfully held in slavery by British Indian Subjects at Zanzibar & its Dependencies, who have been emancipated at the Consulate” for historical slavery studies. This list, a result of the first British-led manumission campaign against slave ownership along the east coast of Africa, is the most comprehensive list detailing slave ownership and slaves for the pre-colonial coastal society of East Africa. Despite of the importance and uniqueness, both this list and the campaign have not been yet fully analyzed. This article challenges to extract the data as much as possible from the list, not only sex ratio and ethnic origin of enslaved individuals, but also their identity and emotional status. Moreover, this article shows an aspect of slave ownership by British Indian subjects from the list.
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Allen, Richard. "Slavery in a Remote but Global Place: the British East India Company and Bencoolen, 1685-1825." Social and Education History 7, no. 2 (June 23, 2018): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/hse.2018.3374.
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Histories of the British East India Company usually ignore the company’s use of slave labor. Records from its factory at Bencoolen in Sumatra provide an opportunity to examine company attitudes and policies toward its chattel work force in greater detail. These sources reveal that the company drew slaves from a global catchment area to satisfy the demand for labor in its far-flung commercial empire, shed light on policies and practices regarding the treatment of company slaves, and illustrate the company’s role in the development of increasingly interconnected free and forced labor trades during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The Bencoolen case study also highlights the need to examine colonial migrant labor systems in the Indian Ocean and maritime Asia worlds in more fully developed contexts.
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Finn, Margot. "SLAVES OUT OF CONTEXT: DOMESTIC SLAVERY AND THE ANGLO-INDIAN FAMILY,c. 1780–1830." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 19 (November 12, 2009): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440109990090.
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ABSTRACTThis paper explores the place of domestic slaves in British families resident in India,c. 1780–1830, and the ways in which the presence of slaves within these Anglo-Indian households challenged British understandings of slavery as a practice. Drawing upon probate data, private correspondence and the Parliamentary Papers, it suggests that the history of slavery in the British empire must be situated within wider histories of family, household and kin. Located within the family and often conflated with servants, domestic slaves in Anglo-India came to be seen as dependent female subordinates whose gender and status placed them outside the emerging politics of emancipation.
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Thiébaut, Rafaël. "French Slave Trade on Madagascar: A Quantitative Approach." Journal of Social History 54, no. 1 (2020): 34–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shaa006.
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Abstract This article provides a better understanding of the volume of the French slave trade on Madagascar. Indeed, while research on the European slave trade in the Atlantic has benefitted much from statistical data, the slave trade in the Indian Ocean still lags behind, despite new scholarship. Based on detailed archival research, this article systematically analyzes different aspects of this commerce, including the organization of the trade, the age-sex ratio of the enslaved, and their mortality during the middle passage. Taking the number of French expeditions as a basis, we are able to determine the number of slaves traded with greater accuracy than was previously possible. Through this calculation, this article will shed new light on the patterns of slave trade in the Indian Ocean.
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Geelen, Alexander, Bram van den Hout, Merve Tosun, Mike de Windt, and Matthias van Rossum. "On the Run: Runaway Slaves and Their Social Networks in Eighteenth-Century Cochin." Journal of Social History 54, no. 1 (2020): 66–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shaa007.
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Abstract Despite growing attention to the history of slavery in the Indian Ocean and Indonesian Archipelago worlds, the debate on the nature or characteristics of slavery in these regions has been left largely unsettled. Whereas some scholars emphasize the existence of harsh forms of hereditary slavery similar to those found in the Americas, others argue that the nature of slavery in Asia was urban, status-based, and milder than in the Atlantic world. This article explores case studies of slaves escaping in and around the Dutch East India Company (VOC) city of Cochin. Studying court records that bring to light the strategies and social networks of enslaved runaways provides new insights into the characteristics of slavery and the conditions of slaves in and around VOC-Cochin. The findings indicate that the social and everyday conditions under which slaves lived were highly diverse and shaped by the direct relations between slave and master, influenced by elements of trust, skill, and control. Relations of slavery nevertheless remained engrained by the recurrence of physical punishments and verbal threats, despite sometimes relatively open situations. This reminds us that easy dichotomies of “benign,” “Asian,” “household,” or “urban” versus “European,” “Atlantic,” or “plantation” slavery obscure as much as they reveal.
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LARSON, PIER M. "ENSLAVED MALAGASY AND ‘LE TRAVAIL DE LA PAROLE’ IN THE PRE-REVOLUTIONARY MASCARENES." Journal of African History 48, no. 3 (November 2007): 457–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853707002824.
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ABSTRACTMalagasy speakers probably formed the single largest native speech community among slaves dispersed into the western Indian Ocean between 1500 and 1900. In the eighteenth-century Mascarenes, Malagasy parlers (dialects) served as a contact language, understood both by persons born in Madagascar and by those with no direct ties to the island. Catholic missionaries working in Bourbon and Île de France frequently evangelized among sick and newly disembarked Malagasy slaves in their own tongues, employing servile interpreters and catechists from their ecclesiastical plantations as intermediaries in their ‘work of the word’. Evangelistic style was multilingual, in both French and Malagasy, and largely verbal, but was also informed by Malagasy vernacular manuscripts of Church doctrine set in Roman characters. The importance of Malagasy in the Mascarenes sets the linguistic environment of the islands off in distinctive ways from those of Atlantic slave societies and requires scholars to rethink the language and culture history of the western Indian Ocean islands, heretofore focused almost exclusively on studies of French and its creoles.
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Carter, Marina. "Indian Indentured Migration and the Forced Labour Debate." Itinerario 21, no. 1 (March 1997): 52–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300022695.
