Academic literature on the topic 'Indigenous Liberian'
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Journal articles on the topic "Indigenous Liberian"
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Allen, William E. "Historical Methodology and Writing the Liberian Past: the Case of Agriculture in the Nineteenth Century." History in Africa 32 (2005): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2005.0002.
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Some of the late nineteenth century success of Liberia coffee, sugar, and other commodities can be attributed to the leasing of plantations to enterprising foreigners, although a few leading politicians did own successful farms … For most Americo-Liberians, the role of dirt farmer was decidedly beneath their station.Yet the reasons for this apathy among most Americo-Liberians for agriculture, which prevailed up to the early 1870s, were not far to seek. The majority of them being newly emancipated slaves, who had in servitude in America been used to being forced to work, erroneously equated their newly won freedom with abstinence from labour.Both arguments are inaccurate, yet the authors made essential contributions to the writing of Liberian history. J. Gus Liebenow became renowned within Liberian academic circles for his earlier book, Liberia: the Evolution of Privilege. In that book he analyzed the policy that enabled the minority Americo-Liberians (descendants of free blacks from the United States who founded Liberia in 1822), to monopolize political and economic power to the exclusion of the majority indigenous Africans for more than a century. M. B. Akpan dissected Liberia's dubious political history and concluded that Americo-Liberian authority over the indigenous population, was identical to the discriminatory and oppressive policy practiced by European colonizers in Africa.
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Ludwig, Bernadette. "A Black Republic: Citizenship and naturalisation requirements in Liberia." Migration Letters 13, no. 1 (January 15, 2016): 84–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v13i1.265.
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In 1822 Liberia was founded as a place where free(d) enslaved African Americans could find freedom and liberty. While many of them did, the indigenous African population was, for a long time, excluded from citizenry despite fulfilling one of the essential criteria to be eligible for Liberians citizenship: Being Black. This prerequisite remains part of Liberian law today, rendering non-Blacks ineligible for Liberian citizenship. Today, this mostly affects the Lebanese community who originally came as traders and entrepreneurs to Liberia. This article analyses why Liberians defend race-based exclusionary citizenship practices.
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Whyte, Christine. "A State of Underdevelopment: Sovereignty, Nation-Building and Labor in Liberia 1898–1961." International Labor and Working-Class History 92 (2017): 24–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547917000084.
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AbstractIn the nineteenth and early twentieth century, Liberia was in the unusual position of being a colony with no metropole. Without military or financial support, the settlers’ control over their territory remained weak. Surrounding European empires preyed on this weakness, and Americo-Liberian rule was often at risk from coalitions of European forces and indigenous African resistance. From the early twentieth century, the political elite took on the concept of “development” as a central part of government policy in an attempt to gain political and economic control of the hinterland areas and stave off European incursions. This policy involved the extension and reinforcement of labor policies and practices that had developed through the nineteenth century as means to incorporate settlers and indigenous people into Liberian society. When these plans failed, huge swathes of territory were turned over to foreign commercial interests in an attempt to bolster Liberian claims to sovereignty. And after the Second World War, new policies of “community development” introduced by international agencies again tried to solve Liberia's “land and labor” problem through resettlement. At each stage developmentalist rationales were deployed in order to facilitate greater government control over the Liberian interior territory.
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Gobewole, Stephen H. "Land in Liberia: The Initial Source of Antagonism Between Freed American Blacks and Indigenous Tribal People Remains the Cause of Intense Disputes." Journal of Politics and Law 14, no. 4 (June 27, 2021): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v14n4p19.
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This study examines factors of land grabbing in Liberia, especially from tribal communities, due originally to different social expectations regarding land and contracts between indigenous people and settlers from America. In addition, land appropriation throughout the history of the Liberian nation is due largely to the Americo-Liberian oligarchy and public corruption. The study analyzes survey, empirical, and concession contracts data gathered by the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Sustainable Development Institute, Government of Liberia, Center for Transparency and Accountability in Liberia, and United Nations Mission in Liberia. It then correlates associations between a number of concession companies, their land acreage under operation, county acreage, and incidence of land grabbing to demonstrate an increase in disputes during the early 2000s due to practices of corrupt public officials. This has resulted from the consistent implementation of inequitable land laws, which have perpetuated land transfer from tribal communities to mostly Americo-Liberian descendants and foreign concessionaires. This land appropriation has fostered public corruption, increased land related disputes, and raised the level of conflict in Liberian society.
