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Journal articles on the topic 'Indigenous archaeology'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Sillar, Bill. "Who's indigenous? Whose archaeology?" Public Archaeology 4, no. 2-3 (January 2005): 71–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/pua.2005.4.2-3.71.

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2

Sillar, Bill. "Who's indigenous? Whose archaeology?" Public Archaeology 4, no. 2 (January 1, 2005): 71–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/146551805793156266.

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3

Ucko, Peter. "Indigenous Archaeology at the Institute of Archaeology." Papers from the Institute of Archaeology 12 (November 15, 2001): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/pia.168.

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4

Colwell-Chanthaphonh, Chip, T. J. Ferguson, Dorothy Lippert, Randall H. McGuire, George P. Nicholas, Joe E. Watkins, and Larry J. Zimmerman. "The Premise and Promise of Indigenous Archaeology." American Antiquity 75, no. 2 (April 2010): 228–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.75.2.228.

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Researchers have increasingly promoted an emerging paradigm of Indigenous archaeology, which includes an array of practices conducted by, for, and with Indigenous communities to challenge the discipline's intellectual breadth and political economy. McGhee (2008) argues that Indigenous archaeology is not viable because it depends upon the essentialist concept of “Aboriginalism.” In this reply, we correct McGhee's description of Indigenous Archaeology and demonstrate why Indigenous rights are not founded on essentialist imaginings. Rather, the legacies of colonialism, sociopolitical context of scientific inquiry, and insights of traditional knowledge provide a strong foundation for collaborative and community-based archaeology projects that include Indigenous peoples.
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5

Wilcox, Michael. "Saving Indigenous Peoples from Ourselves: Separate but Equal Archaeology is not Scientific Archaeology." American Antiquity 75, no. 2 (April 2010): 221–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.75.2.221.

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In his recent article “Aboriginalism and the Problems of Indigenous Archaeology,” Robert McGhee questions the intellectual viability of Indigenous Archaeology as well as the contributions of Indigenous Peoples within the field of archaeology. Further, the author challenges the very notion of Indigeneity and characterizes Indigenous and scientific perspectives as mutually incompatible. I argue that the author's solution of “separate but equal” domains for scientific vs. Indigenous archaeologies misrepresents both science and Indigeneity as homogenous entities, affirms these positions as inherently dichotomized and invites comparison to some of the troubling philosophical legacies of racial segregation.
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6

Muckle, Bob. "Indigenous, Extreme and Wild Archaeology." Anthropology News 57, no. 10 (October 2016): e23-e25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/an.180.

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7

Atalay, Sonya. "Indigenous Archaeology as Decolonizing Practice." American Indian Quarterly 30, no. 3 (2006): 280–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aiq.2006.0015.

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8

González-Ruibal, Alfredo. "Ethics of Archaeology." Annual Review of Anthropology 47, no. 1 (October 21, 2018): 345–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-anthro-102317-045825.

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Ethics has abandoned its niche status to become a shared concern across archaeology. The appraisal of the sociopolitical context of archaeological practice since the 1980s has forced the discipline to take issue with the expanding array of ethical questions raised by work with living people. Thus, the original foci on the archaeological record, conservation, and scientific standards, which are behind most deontological codes, have been largely transcended and even challenged. In this line, this review emphasizes philosophical and political aspects over practical ones and examines some pressing ethical concerns that are related to archaeology's greater involvement with contemporary communities, political controversies, and social demands; discussion includes ethical responses to the indigenous critique, the benefits and risks of applied archaeology, the responsibilities of archaeologists in conflict and postconflict situations, vernacular digging and collecting practices, development-led archaeology, heritage, and the ethics of things.
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9

Croes, Dale R. "Courage and Thoughtful Scholarship = Indigenous Archaeology Partnerships." American Antiquity 75, no. 2 (April 2010): 211–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.75.2.211.