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The migrants who left India to work on colonial sugar plantations in the nineteenth century have been variously categorised as neo-slaves or as voluntary black settlers. This paper assesses some of the recent historical claims and revisionist interpretations of Indian indentured labour and takes up a number of themes based on the Mauritian case to highlight important aspects of this colonial labour diaspora.
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Swaminathan, Srividhya. "(Re)Defining Mastery: James Ramsay versus the West Indian Planter." Rhetorica 34, no. 3 (2016): 301–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2016.34.3.301.
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The West India planter-master became the most vilified figure in British literature as a result of the abolitionist campaign to end the slave trade. The abolitionist primarily responsible for this shift in perception is James Ramsay, specifically in the controversy around his Essay on the Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves in the British Sugar Colonies (1784). He argues that the tyranny of absolute mastery is inherent in African slavery. This essay re-examines the rhetoric of Ramsay's publication and the ensuing pamphlet war for the “definitional rupture” in the term “master.” This new planter-master, configured as wholly corrupt, shifted the paradigm and created a powerful trope for abolitionists. Srividhya Swaminathan, Long Island University Brooklyn, srividhya.swaminathan@liu.edu.
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Harries, Patrick. "MIDDLE PASSAGES OF THE SOUTHWEST INDIAN OCEAN: A CENTURY OF FORCED IMMIGRATION FROM AFRICA TO THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE." Journal of African History 55, no. 2 (May 29, 2014): 173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853714000097.
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AbstractForced immigration from the Southwest Indian Ocean marked life at the Cape of Good Hope for over a century. Winds, currents, and shipping linked the two regions, as did a common international currency, and complementary seasons and crops. The Cape's role as a refreshment station for French, Portuguese, American, and Spanish slave ships proved particularly important in the development of a commerce linking East Africa, Madagascar, and the Mascarenes with the Americas. This slave trade resulted in the landing at the Cape of perhaps as many as 40,000 forced immigrants from tropical Africa and Madagascar. Brought to the Cape as slaves, or freed slaves subjected to strict periods of apprenticeship, these individuals were marked by the experience of a brutal transhipment that bears comparison with the trans-Atlantic Middle Passage. The history of the Middle Passage occupies a central place in the study of slavery in the Americas and plays a vital role in the way many people today situate themselves socially and politically. Yet, for various reasons, this emotive subject is absent from historical discussions of life at the Cape. This article brings it into the history of slavery in the region. By focusing on the long history of this forced immigration, the article also serves to underline the importance of the Cape to the political and economic life of the Southwest Indian Ocean.
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Arena, Carolyn. "Indian Slaves from Guiana in Seventeenth-Century Barbados." Ethnohistory 64, no. 1 (January 2017): 65–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-3688375.
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Worden, Nigel. "Indian Ocean Slaves in Cape Town, 1695–1807." Journal of Southern African Studies 42, no. 3 (May 3, 2016): 389–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2016.1171554.
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Wilson, Lee B. "A “Manifest Violation” of the Rights of Englishmen: Rights Talk and the Law of Property in Early Eighteenth-Century Jamaica." Law and History Review 33, no. 3 (July 8, 2015): 543–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248015000279.
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In 1706, Jamaica's provost marshal received a writ of escheat from the island's Supreme Court of Judicature. The writ directed him to empanel a jury of “Twelve and Lawful Men of the Neighbourhood” who would determine whether the slaves of James Whitchurch, a Jamaican merchant, should be escheated—returned—to the Crown. Did the “Negro Woman Slave Commonly Called Catalina” and her “Seaven Pickaninny” belong to Whitchurch, or could Queen Anne claim her prerogative right to an escheat because the previous owner of the slaves, Charles Delamaine, had died without an heir? The jury found in the Crown's favor, but a dissatisfied Whitchurch petitioned Queen Anne for relief, asking her to return the slaves and quiet his title. Whitchurch's petition, the first Jamaican escheat case to come before the Queen, sparked a transatlantic legal controversy as colonists, Assembly members, and imperial officials weighed the Crown's prerogative right to escheats against local political grievances and the Board of Trade's desire to encourage West Indian settlement and trade. This seemingly mundane conflict over property law quickly acquired constitutional significance, generating the kind of rights talk so familiar to early American historians: Jamaican colonists claimed the rights of Englishmen, and the Jamaican Assembly asserted an institutional capacity akin to Parliament. In this article, I contextualize colonists' rights talk, rooting their claims to English rights in concerns about the administration of property law during a crucial liminal moment in Jamaican history. As the colony transitioned from a small-scale to a large-scale plantation economy and from a society with slaves to a slave society, property and the law that governed it became the focus of intense political conflict.
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Yuqiu, Meng. "From Colonial Reality to Poetic Truth: Baudelaire’s Indian Ocean Poems." IJOHMN (International Journal online of Humanities) 5, no. 5 (October 17, 2019): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijohmn.v5i5.138.
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Correcting the early Manichean interpretation of the abundant Baudelairian image of the black, later criticism tends to downplay the realist slavery framework and put emphasis on the psychological and philosophical dimension of the relationship between the master and the slave. My historicized analysis of “A une dame créole” uncovers evocations of slavery, violence and revolution in the vocabulary and imagery of the poem. By inscribing into the Ronsardian tradition a former French slave colony whose ruling elite never embraced revolutionary ideas, I argue, the poem puts the colonial enterprise into the perspective of France’s nation building and problematizes both. The 1863 prose poem “La belle Dorothée” in which Baudelaire refers back again to his experience in the Mascarene Islands, exposes the crude nature of the French policy that pretended to give the slaves freedom while forced them to live in idleness, poverty or prostitution. If Baudelaire’s oft discussed exoticism manifests a rejection of the society of his time, his longing for Africa and the Indian Ocean should not be dismissed as escapism.