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Yoroms, Gani J. "ECOMOG and West African Regional Security: A Nigerian Perspective." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 21, no. 1-2 (1993): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501681.
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For the first time in the history of Africa, a regional conflict, such as that in Liberia, has succeeded in producing an indigenous regional mechanism for conflict management. The conflict may not yet be resolved, but its management demands an in-depth understanding. This attempts an interpretation of the Liberian crisis from Nigeria’s perspective.
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Bankole, Taofik Olatunji, Daniel Denny Gray, Abiodun Oluwaseun Oyebode, and Gbelimu Elizabeth Lawal. "Indigenous Employment Policy and Foreign-Owned Corporation Employee’s Well-Being in Liberia." JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 14 (March 28, 2019): 3146–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v14i0.8108.
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Every country institutes policy to take a course of action in favour of its citizens’ welfare. The view of indigenization policy in alignment with employment and workers treatment in Liberia takes different dimension. Liberia problem of unemployment cannot be compared to its underemployment and bad working conditions. The Liberian Indigenous policy has not reaped its fruit with marginalization, exploitation dispossession and poverty in commonplace. This study addresses the ineffectiveness of the indigenous employment policy and the state of workers’ well-being in foreign corporations in Liberia. This study adopts cross sectional method, and employs primary data. Information from 400 employees working with foreign-owned corporation was extracted from survey conducted in 2018 by the authors on the state of welfare of foreign-owned corporations’ employees in Liberia. The key explanatory variables are healthcare, social insurance, safety measures, stable job assignment, stable work hour, promotion on the job, and job security. The binary logistic regression was applied using version 22 of SPSS to examine association between the response and explanatory variables. The outcomes of this study showed that indigenous environmental policy was significant with worker’s well-being (p<0.05). The study concluded that indigenous employment policy has significant influence on the foreign-owned corporation workers’ well-being in Liberia.
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Rösch, Ricarda. "A New Era of Customary Property Rights? – Liberia’s Land and Forest Legislation in Light of the Indigenous Right to Self-Determination." Verfassung in Recht und Übersee 52, no. 4 (2019): 439–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0506-7286-2019-4-439.
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After the end of Liberia’s civil war in 2003, the country embarked upon the reform of its forest and land legislation. This culminated in the adoption of the 2009 Community Rights Law with Respect to Forest Lands and the 2018 Land Rights Act, which NGOs and donors have described as being amongst the most progressive laws in sub-Saharan Africa with regard to the recognition of customary land tenure. Given these actors commitment to human rights, this article takes the indigenous right to self-determination as a starting point for analysing customary property rights and their implementation in Liberia. This includes the examination of the Liberian concept of the 1) recognition and nature of customary land rights, 2) customary ownership of natural resources, 3) jurisdiction over customary land, 4) the prohibition of forcible removal, and 5) the right to free, prior and informed consent.
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Tonkin, Elizabeth. "Historical Discourse: the Achievement of Sieh Jeto." History in Africa 15 (1988): 467–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171876.
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In this paper I consider how an African historian, Sieh Jeto, plotted his narratives. Sieh was a citizen of Jlao/Sasstown, a Kru polity in Southeastern Liberia. Jlao also author and perform other past-oriented accounts in different genres, and I have written on some of these. There is not room here to discuss all the ways in which Jlao refer to their pasts, and scene-setting is equally brief. I also confine myself to Sieh Jeto's plotting of narrative.I first encountered Jlao in 1972, and spent a year there in 1975/76. The new regime of President Tolbert at first promised reform, but emergent contradictions and rising opposition culminated in the coup of 1980. Kru groups had several times fought against the ‘Americo Liberian’ government, and in the 1930s Sasstown was the focus of a long war (in which the League of Nations at first intervened) which they lost after painful struggles. No history could be neutral there, and some people were very cautious about provoking official wrath by talking about these times. While fanpote, ‘old time business’, of a distant past might be safer, it was denied in the official ideology that indigenous Liberians had a significant history at all.It now seems to me that the performances I recorded at different times were part of general changes of consciousness in the country. Sieh Jeto was recommended to me by an eminent Jlao man in Monrovia.
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Baldwin, Kate, and Eric Mvukiyehe. "Elections and Collective Action: Evidence from Changes in Traditional Institutions in Liberia." World Politics 67, no. 4 (August 3, 2015): 690–725. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887115000210.