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Robert McGhee's recent lead-in American Antiquity article entitled Aboriginalism and Problems of Indigenous archaeology seems to emphasize the pitfalls that can occur in “indigenous archaeology.” Though the effort is never easy, I would emphasize an approach based on a 50/50 partnership between the archaeological scientist and the native people whose past we are attempting to study through our field and research techniques. In northwestern North America, we have found this approach important in sharing ownership of the scientist/tribal effort, and, equally important, in adding highly significant (scientifically) cultural knowledge of Tribal members through their ongoing cultural transmission—a concept basic to our explanation in the field of archaeology and anthropology. Our work with ancient basketry and other wood and fiber artifacts from waterlogged Northwest Coast sites demonstrates millennia of cultural continuity, often including regionally distinctive, highly guarded cultural styles or techniques that tribal members continue to use. A 50/50 partnership means, and allows, joint ownership that can only expand the scientific description and the cultural explanation through an Indigenous archaeology approach.
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10

McNiven, Ian J. "Theoretical Challenges of Indigenous Archaeology: Setting an Agenda." American Antiquity 81, no. 1 (January 2016): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.81.1.27.

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AbstractIndigenous archaeology focuses on laudable processes of collaborative community research and decolonization. In contrast, theoretical contributions of Indigenous archaeology in terms of interpreting archaeological materials have been minimally articulated beyond praxis. Does Indigenous archaeology have an interpretative theoretical agenda? This paper addresses this question and articulates an agenda through distillation of theoretical developments and concerns from the considerable literature on Indigenous archaeology that has emerged from the Americas, Australia, and Africa over the past two decades. A shared fundamental concern is challenging ontological and epistemological divides and dualisms within mainstream Western archaeology. Two key dimensions of Indigenous archaeology are elaborated to provide broader scope to contextualize and address these theoretical challenges. First,encountering the pastchallenges objectivist tangibility of the archaeological record with ancestral presence and contexts where artifactual absence is the (in)tangible signature of spiritual association. Second,historicing the presentchallenges secularist archaeologies of a detached past with archaeologies of the more familiar ethnographically known recent past linked to identity and diachronic explorations of ontology and spiritualism. An agenda that embraces these theoretical challenges presents major opportunities for mainstream archaeology to reorient its Eurocentric focus and produce more cross-culturally relevant and culturally nuanced and sensitive understandings of the past.
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11

Cipolla, Craig N. "Posthuman Potentials: Considering Collaborative Indigenous Archaeology." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 31, no. 3 (May 18, 2021): 509–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774321000202.

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This essay argues for the diversity and promise of posthuman approaches in archaeology by dispelling blanket critiques, by differentiating between distinct lines of post-anthropocentric thought and by pointing to parallels between Posthumanism and collaborative Indigenous archaeologies. It begins by arguing that symmetrical archaeology is but one part of the diverse body of thought labelled ‘posthuman’. Next, it explores broader posthuman engagements with political issues relevant for collaborative Indigenous archaeologies, particularly concerns regarding under-represented groups in the field. Finally, it identifies flat ontologies as key components of posthuman approaches, clarifying what this term means for different lines of post-anthropocentric thought and briefly considering how the concept of flatness compares with Indigenous metaphysics.
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12

Heckenberger, Michael. "Archaeology as Indigenous Advocacy in Amazonia." Practicing Anthropology 26, no. 3 (July 1, 2004): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.26.3.j3x06m427k558232.

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Not so long ago, most anthropologists held a view of pre-Columbian Amazonian peoples as fairly uniform across the region and roughly identical to 20th century ethnographic groups- a view based on very scanty direct evidence. Attention was therefore directed at contemporary social forms and singlesited ethnography, which seemed well suited to studying the small, dispersed, and autonomous villages of the region. In recent decades, archaeology and ethnohistory document much greater variability through time and space, notably complex, regional social formations and broad regional social networks. At the same time, contemporary issues of cultural ‘property’ rights have drawn attention to the agency and dynamism of indigenous social formations. In light of new views on Amazonia, as dynamic, diverse, and unpredictable, the unique ability of archaeologists to consider longterm change provides a critical perspective in regional ethnology, although in-depth archaeological investigations are rare.
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13

Dutt, Rajeshwari. "Archaeology, Indigenous Communities, and the State." Public Historian 39, no. 4 (November 1, 2017): 142–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2017.39.4.142.