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Johnson, Lyman L. "The Competition of Slave and Free Labor in Artisanal Production: Buenos Aires, 1770–1815." International Review of Social History 40, no. 3 (December 1995): 409–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113409.
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SummaryBetween 1770 and 1815 the population of Buenos Aires nearly doubled. Despite this impressive growth, the city and its hinterland suffered from a chronic labor shortage. Efforts to expand artisanal production were undermined by the resultant high wage levels. Similar problems affected the countryside where slaves and the forced labor of Indians and convicts failed to meet harvest needs. This paper examines the competition among these forms of labor. Economic, social and cultural factors that helped determine the allocation of labor types are also analyzed. Finally, since scores of slaves and Indian laborers gained freedom and entered the labor market each year, the economic and cultural factors that facilitated this movement are examined.
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Emmer, P. C. "IX. Asians Compared: Some Observations regarding Indian and Indonesian Indentured Labourers in Surinam, 1873-1939." Itinerario 11, no. 1 (March 1987): 149–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009438.
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The drive towards the abolition of the slave trade at the beginning of the 19th century was not effective until the 1850s. It was perhaps the only migratory intercontinental movement in history which came to a complete stop because of political pressures in spite of the fact that neither the supply nor the demand for African slaves had disappeared.Because of the continuing demand for bonded labour in some of the plantation areas in the New World (notably the Guiana's, Trinidad, Cuba and Brazil) and because of a new demand for bonded labour in the developing sugar and mining industries in Mauritius, Réunion, Queensland (Australia), Natal (South Africa), the Fiji-islands and Hawaii an international search for ‘newslaves’ started.
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Major, Andrea. "Enslaving spaces." Indian Economic & Social History Review 46, no. 3 (July 2009): 315–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001946460904600303.
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This article explores British attitudes to domestic slavery in the Princely States of Rajputana and Malwa in the nineteenth-century. Working primarily from colonial archives, it analyses British conceptions of the nature of slavery and slave-trading in Rajputana, making compari-sons between this and their perception of slavery in its wider Indian and transatlantic contexts in order to analyse British understandings of Rajput identity, family and gender relations, as well as their conception of the nature and limits of their political and moral influence. It argues that British constructions of ‘benign’ domestic slavery were juxtaposed against concerns about the implications of slave-trading for crime, stability and the integrity of territorial borders, in British and princely India. The article discusses British attempts to persuade Rajput rulers to prohibit and prevent slave-trading and slave-holding in their territories, representing this debate as a point of intersection between ideological imperatives (in this case anti-slavery ideals) and political concerns about the nature and limits of acceptable British intervention in the internal affairs of the ‘independent’ states, and demonstrating the degree to which ‘moral’ and practical concerns intertwined in the formation of political dis-course on the limits of British ‘authority’. British attempts to regulate slave-trading on the ground are also explored, and cases brought before the British for the restitution of illegally procured slaves, contained in British Parliamentary Papers and East India Company's Board's Collections and Foreign Department Records, are used to demonstrate the fluid manner in which individuals could move (or be moved) between British and Indian controlled spaces, physically and metaphorically, demonstrating the extent to which the British capacity to both control and even observe was in practice limited, both spatially and ideologically.
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Curtin, Philip D. "African Health at Home and Abroad." Social Science History 10, no. 4 (1986): 369–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200015558.
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In the nineteenth century, annual reports of European military medical authorities usually carried some such title as “The Health of the Army at Home and Abroad.” Though historians have recently studied the health of slaves in transit and the demographic patterns of slave populations in the New World, they have not paid much attention to these military data. For the West Indies they begin in 1803, for West Africa in 1810. After 1819, it is possible to trace the disease patterns of West Indian and West African populations in the last decades of the slave trade and on into the early twentieth century. These records help to show what happened epidemiologically to populations of African descent that crossed the Atlantic in both directions.
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Barr, Juliana. "From Captives to Slaves: Commodifying Indian Women in the Borderlands." Journal of American History 92, no. 1 (June 1, 2005): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3660524.
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Marriner, N., M. Guérout, and T. Romon. "The forgotten slaves of Tromelin (Indian Ocean): new geoarchaeological data." Journal of Archaeological Science 37, no. 6 (June 2010): 1293–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2009.12.032.
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Dutt, Rajeshwari. "Emancipation and Imperialism in a Borderland: The Challenge to Settler Sovereignty over Slavery in Belize in the 1820s." Americas 80, no. 1 (January 2023): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2022.8.
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AbstractThis article points to the 1820s as a crucial period that saw a great reversal in the location of sovereignty in Belize. The article employs two inflection points—first, an 1822 case of ‘Indian’ slaves from Mosquito Shore, and second, slave desertion in 1825—to point to unprecedented challenges to settler sovereignty over slavery in Belize that arose during the 1820s. While British amelioration allowed the metropolitan government to bring frontier and borderland regions within its legal purview, thus challenging settler autonomy, the concurrent event of Central American emancipation provided enslaved people in Belize additional opportunity to desert their masters at a moment when restitution of runaway slaves became increasingly difficult. Yet, this essay is about more than just the fracturing of settler sovereignty over slavery. Rather it also illuminates how settlers responded to these challenges by using force, diplomacy, and the print media. The settlers’ most potent response was in portraying Belizean slavery as ‘benign,’ creating a surprisingly robust narrative that would endure for generations. The essay illuminates how emancipation and imperialism remained inextricably linked in borderland areas such as Belize, which straddled the boundaries between Spanish America and the British Caribbean.
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Newitt, Malyn. "Africa and the wider world: creole communities in the Atlantic and Indian Oceans." Tempo 23, no. 3 (December 2017): 465–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/tem-1980-542x2017v230303.