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Numerous recent field and laboratory experiments find that elections cause higher subsequent levels of collective action within groups. This article questions whether effects observed in these novel environments apply when traditional institutions are democratized. The authors test the external validity of the experimental findings by examining the effects of introducing elections in an indigenous institution in Liberia. They use a break in the process of selecting clan chiefs at the end of Liberia’s civil wars to identify the effects of elections on collective action within communities. Drawing on survey data and outcomes from behavioral games, the authors find that the introduction of elections for clan chiefs has little effect on community-level and national-level political participation but that it increases contentious collective action and lowers levels of contributions to public goods. These findings provide an important counterpoint to the experimental literature, suggesting that elections have less salutary effects on collective action when they replace customary practices.
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Graubart, Karen. "As Slaves and Not Vassals: Interethnic Claims of Freedom and Unfreedom in Colonial Peru." Población & Sociedad 27, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 30–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.19137/pys-2020-270203.
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Across much of the Spanish empire in the Americas, indigenous and African-descent peoples lived in close contact. The entangled nature of labor, both in urban centers and on massive complexes, gave them the opportunity to measure themselves against one another. Law that developed across the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries suggested an eventual clarity about their separate conditions, but experience revealed the muddiness of both definitions and enforcement. Indigenous and Black subjects used those colonial discourses about freedom and hierarchy to understand their own positions and to argue for comparable protections and privileges. Rather than consider indigenous and Black lives separately, the essay argues for a more integrative approach to reading legal documents produced by and about them.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Indigenous Liberian"
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Santana, Genesys. "A case of double conciousness americo-liberians and indigenous liberian relations 1840-1930." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/613.
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This study argues that the formation of Americo-Liberian identity overwhelmingly relied on White American middle class cultural values despite the founders' criticisms and rejection of racial oppression and slavery. Americo-Liberians' previous participation in a culture that downgrades African heritage fostered the internalization of Western notions of civilization and African inferiority that led them to establish an oppressive regime similar to the one they had escaped from, and even enslaved the indigenous population, which they considered "uncivilized." The study thus investigates how formerly oppressed and enslaved blacks became oppressors and enslavers of other black people in the name of a "civilizing mission." The relationship that developed between Americo-Liberians and indigenous Liberians provides a case study to explore the impact of White supremacy ideology on enslaved Africans and racial uplift ideology. Building on contributions of social theory and conflict theory my analysis of Americo-Liberians demonstrates how social class and ideology interacted to produce socio-economic developments that led to the Liberian Civil War. This study covers the founding of Liberia as a republic during the 1840's through the League of Nation's intervention in 1928. It is during this time period that Americo-Liberians fostered an exploitative and colonizing relationship with the indigenous Liberian population. Previous scholarship regarding Liberia engages in descriptive analysis this study is the first to employ the theoretical framework of double-consciousness to further illuminate the ambivalent positions of the Americo-Liberians vis-a-vis indigenous LiberiansB.A.
Bachelors
Arts and Humanities
History
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Eubank, Morgan Lea. "Significance is Bliss: A Global Feminist Analysis of the Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Commission and its Privileging of Americo-Liberian over Indigenous Liberian Women's Voices." Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4480.
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The purpose of my research is to analyze the Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (LTRC) lack of attention towards accessing rural Liberian women's voices as opposed to privileged Liberian women residing in urban and Diaspora spaces. By analyzing the LTRC and its Final Report from a critical global feminist perspective, I was able to not only illuminate, but bring a spotlight over issues including access, privilege, and multicultural insensitivity related to Liberia's indigenous tribal cultures. Liberia, being a country founded by American colonials, is socially constructed by Western ideological norms. As Western ideology is mainly normalized and enforced by the privileged class, Americo-Liberians, the LTRC and Final Report were also constructed within Western constructions.
Given Liberia's historical colonial ties to the United States and its current relations to the global community, the LTRC decided to include Liberians in the Diaspora to its focus group. The Diaspora, also referred to as Liberia's 16th county, is made up of privileged Liberians displaced in overseas countries including the United States, United Kingdom, and Canada. As with any progress, fashion, or business, attention is given to the newest, most profitable merchandise, or in the case of the LTRC, population. I hypothesized, and feared, that the LTRC did not provide indigenous Liberian women, many of whom reside in rural Liberia, equal access and effort as they did privileged Liberian women residing in urban and Diaspora spaces. To prove this, I conduct a feminist content analysis of the LTRC Final Report, recorded public testimonies which are available on the LTRC website (www.trcofliberia.org) and quantitative data collected and processed by, Benetech, a human rights statistics organization based out of Minnesota... a city which happens to be home to the highest number of Diaspora Liberians in the world. After conducting my investigation, I was able to conclude my thesis with reasons as to why underprivileged women's voices in Liberian should be included in doctrine, like the LTRC, and suggest ways to improve methods like the LTRC to ensure indigenous women's voices are fairly accessed and heard.