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14

Silliman, Stephen W. "The Value and Diversity of Indigenous Archaeology: A Response to McGhee." American Antiquity 75, no. 2 (April 2010): 217–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.75.2.217.

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Robert McGhee (2008) recently argued against the validity and viability of Indigenous archaeology based on claims that untenable “Aboriginalism” supports the entire enterprise. However, he mischaracterizes and simplifies Indigenous archaeology, despite the wealth of literature suggesting that such community approaches have had and will continue to have great value for method, theory, rigorous interpretation, and political value in archaeology.
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15

Mills, Barbara J. "Indigenous Archaeology: American Indian Values and Scientific Practice.:Indigenous Archaeology: American Indian Values and Scientific Practice." American Anthropologist 105, no. 2 (June 2003): 473–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2003.105.2.473.

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16

ROSS, NORBERT O. "Unconquered Lacandon Maya: Ethnohistory and Archaeology of Indigenous Change:Unconquered Lacandon Maya: Ethnohistory and Archaeology of Indigenous Change." American Anthropologist 108, no. 4 (December 2006): 917–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2006.108.4.917.2.

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17

Mendizábal, Tomas Enrique, and Dimitrios Theodossopoulos. "Los Emberá, turismo y arqueología indígena: “redescubriendo” el pasado en el este de Panamá." Memorias, no. 18 (May 3, 2022): 88–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.14482/memor.18.475.8.

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In this article we discuss the interest of the Emberá (an Amerindian indigenous group) in collecting knowledge about material remains of the past—such as colonial and pre-colonial ceramic fragments – that are easily found in Eastern Panama. We situate this interest of the Emberá (and their desire to learn more about the past) within the context of indigenous tourism, which has inspired the articulation of new narratives about Emberá history and identity. In addition, the accidental discovery by the Emberá of ceramic fragments from past periods has instigated and facilitated archaeological investigation, a process that resulted in a reciprocal exchange of knowledge between the Emberá and the academic investigators. Such a reciprocal relationship, we argue, can contribute towards the decolonisation of archaeology, create synergies between anthropology and archaeology, and enhance indigenous representation in tourism.
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18

Wadsworth, William T. D., Kisha Supernant, and Ave Dersch. "Integrating Remote Sensing and Indigenous Archaeology to Locate Unmarked Graves." Advances in Archaeological Practice 9, no. 3 (May 25, 2021): 202–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aap.2021.9.

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AbstractArchaeologists have long been called on to use geophysical techniques to locate unmarked graves in both archaeological and forensic contexts. Although these techniques—primarily ground-penetrating radar (GPR)—have demonstrated efficacy in this application, there are fewer examples of studies driven by Indigenous community needs. In North America, the location of ancestors and burial grounds is a priority for most Indigenous communities. We argue that when these Indigenous voices are equitably included in research design, the practice of remote sensing changes and more meaningful collaborations ensue. Drawing on Indigenous archaeology and heart-centered practices, we argue that remote-sensing survey methodologies, and the subsequent narratives produced, need to change. These approaches change both researchers’ and Indigenous communities’ relationships to the work and allow for the inclusion of Indigenous Knowledge (IK) in interpretation. In this article, we discuss this underexplored research trajectory, explain how it relates to modern GPR surveys for unmarked graves, and present the results from a survey conducted at the request of the Chipewyan Prairie First Nation. Although local in nature, we discuss potential benefits and challenges of Indigenous remote sensing collaborations, and we engage larger conversations happening in Indigenous communities around the ways these methods can contribute to reconciliation and decolonization.
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19

Cipolla, Craig N., James Quinn, and Jay Levy. "THEORY IN COLLABORATIVE INDIGENOUS ARCHAEOLOGY: INSIGHTS FROM MOHEGAN." American Antiquity 84, no. 1 (November 21, 2018): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aaq.2018.69.