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Abstract: Portuguese creoles were instrumental in bringing sub-Saharan Africa into the intercontinental systems of the Atlantic and Indian Ocean. In the Atlantic Islands a distinctive creole culture emerged, made up of Christian emigrants from Portugal, Jewish exiles and African slaves. These creole polities offered a base for coastal traders and became politically influential in Africa - in Angola creating their own mainland state. Connecting the African interior with the world economy was largely on African terms and the lack of technology transfer meant that the economic gap between Africa and the rest of the world inexorably widened. African slaves in Latin America adapted to a society already creolised, often through adroit forms of cultural appropriation and synthesis. In eastern Africa Portuguese worked within existing creolised Islamic networks but the passage of their Indiamen through the Atlantic created close links between the Indian Ocean and Atlantic commercial systems.
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Lee, Julia Sun-Joo. "THE (SLAVE) NARRATIVE OF JANE EYRE." Victorian Literature and Culture 36, no. 2 (September 2008): 317–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150308080194.
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InImperialism at Home, Susan Meyer explores Charlotte Brontë's metaphorical use of race and empire in Jane Eyre. In particular, she is struck by Brontë's repeated allusions to bondage and slavery and wonders, “Why would Brontë write a novel permeated with the imagery of slavery, and suggesting the possibility of a slave uprising, in 1846, after the emancipation of the British slaves had already taken place?” (71). Meyer speculates, “Perhaps the eight years since emancipation provided enough historical distance for Brontë to make a serious and public, although implicit, critique of British slavery and British imperialism in the West Indies” (71). Perhaps. More likely, I would argue, is the possibility that Brontë was thinking not of West Indian slavery, but of American slavery.
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Minda Yimene, Ababu. "Dynamics of Ethnic Identity Among the Siddis of Hyderabad." African and Asian Studies 6, no. 3 (2007): 321–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920907x212268.
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AbstractThe existing commercial contact between India and Africa since prehistoric times grew substantially since the rise of Islam in the 7th century, leaped to its climax during the middle ages and continued until the second half of the 20th century. This commercial relationship involved the trade in humans from Africa to Asia. Many African war captives were sold as slaves in India to serve as domestics and infantries among the aristocracy of rising Islamic kingdoms while some emigrated by free will and settled in India engaging in various occupations. Descendants of African slaves and immigrants, who are locally known as Siddis, presently live in various geographical pockets of India forming their own ethnic enclaves amidst their host societies. The main Siddi communities in India are located in Gujarat, Hyderabad, Karnataka, in the Bombay region and along the western coast, including Goa. The Siddis of Hyderabad, like the other Siddi communities are changing fast, yielding to modern demands and trends. National and global pressures strongly militate against their tradition and change in their identity has been inevitable. As a result of their intermarriage with other ethnic communities and adoption of either Indian or Arab identities, today's Siddis have little resemblance to their predecessors. This study shows that the Siddis are moving in divergent directions of assimilation. Many Moslem Siddis are assimilating into the Yemeni Arab community of Hyderabad while Christian Siddis identify themselves with the Indian Christian population. Moslem and Christian Siddis are accused by each other as being pro-Pakistan Islamic radicals and 'Hindu nationalism' adherents respectively. The Siddis, although historically constituted a single ethnic community, are in the process of a significant identity change by joining two ideologically differing groups.
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Handler, Jerome S., and Robert S. Corruccini. "Weaning among West Indian Slaves: Historical and Bioanthropological Evidence from Barbados." William and Mary Quarterly 43, no. 1 (January 1986): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1919359.
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Béarez, Philippe, and Laurie Bouffandeau. "Fishing for survival: The forgotten slaves of Tromelin Island (Indian Ocean)." International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 29, no. 3 (May 2019): 487–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/oa.2763.
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Romero, Patricia W. "Possible sources for the origin of gold as an economic and social vehicle for women in lamu (Kenya)." Africa 57, no. 3 (July 1987): 364–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160719.
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Opening ParagraphLamu today is composed of several ethnic groups with an affinity for gold: the Afro-Arab old families who intermarried with the BuSaid ruling class from Oman and Zanzibar; Hadrami newcomers from southern Arabia; and the slaves of these groups, all of whom came from central Africa. In addition, there are Bohra Indians (only a few remain of the two hundred or so earlier in the century), two Parsees, and one remaining Ismaili family whose origins in India dictate a desire for gold. Other people, such as Bajuni, are now living in Lamu; but most are poor and the few who have gold are those who have gone to Mombasa or away to school, and then returned. Some of them have married into the heretofore closed ranks of the old Afro-Arab families precisely because they have made money or can be expected to, and will provide gold. There are numbers of other ethnic groups in Lamu, including Africans from the Kenya mainland across the bay from Lamu island. Land, not gold, is important to them. The people of concern here are mainly the Bohra Indians, Afro-Arabs, and the Hadramis – all of whom covet gold. Marriages in Lamu were arranged along ethnic, class, and family lines at least since the nineteenth century. Gold for brides was a necessity – especially for the upper-class Afro-Arab (mixtures of local Africans, African slaves, and Arab traders) families and among the various Indian groups (historically Hindu, Dauudi Bohra, Ithnasharia, Ismaili, and Goans) then living and trading there.
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Adamson, Ginette. "L'engagement dans le théâtre haïtien: l'œuvre dramatique de Jean Métellus." Theatre Research International 21, no. 3 (1996): 245–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300015364.