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There is little doubt that Indigenous, collaborative, and community-based archaeologies offer productive means of reshaping the ways in which archaeologists conduct research in North America. Scholarly reporting, however, typically places less emphasis on the ways in which Indigenous and collaborative versions of archaeology influence our interpretations of the past and penetrate archaeology at the level of theory. In this article, we begin to fill this void, critically considering archaeological research and teaching at Mohegan in terms of the deeper impacts that Indigenous knowledge, interests, and sensitivities make via collaborative projects. We frame the collaboration as greater than the sum of its heterogeneous components, including its diverse human participants. From this perspective, the project produces new and valuable orientations toward current theoretical debates in archaeology. We address these themes as they relate to ongoing research and teaching at several eighteenth- and nineteenth-century sites on the Mohegan Reservation in Uncasville, Connecticut.
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20

McGhee, Robert. "Aboriginalism and the Problems of Indigenous Archaeology." American Antiquity 73, no. 4 (October 2008): 579–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002731600047314.

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This paper contends that proponents of various forms of Indigenous Archaeology base their argument on a paradigm of Aboriginal essentialism ("Aboriginalism") that is derived from the long-discarded concept of Primitive Man. The development of Aboriginalism is explored as a mutually reinforcing process between Indigenous and Western scholars, based on evidence that is at best anecdotal. The adoption of this flawed concept by archaeologists, Western publics, and Indigenous people themselves has led to problematic assumptions that have negative consequences for both the practice of archaeology and for the lives of those who identify themselves as Indigenous. Archaeologists can usefully challenge the historical assumptions on which the paradigm of Aboriginalism is based: the belief that local societies have endured as stable entities over great periods of time, and the consequent projection of contemporary ethnic identities into the deep past. Such a challenge confronts a significant element of the intellectual climate that allows marginalized groups to exist as permanent aliens in the societies of settler nations.
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21

Watkins, Joe. "THROUGH WARY EYES: Indigenous Perspectives on Archaeology." Annual Review of Anthropology 34, no. 1 (October 2005): 429–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.anthro.34.081804.120540.

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22

Smith, Claire, and Gary Jackson. "Decolonizing Indigenous Archaeology: Developments from Down Under." American Indian Quarterly 30, no. 3 (2006): 311–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aiq.2006.0032.

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23

Pyburn, K. Anne. "Indigenous Peoples and Archaeology in Latin America." American Anthropologist 116, no. 1 (March 2014): 207–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aman.12085_21.

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24

Millett, Martin. "Interpreting Local and Indigenous Ritual." Archaeological Dialogues 4, no. 2 (December 1997): 154–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203800001021.

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This paper is of fundamental interest to those working on the archaeology of the Roman provinces because it moves us a considerable way forward in relating two previously disparate branches to study to one another. Until now it has been almost impossible to find serious studies which connect settlement and landscape with religion. By drawing on the impressive recent tradition of Dutch landscape archaeology within the Roman period and systematically using the extensive epigraphic evidence for religion Derks provides not only new insights into the nature of Roman provincial society but also a soundly based study which stands well beside the work of prehistorians like Bradley. Derks paper is thus of great interest and should form a model for the study of other regions. I would be particularly interested to see whether the distribution of dedications to Mars and Hercules was similarly structured in other areas, especially in Mediterranean areas.
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25

Sanger, Matthew C., and Kristen Barnett. "Remote Sensing and Indigenous Communities." Advances in Archaeological Practice 9, no. 3 (August 2021): 194–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aap.2021.19.

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AbstractAlthough remote sensing techniques are increasingly becoming ubiquitous within archaeological research, their proper and ethical use has rarely been critically examined, particularly among Native American communities. Potential ethical challenges are outlined, along with suggested changes to archaeological frameworks that will better address Native American concerns. These changes center on a revised view of remote sensing instruments as being potentially invasive and extractive, even if nondestructive. Understanding the potentially invasive and extractive nature of these tools and methods, archaeologists are urged to work closely with Native/Indigenous communities to create more holistic practices that include community knowledge holders and to actively discourage stereotypes that pit archaeologists and Native/Indigenous communities against one another. Considering the speed at which remote sensing is being used in archaeology, these changes need to be embraced as soon as possible so that future work can be conducted in an ethical manner.
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26

Anyon, Roger, and T. J. Ferguson. "Cultural resources management at the Pueblo of Zuni, New Mexico, USA." Antiquity 69, no. 266 (December 1995): 913–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00082466.