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In his dramatization of the genocide of Haiti's indigenous Indian population, Jean Metellus sets himself the task of reading the island's future in the archives of Haiti's graveyards. Without being didactic Métellus's Anacaona and Colomb, do have a teaching purpose. They retrace the history of the Indians who lived in Haiti (Ayti) before the arrival of the Conquistadors and their African slaves. In this retracing of history we have a political theatre which calls into question that which and those who allowed this atrocious massacre to take place, and which echoes the dilemmas facing post-Duvalier Haiti.
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Rosenthal, Caitlin C. "From Memory to Mastery: Accounting for Control in America, 1750–1880." Enterprise & Society 14, no. 4 (December 2013): 732–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/kht086.
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From Memory to Mastery explores the development of commercial numeracy and accounting in America and the English-speaking Atlantic world between 1750 and 1880. Most histories of accounting begin in the factories of England and New England, largely ignoring slave economies. I analyze both traditional sites of innovation, including textile mills and iron forges, and also southern and West Indian plantations. Along several dimensions, the calculative practices of slave owners advanced ahead of northern merchants and manufacturers, and many recorded and analyzed the productivity of their human capital with cruel precision. Following threads from Jamaica and Barbados to the American South, I show how plantation power relations stimulated the development of new accounting practices. The control of planters over their slaves made data easier to collect and more profitable to use. Commercial recordkeeping also expanded in free factories, but in different ways than on southern plantations. The mobility of labor made accounting necessary for keeping track of wages but relatively futile for detailed productivity analysis.
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Lokken, Paul. "Marriage as Slave Emancipation in Seventeenth-Century Rural Guatemala." Americas 58, no. 2 (October 2001): 175–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2001.0106.
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On the 17th of August 1671, Manuel de Morales, a 49-year-old Angolan slave employed on a Dominican-owned sugar plantation in the Pacific coastal hotlands of what is now the republic of Guatemala, came before a priest and declared his intention to marry. Accompanying Morales was his proposed spouse, Inés Hernández, an Indian widow from the nearby town of Escuintla, capital of the colonial Guatemalan corregimiento of Escuintepeque in which the Dominican ingenio lay. Four male witnesses testified to the soundness of the proposed marriage between Morales and Hernández, two on behalf of each contrayente, or prospective spouse. Three of the witnesses were slaves: Silvestre Ramírez, defined as mulatto, and Jacinto Pereira and Miguel de la Cruz, both identified as black. The fourth was Diego de Arriasa, mulatto and free.
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Green, Cecilia A. "“A Civil Inconvenience”? The Vexed Question of Slave Marriage in the British West Indies." Law and History Review 25, no. 1 (2007): 1–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073824800000105x.
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This article revisits the debates on the question of slave marriage that were carried on for roughly two centuries, both back and forth across the Atlantic and on the local terrain of the British West Indian plantation colonies. These debates came into critical focus during the fifty-year showdown over “amelioration,” which ended—though only in a manner of speaking—with the British Abolition Act of 1833. For a long time the lines were starkly drawn, but, in the context of laissez-faire political imperium or “indirect rule,” seldom tested. The metropolitan authorities felt some obligation to uphold the grand moral and civilizational integrity of the as-yet imperfectly imagined British Empire, as well as of Western Christendom. They, therefore, were inclined to see the slave as a species of imperial subject, still vaguely conceived within the emerging terms of reference of their global trusteeship and presumptive legal jurisdiction. They felt that, to honor the dignity of the latter, and sustain and nurture its moral legitimacy, the slaves—their subjects, ultimately—should be encouraged to marry, and their marriages should be formally marked, if only symbolically or by summary Christian rite. The planters, for their part, were unshaken in their certitude that the slaves were a species of property,theirproperty no less, and that the idea of any kind of formal marriage among them was preposterous, a great impertinence, an attack on their authority and rights of property, a threat to public safety, and a dangerous intrusion upon the sacrosanctity of European racial exclusivity and superiority.
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Handler, Jerome S., Arthur C. Aufderheide, Robert S. Corruccini, Elizabeth M. Brandon, and Lorentz E. Wittmers. "Lead Contact and Poisoning in Barbados Slaves: Historical, Chemical, and Biological Evidence." Social Science History 10, no. 4 (1986): 399–425. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001556x.
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Lead contact and lead poisoning have received scant attention in discussions of early West Indian societies but are potentially important issues in considering the health and medical problems of blacks. Although our discussion focuses on Barbados, the West Indian historical literature strongly suggests that our general findings are applicable to other Caribbean areas and have implications for understanding some of the disabilities of early white populations as well. In this paper we also seek to illustrate how bioanthropological and chemical analyses of slave skeletal remains and historical data can complement one another in defining and investigating various dimensions of slave life.
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Patel, Dr Sasmita, and Arya CC. "The Women as a Commodity and Marriage as a Commercial Opportunity: An Investigation into the Unpleasant Truth of Marriage Trafficking in India." International Journal of Research and Review 9, no. 1 (January 29, 2022): 689–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.52403/ijrr.20220180.
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This study investigates the unpleasant truth of marriage trafficking in India and how our society perceives women as commodities and makes marriage a commercial opportunity. As per the 2011 Census, India has 48.04% women of the total population; their social status is not satisfactory. If we take the words of Mahatma Gandhi, "the progress of the country is determined by the social status of women in the country,"; and it is unfortunate to say that, for women, India is not a safer place. Brides from economically deprived regions of east and south India are purchased for marriages. Girls are trafficked and sold by spouses and agents to men looking for girls to marry. These brides are tightly controlled so that they do not escape. They use to go through difficult phases of life as they cannot make their own choices, do not enjoy the rights of even being an individual, and are considered slaves. A girl, who should be in school at the young age of 14 or 15 to develop herself and put effort to lead her future in the right direction with fair chances made accessible to her, is compelled into the so-called institution of marriage with men double or triple her age. Certain girls labor as domestic slaves during the day and forced prostitution at night reveal their awful situation. This is a research study completely based on secondary sources. As mentioned above, it has tried to review and analyze the condition of women after marriage trafficking in Indian scenario from the wider perspectives. The available journals articles, books, newspapers and other e-resources on the subject are looked into with a critical analysis on every nuance of bride trafficking in India. The whole discussion and findings are categorized under different themes based on the three sole objectives of the study such as understanding the contributing factors, the further consequences of bride trafficking in Indian scenarios, and critically analyzing the existing legislations and provisions related to trafficking in India. Keywords: Marriage trafficking, Commodity, Commercial Opportunity, Forced Prostitution, Domestic Violence.