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As once-colonial countries recognize the special claim of indigenous peoples to their own history, so archaeology is becoming more a partnership between researcher and community. The next step, of indigenous people directing their own archaeology, was taken long ago by the Zuni peopel of New Mexico, in a programme that is an example and model for others. The authors have worked in the Zuni programmes for over 15 years.
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27

Cordes, Ashley. "Revisiting Stories and Voices of the Rogue River War (1853–1856): A Digital Constellatory Autoethnographic Mode of Indigenous Archaeology." Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 21, no. 1 (August 29, 2020): 56–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708620953189.

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The Rogue River War (RRW) between Indigenous peoples and settlers is historically overlooked and storied through settler-colonial lenses. This essay narrates participation in a digital restorying and archaeological investigation into the war in light of digital advancements in archaeology and communication. The author coins a reflexive approach referred to as a digital constellatory autoethnographic mode of Indigenous archaeology (DCAM) and details how Snapchats, iPhone images, digital memory cards, and artifacts/belongings have sets of logic, mood, and vocalic character. DCAM demonstrates how digital media not counted as “official” data enables Indigenous and ally researchers to have more honest engagements with histories.
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28

Milo, Richard G., and J. Watkins. "Indigenous Archaeology: American Indian Values and Scientific Practice." South African Archaeological Bulletin 57, no. 175 (June 2002): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3889110.

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29

De Blasis, Paulo. "Indigenous archaeology. American Indian values and scientific practice." Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, no. 11 (December 16, 2001): 313. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2448-1750.revmae.2001.109427.

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30

Zarmati, Louise. "Using Archaeology to Teach Australia’s ‘Difficult’ Indigenous Past." Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites 17, no. 1 (February 2015): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1350503315z.00000000096.

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31

McCall, Grant, and R. Layton. "Who Needs the Past? Indigenous Values and Archaeology." Man 26, no. 4 (December 1991): 746. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2803783.

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32

Palka, Joel W. "Historical Archaeology of Indigenous Culture Change in Mesoamerica." Journal of Archaeological Research 17, no. 4 (May 14, 2009): 297–346. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10814-009-9031-0.

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33

Glencross, Bonnie, Gary Warrick, Edward Eastaugh, Alicia Hawkins, Lisa Hodgetts, and Louis Lesage. "Minimally Invasive Research Strategies in Huron-Wendat Archaeology." Advances in Archaeological Practice 5, no. 2 (April 17, 2017): 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aap.2017.7.

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ABSTRACTThe rapid pace of economic, political, and social change over the past 150 years has framed and reframed archaeological practice in Ontario. Indigenous groups have become increasingly involved in and critical of archaeological research. Indigenous peoples who value archaeological investigation of ancestral sites, but also desire to protect their buried ancestors, have restricted archaeological excavation and the analysis of remains. Over the last decade, research and consulting archaeologists in Ontario, Canada, have worked collaboratively with Indigenous peoples with an eye to developing sustainable archaeology practices. In the spirit of sustainable archaeology, a comprehensive research project and field school run by Wilfrid Laurier University is training the next generation of archaeologists to adopt investigative techniques that minimize disturbance of ancestral sites. Here we present the results of our surface, magnetic susceptibility, and metal detecting surveys of a Huron-Wendat village site, which pose minimally invasive solutions for investigating village sites in wooded areas. The water-sieving of midden soils in an attempt to recover 100 percent of cultural materials, and the analysis of archived collections also honor the values of Indigenous descendant communities by limiting additional invasive excavation.
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34

Covey, R. Alan, Geoff Childs, and Rebecca Kippen. "Dynamics of Indigenous Demographic Fluctuations." Current Anthropology 52, no. 3 (June 2011): 335–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/660010.

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35

Varouchakis, Vasileios. "Indigenous Archaeologies of Crete, 1878–1913." Public Archaeology 16, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 42–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14655187.2017.1431100.

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36

González-Ruibal, Alfredo. "Ethical Issues in Indigenous Archaeology: Problems with Difference and Collaboration." Canadian Journal of Bioethics 2, no. 3 (December 18, 2019): 34–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1066461ar.

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The critique of archaeology made from an indigenous and postcolonial perspective has been largely accepted, at least in theory, in many settler colonies, from Canada to New Zealand. In this paper, I would like to expand such critique in two ways: on the one hand, I will point out some issues that have been left unresolved; on the other hand, I will address indigenous and colonial experiences that are different from British settler colonies, which have massively shaped our understanding of indigeneity and the relationship of archaeology to it. I am particularly concerned with two key problems: alterity – how archaeologists conceptualize difference – and collaboration – how archaeologists imagine their relationship with people from a different cultural background. My reflections are based on my personal experiences working with communities in southern Europe, Sub-Saharan Africa and South America that differ markedly from those usually discussed by indigenous archaeologies.
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37

Pollard, Kellie, Claire Smith, Jasmine Willika, Vince Copley sr, Vincent Copley jr, Christopher Willson, Emily Poelina-Hunter, and Julie Ah Quee. "Indigenous views on the future of public archaeology in Australia." AP: Online Journal in Public Archaeology 10 (March 21, 2021): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.23914/ap.v10i0.293.

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This paper was written in response to a request by the editors of the AP: Online Journal of Public Archaeology, Jaime Almansa Sánchez and Elena Papagiannopoulou, for Claire Smith to write on the future of public archaeology in Australia. In Australia, public archaeology focusses on high profile colonial sites such as The Rocks in Sydney (Karskens 1999) and Port Arthur in Tasmania (Steele et al. 2007; Frew 2012), tourism (e.g. Cole and Wallis 2019) or enhancing school curricula (Nichols et al. 2005; Owens and Steele 2005). However, given her decades-long relationships with Jawoyn and Ngadjuri people (Smith 1999; Smith et al. 2016; Smith et al. 2020), Claire Smith decided that a useful way of approaching this topic would be to obtain Indigenous views on the subject. Accordingly, she contacted the Aboriginal co-authors of this article and invited them to co-author the paper. The possibility to write in free form was a boon. The ‘conversation’ format we settled on was designed to facilitate the voices of individuals, to present a range of Indigenous views, to allow people to express their views frankly, and to deal with the constraints of people being located in different parts of Australia as well as occasional lock-downs due to COVID-19. We decided on five topics/questions that would be the basis of the conversation. Each Aboriginal author gave their views either by email or by phone. These views were interwoven into a ‘conversation’. The language has been edited lightly for clarity and to simulate a real-life conversation. The final text was approved by all authors.
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38

Opishinski, Ana C., and Jade W. Luiz. "Archaeology in a New Light." Public Historian 44, no. 4 (November 1, 2022): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2022.44.4.147.

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Plimoth Patuxet Museums is known for its living history sites depicting the seventeenth-century Pilgrim settlement of Plymouth and the Wampanoag settlement of Patuxet. With the 400th anniversary of Mayflower’s arrival, the museum recommitted itself to presenting archaeology. Because of the challenges of publicly interpreting archaeology, the broad swath of time covered by archaeology, and the reality that most guests know little about either Indigenous history or archaeology, integrating archaeological programming into the living history format proved challenging, exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. By employing a multipronged physical and digital approach, the authors have found some success in bringing a more nuanced understanding of archaeology to the institution’s stakeholders.
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39

Barrett, John. "The Archaeology of Population Dynamics." Current Swedish Archaeology 27, no. 27 (December 30, 2019): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.37718/csa.2019.02.

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A critical evaluation of the recent interpretation of aDNA data that link the adoption of domesticated plants and animals across Europe with a migration of human populations from southwest Asia and the Aegean. These data have been used to question previous models that argued for the uptake of farming by indigenous hunter-gatherer populations.
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40

McAnany, Patricia. "Imagining a Maya Archaeology That Is Anthropological and Attuned to Indigenous Cultural Heritage." Heritage 3, no. 2 (May 12, 2020): 318–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/heritage3020019.