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Johnston, Josephine. "Resisting a Genetic Identity: The Black Seminoles and Genetic Tests of Ancestry." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 31, no. 2 (June 2003): 262–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2003.tb00087.x.
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In July 2000, the Seminole Nation of Oklahoma passed a resolution that would effectively expel a significant portion of its tribal members. The resolution amended the Nation's constitution by changing its membership criteria. Previously, potential members needed to show descent from an enrollee of the 1906 Dawes Rolls, the official American Indian tribal rolls established by the Dawes Commission to facilitate the allotment of reservation land. The amended constitution requires possession of one-eighth Seminole Indian blood, a requirement that a significant portion of the tribe's membership cannot fulfill. The members of the Nation who fail to meet this new membership criterion all have one thing in common: they are black.Descendents of former slaves who came to live among the Seminole Indians of Florida in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the black Seminoles have been officially recognized by the U.S. government as members of the Seminole Nation of Oklahoma since 1866.
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Nyang, Sulayman S. "EDITORIAL INTRODUCTION." American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 142–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i1.1505.
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The arrival of Islam in the United States ofAmerica has been dated backto the coming of slaves fromAfrica. During this unfortunate trade in humancargo from the African mainland, many Muslim men and women came tothese shores. Some of these men and women were more visible than others;some were more literate in Arabic than the others; and some were betterremembered by their generations than the others. Despite these multiple differencesbetween the Muslim slaves and their brethren from various parts oftheAfrican continent, the fact still remains that their Islam and their self-confidencedid not save them from the oppressive chains of slave masters. Thereligion of Islam survived only during the lifetime of individual believerswho tried desperately to maintain their Islamic way of life. Among theMuslims who came in ante bellum times intoAmerica one can include YorroMahmud (erroneously anglicized as Yarrow Mamout), Ayub Ibn SulaymanDiallo (known to Anglo-Saxons as Job ben Solomon), Abdul Rahman(known as Abdul Rahahman in the Western sources) and countless otherswhose Islamic ritual practices were prevented from surfacing in public.1Besides these Muslim slaves of ante bellumAmerica, there were otherswho came to these shores without the handicap of slavery. They came fromSouthern Europe, the Middle East and the Indian Subcontinent. TheseMuslimswere immigrants to America at the end of the Nineteenth Century andthe beginning of the Twentieth Century. Motivated by the desire to come toa land of opportunity and strike it rich, many of these men and women laterfound out that the United States ofAmerica was destined to be their permanenthomeland. In the search for identity and cultural security in their newenvironment, these Muslim immigrants began to consolidate their culturalresources by building mosques and organizing national and local groups forthe purpose of social welfare and solidarity. These developments among theMuslims contributed to the emergence of various cultural and religious ...
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Quan, Zhou. "Cultural Memory and Ethnic Identity Construction in Toni Morrison’sA Mercy." Journal of Black Studies 50, no. 6 (July 4, 2019): 555–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934719861268.
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Through the lens of cultural memory, this article explores the relationships between the representation of cultural memory and the construction of ethnic cultural identity in Toni Morrison’s A Mercy. I argue that in the novel, Morrison highlights and manipulates three media of cultural memory: the architecture, the inscription, and the body, to interrogate and challenge the validity of numerous historical monuments and museums in America that are eviscerated of their complicity and function as tools in the atrocity of instituting slavery. To externalize his values, White colonizer Jacob builds a superfluous mansion, which, with the slave trade involved, actually serves as a profane monument to the slavery culture. To highlight the invalidity of the White cultural memory, Morrison crafts Florens who inscribes in the mansion the collective traumatic memory of the African female slaves, deforming the secular memorial from within. In the same fashion, culturally traumatized, Native American Lina adulterates the White culture by insinuating into it the Indigenous Indian cultural fragments and by performing the remolded Indigenous Indian culture, she sediments it into her body. By historicizing the issue of cultural memory in A Mercy, Morrison invites the reader to reconsider what makes a true American cultural memory.
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BURNARD, TREVOR, and RICHARD FOLLETT. "CARIBBEAN SLAVERY, BRITISH ANTI-SLAVERY, AND THE CULTURAL POLITICS OF VENEREAL DISEASE." Historical Journal 55, no. 2 (May 10, 2012): 427–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000513.
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ABSTRACTVenereal disease was commonplace among free and enslaved populations in colonial Caribbean societies. This article considers how contemporaries (both in the empire and metropole) viewed venereal infection and how they associated it with gendered notions of empire and masculinity. It further explores how creole medical practices evolved as planters, slaves, and tropical physicians treated sexually transmitted infections. Yet what began as a familiar and customary affliction was seen, by the late eighteenth century, as a problematic disease in the colonies. As medical theory evolved, placing greater attention on behaviour, British abolitionists focused on the sexual excesses and moral failings of Caribbean slaveholders, evidenced by their venereal complaints. The medicalization of venereal infection and its transition from urbane affliction to stigmatized disease helps explain a key problem in imperial history: how and why West Indian planters became demonized as debauched invalids whose sexual excesses rendered them fundamentally un-British. The changing cultural meanings given to venereal disease played an important role in giving moral weight to abolitionist attacks upon the West Indian slave system in the late eighteenth century. This article, therefore, indicates how changing models of scientific explanation had significant cultural implications for abolitionists, slaveholders, and enslaved people alike.
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Campbell, Gwyn. "Editorial Introduction." Journal of Indian Ocean World Studies 1, no. 1 (September 29, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/jiows.v1i1.24.
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The Journal of Indian Ocean World Studies (JIOWS) is a multidisciplinary, open access journal that accepts articles on all aspects of the history and culture of the Indian Ocean World (IOW) – a macro-region that runs from Africa to the Far East, and includes the Indian Ocean, Indonesian and China seas and their continental hinterlands.This inaugural issue focuses on various instances of interaction in the IOW. From commercial exchange between otherwise opposing commercial enterprises, to personal interactions between Europeans and peoples indigenous to the IOW, to the experiences and strategies of slaves, the issue explores various instances in which categories of “foreign” and “indigenous” come into alignment or conflict in historiography, colonial narratives, or commercial enterprises.
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Alexander, Andrew. "Negotiation, Trade and the Rituals of Encounter: An Examination of the Slave-Trading Voyage of De Zon, 1775–1776." Itinerario 31, no. 3 (November 2007): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300001182.
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AbstractThe intention of this paper is to fill a gap in a rich yet underrepresented aspect of Indian Ocean slave history. I have elected to found this study on a close reading of a journal from a slave-trading vessel that sought slaves for the Cape in Madagascar in the mid-1770s. This vessel, De Zon, conducted a slave-trading operation on behalf of the VOC along the west coast of Madagascar from May 1775 to January 1776. I have undertaken a close reading of the journal maintained by the merchant of De Zon, so as to write a history sensitive to the daily experiences of the slave traders in Madagascar, as well as to the codes and discourse through which this experience was filtered.This paper is primarily concerned with the experience of negotiation and trading as it was recorded by the VOC merchants on the vessels, and is drawn predominantly from the first trading encounter of the crew of De Zon when they arrived in Madagascar in 1775. In contrast to the surveys that comprise the majority of the English-language scholarship on slave trading in Madagascar, this paper is founded on a close reading of particular episodes; it thus represents an attempt at a micronarrative that illustrates and details the historical experience of VOC slave trading on the island at a particular juncture.
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Allen, Richard B. "Indian Immigrants and the Legacy of Marronage: Illegal Absence, Desertion and Vagrancy on Mauritius, 1835–1900." Itinerario 21, no. 1 (March 1997): 98–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300022725.
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Even before the abolition of slavery on 1 February 1835, planters on Mauritius had begun to look for free agricultural labourers to work their estates. By the early 1830s, it had become apparent that the local slave population was inadequate to meet the labour needs of the colony's rapidly expanding sugar industry, and the long-term availability of this soon-to-be emancipated work force was also increasingly open to question as the decade progressed. The Act of Abolition promised owners the services of their former slaves, now transformed into ‘apprentices’, as agricultural labourers, but only for a period of six years. Some planters no doubt suspected that the apprenticeship system might come to an end earlier than scheduled, as indeed was to happen in 1839. Others had good reason to suspect that many, if not most, of their apprentices would leave the plantations upon their final emancipation, as indeed they subsequently did. Faced with these realities, Mauritian planters dispatched their agents as far afield as China, Singapore, Ethiopia and Madagascar to search out supplies of inexpensive labour. Their gaze returned continually, however, to the relative close and seemingly inexhaustible manpower of India.
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Desai, Gaurav. "Oceans Connect: The Indian Ocean and African Identities." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 125, no. 3 (May 2010): 713–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2010.125.3.713.
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Readers of PMLA Recognize 26 Broadway, in New York City, as the Headquarters of the Mla, One of the Major Hubs of Intellectual work in literary and cultural studies in North America. But in the summer of 1840, 26 Broadway was a commercial hub that connected the world of the Atlantic Ocean with the world of the Indian Ocean. Here, in the offices of the New York firm Barclay and Livingston, Ahmad Bin Na'aman, special envoy of the sultan of Zanzibar, Sayyid Said, offered for sale merchandise that had been brought to the United States from Muscat and Zanzibar. The merchandise included “1,300 bags of dates, 21 bales of Persian wool carpets and 100 bales of Mokha coffee” that had been acquired at Muscat and “108 prime ivory tusks, 81 cases of gum copal, … 135 bags of cloves and 1,000 dry salted hides” from Zanzibar (Eilts 32). The cargo had come to New York on 30 April 1840 aboard the Sultanah, a bark owned by the sultan and commanded by William Sleeman, an Englishman. Except for two Frenchmen whose identities are uncertain and two Englishwomen who had sought passage to London, where the ship was headed, most of those on board were African slaves belonging to the ship's officers and hired lascars, Muslim seamen from the lower Konkan and Malabar coasts of India who had been signed on in Bombay, where the ship had been refitted for the transatlantic voyage and from which it first embarked (3). The slaves, we are told, were dressed in garments made of coarse cotton cloth “called merikani, after the country of its manufacture” (4). In his account of the voyage of the Sultanah, Hermann Frederick Eilts writes of “the pungent vapors of cloves, gum copal and coffee (from the ship's cargo), of tar and pitch, of open-hearth cooking in deep, acrid sheep tail's fat, called ghee, of primitive shipboard sanitation and of coconut oil” (4). This account of the “first Arab emissary and the first Arab vessel to visit American shores” is a rich reminder of the historical interconnections in the world (6).
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Purvis, R. S. "Black Slaves, Indian Masters: Slavery, Emancipation, and Citizenship in the Native American South." Ethnohistory 62, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 187–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-2821839.