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Taking an aspirational approach, this article imagines what Maya Archaeology would be like if it were truly anthropological and attuned to Indigenous heritage issues. In order to imagine such a future, the past of archaeology and anthropology is critically examined, including the emphasis on processual theory within archaeology and the Indigenous critique of socio-cultural anthropology. Archaeological field work comes under scrutiny, particularly the emphasis on the product of field research over the collaborative process of engaging local and descendant communities. Particular significance is given to the role of settler colonialism in maintaining unequal access to and authority over landscapes filled with remains of the past. Interrogation of the distinction between archaeology and heritage results in the recommendation that the two approaches to the past be recognized as distinct and in tension with each other. Past heritage programs imagined and implemented in the Maya region by the author and colleagues are examined reflexively.
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41

Horsthemke, Kai. "The Idea of Indigenous Knowledge." Archaeologies 4, no. 1 (April 2008): 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11759-008-9058-8.

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42

Stump, Daryl. "On Applied Archaeology, Indigenous Knowledge, and the Usable Past." Current Anthropology 54, no. 3 (June 2013): 268–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/670330.

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43

Hruby, Julie. "Mycenaean Pottery from Pylos: An Indigenous Typology." American Journal of Archaeology 114, no. 2 (April 2010): 195–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.114.2.195.

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Hammond, Norman, Albert Szabo, and Thomas J. Barfield. "Afghanistan: An Atlas of Indigenous Domestic Architecture." Journal of Field Archaeology 20, no. 3 (1993): 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/530063.

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Adams, W. M. "Definition and Development in African Indigenous Irrigation." Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa 24, no. 1 (January 1989): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00672708909511394.

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Ogundiran, Akin. "Food Security, Food Sovereignty, and Indigenous Knowledge." African Archaeological Review 36, no. 3 (September 2019): 343–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10437-019-09349-7.

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Takakura, Hiroki. "Indigenous Intellectuals and Suppressed Russian Anthropology." Current Anthropology 47, no. 6 (December 2006): 1009–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/508694.

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Müller, Katja. "Another India: Explorations and Expressions of Indigenous South Asia." Museum Anthropology Review 12, no. 2 (August 11, 2018): 153–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.14434/mar.v12i2.23512.

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Kelley, Alan D., Angela J. Neller, and Carlton Shield Chief Gover. "Some Indigenous Perspectives on Artifact Collecting and Archaeologist–Collector Collaboration." Advances in Archaeological Practice 10, no. 1 (February 2022): 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aap.2021.39.

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AbstractThis article attempts to bring Indigenous voices into the ongoing conversation about collecting practices and the archaeological record. The issue editors solicited responses to open-ended questions about those subjects from members of their own and issue contributors' networks of Indigenous collaborators and contacts. Alan D. Kelley (Deputy Tribal Historic Preservation Officer, Iowa Tribe of Kansas and Nebraska), Angela J. Neller (Curator, Wanapum Heritage Center, Washington), and Carlton Shield Chief Gover (PhD student in archaeology at the University of Colorado and member of the Skiri Band of the Pawnee Nation of Oklahoma) offered the answers reported here. We do not pretend to reflect the innumerable and highly varied Indigenous perspectives on the collection of their ancestors' material culture, but we do hope to plant the seeds of a more inclusive conversation than has been the norm in archaeology.
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Deori, Bina Gandhi. "INDIGENOUS FOODWAYS OF THE GALOS: A CHALLENGE TO ARCHAEOLOGY." Journal of Indo-Pacific Archaeology 37 (April 13, 2016): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.7152/jipa.v37i0.14785.

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<p>The Galos are one among many tribes inhabiting the mountainous terrain of Arunachal Pradesh, located in the foothills of the Himalayas in North-East India. The traditional subsistence practice of the Galos<em> </em>includes swidden cultivation popularly known as <em>jhummin</em>g in North-East India, animal husbandry and gathering. The paper discusses in detail the indigenous foodways of the Galos and how it pose challenges to the archaeology of the food in the region.</p><p>Keywords: Arunachal Pradesh, Galo tribe, indigenous, foodways</p>
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