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Confer, C. W. "Black Slaves, Indian Masters: Slavery, Emancipation, and Citizenship in the Native American South." Journal of American History 101, no. 1 (May 22, 2014): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jau206.
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Machado, Pedro. "Alessandro Stanziani.Sailors, Slaves, and Immigrants: Bondage in the Indian Ocean World, 1750–1914." American Historical Review 121, no. 1 (February 2016): 205–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/121.1.205.
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Levy, David M. "How the Dismal Science Got its Name: Debating Racial Quackery." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 23, no. 1 (March 2001): 5–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10427710120045628.
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Here is a fact that seems to surprise many deeply learned scholars. The term “dismal science” was applied to British political economy as the 1840s ended because of its role bringing about the emancipation of West Indian slaves in the 1830s. This paper addresses the consequences that follow from our ignorance of the role of classical economic theory in the anti-racial slavery coalition of Biblical literalists and utilitarians.
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SMITH, CHRIS. "Going to the Nation: the idea of Oklahoma in early blues recordings." Popular Music 26, no. 1 (January 2006): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143007001146.
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This paper considers references to Oklahoma in blues recordings from 1924 to 1941, and the paradox that, although the reality of life for African-Americans in that state was little different from life in the Deep South, the recordings usually speak of migration to Oklahoma in optimistic terms. The notion that the Indian Nation (a.k.a. ‘the Territory’) had been a refuge for runaway slaves is rebutted, together with the conclusion that optimistic references in the blues preserve this idea as a collective memory. What is being recalled is rather the period between the Civil War and statehood (1907): the former slaves of Native Americans in Oklahoma became tribal members, gaining the civil and property rights accorded to tribes-people, and the black townships movement offered the prospect of autonomy and self-government on the frontier. Two songs which take a negative view of Oklahoma's Jim Crow reality are also considered.
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Sonn, Tamara. "Islamic Studies in South Africa." American Journal of Islam and Society 11, no. 2 (July 1, 1994): 274–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v11i2.2436.
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Background of South African IslamIn 1994, South Africans will celebrate three centuries of Islam inSouth Africa. Credit for establishing Islam in South Africa is usuallygiven to Sheikh Yusuf, a Macasser prince who was exiled to South Africafor leading the resistance against the Dutch colonization of Malaysia. Thefitst Muslims in South Africa, however, were actually slaves who hadbeen imported, beginning in 1677, mainly from India, the Indonesianarchipelago, Malaysia, and Sri Lanka, by the Dutch colonists living in theCape. The Cape Muslim community, popularly but inaccurately knownas "Malays" and known under apattheid as "Coloreds," is the oldest Muslimcommunity in South Africa. The other major Muslim community wasestablished over a century later by indentured laborers and tradespeoplefrom northern India, a minority of whom weae Muslims. The majority ofSouth African Indian Muslims, classified as "Asians" or "Asiatics," nowlive in Natal and Tramvaal. The third ethnically identifiable group, classifiedas "Aftican" or "Black," consists mainly of converts or theirdescendants. Of the entire South African Muslim population, roughly 49percent are "Coloreds," nearly 47 pement are "Asians," and, although statisticsregarding "Africans" ate generally unreliable, it is estimated thatthey are less than 4 percent. Less than 1 percent is "White."Contributions to South African SocietyAlthough Muslims make up less that 2 petcent of the total population,their presence is highly visible. There ate over twenty-five mosques inCape Town and over one hundred in Johannesburg, making minarets asfamiliar as church towers Many are histotic and/or architectuml monuments.More importantly, Muslims ate uniquely involved in the nation'scultwe and economy. The oldest extant Afrikaans-language manuscriptsare in the Arabic script, for they ate the work of Muslim slaves writingin the Dutch patois. South African historian Achrnat Davids has tracedmany linguistic elements of Afrikaans, both in vocabulary and grammar,to the influence of the Cape Muslims. Economically, the Indian Muslimsaxe the most affluent, owing primarily to the cirmmstances under whichthey came to South Africa. Muslim names on businesses and buildingsare a familiar sight in all major cities and on those UniveAty campusesthat non-Whites were allowed to attend during apartheid ...
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Moore, Peter N. "An Enslaver's Guide to Slavery Reform: William Dunlop's 1690 Proposals to Christianize Slaves in the British Atlantic." Church History 91, no. 2 (June 2022): 264–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640722001366.
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When it was first brought to light in 2010, an anonymously authored, unpublished document from 1690, Proposals for the propagating of the Christian Religion, and Converting of Slaves whether Negroes or Indians in the English plantations, appeared to support claims for an emerging humanitarian sensibility among Christian antislavery reformers in seventeenth-century England. This article argues that Scottish Covenanter, colonizer, and enslaver William Dunlop was the author of these proposals. Dunlop's authorship casts them in a new light, showing the complex ways Christianity and slavery were entangled in this period and the challenges Reformed Protestants faced in their attempts to disentangle them. Dunlop's Reformed background and experience in the Presbyterian resistance movement during the “killing times” of the early 1680s led him to view slavery as anti-Christian tyranny and liberty as the will of God. But during his time in Carolina he was deeply implicated in enslaving illegally seized Christian Indian captives, African chattel slaves, white indentured servants seeking freedom in Spanish Catholic Florida, and even fellow Covenanters banished to the plantations for their resistance to episcopacy. Dunlop's proposals emerged from these dual contexts. They tried and failed to imagine a form of Christian slavery that gave enough freedom to enslaved people to lead authentic Christian lives, showing instead that Christianity and slavery were incompatible and offering reformers only a stark choice: not Christian slavery, but Christianity or slavery.