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Doe, Samuel G. "Indigenising post-war state reconstruction. The Case of Liberia and Sierra Leone." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4468.
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Current approaches to post-war state reconstruction are primarily dominated by the
liberal peace thesis. These approaches tend to ignore the indigenous institutions,
societal resources and cultural agencies of post-conflict societies, although such
entities are rooted in the sociological, historical, political and environmental realities
of these societies. Such universalised and `best practice¿ approaches, more often than
not, tend to reproduce artificial states. The Poro and Sande are the largest indigenous
sodality institutions in the `hinterlands¿¿a pejorative term attributed to rural Liberia
and Sierra Leone. Both the Poro and Sande exercise spiritual, political, economic and
social authority. In this thesis, I use critical realism and the case study approach to
investigate: a) the extent to which the liberal peace practitioners who are leading state
reconstruction in Liberia and Sierra Leone recognised the role and potential utility of
the Poro and Sande institutions; b) the extent to which the Poro and Sande were
engaged; and c) the implications for the quality and viability of the reconstructed
states. This evidence-based research suggests that the liberal peace project sidelined
indigenous institutions, including the Poro and Sande, in the post-war recovery and
rebuilding exercises. The disregard for indigenous and emerging resources in the
context of state reconstruction in Liberia and Sierra Leone has contributed to the
resurgence of 19th century counter-hegemonic resistance from the sodality-governed
interior of both countries. At the same time, the reconstructed states are drifting back
towards their pre-war status quo. Authority structures remain fragmented,
kleptocracy is being restored, webs of militarised patronage networks are being
emboldened, and spaces for constructive dialogues are shrinking. This thesis
underscores the need for indigenisation as a complementary strategy to help reverse
the deterioration, and to maximise gains from massive investments in peacebuilding.
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Doe, Samuel Gbaydee. "Indigenising post-war state reconstruction : the case of Liberia and Sierra Leone." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4468.
Full textAbstract:
Current approaches to post-war state reconstruction are primarily dominated by the liberal peace thesis. These approaches tend to ignore the indigenous institutions, societal resources and cultural agencies of post-conflict societies, although such entities are rooted in the sociological, historical, political and environmental realities of these societies. Such universalised and 'best practice' approaches, more often than not, tend to reproduce artificial states. The Poro and Sande are the largest indigenous sodality institutions in the 'hinterlands' - a pejorative term attributed to rural Liberia and Sierra Leone. Both the Poro and Sande exercise spiritual, political, economic and social authority. In this thesis, I use critical realism and the case study approach to investigate: a) the extent to which the liberal peace practitioners who are leading state reconstruction in Liberia and Sierra Leone recognised the role and potential utility of the Poro and Sande institutions; b) the extent to which the Poro and Sande were engaged; and c) the implications for the quality and viability of the reconstructed states. This evidence-based research suggests that the liberal peace project sidelined indigenous institutions, including the Poro and Sande, in the post-war recovery and rebuilding exercises. The disregard for indigenous and emerging resources in the context of state reconstruction in Liberia and Sierra Leone has contributed to the resurgence of 19th century counter-hegemonic resistance from the sodality-governed interior of both countries. At the same time, the reconstructed states are drifting back towards their pre-war status quo. Authority structures remain fragmented, kleptocracy is being restored, webs of militarised patronage networks are being emboldened, and spaces for constructive dialogues are shrinking. This thesis underscores the need for indigenisation as a complementary strategy to help reverse the deterioration, and to maximise gains from massive investments in peacebuilding.
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Thampy, Gayatri S. "INDIGENOUS CONTESTATIONS OF SHIFTING PROPERTY REGIMES: LAND CONFLICTS AND THE NGOBE IN BOCAS DEL TORO, PANAMA." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1365428854.
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Tom, Patrick. "The liberal peace and post-conflict peacebuilding in Africa : Sierra Leone." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2469.
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This thesis critiques liberal peacebuilding in Africa, with a particular focus on Sierra Leone. In particular, it examines the interface between the liberal peace and the “local”, the forms of agency that various local actors are expressing in response to the liberal peace and the hybrid forms of peace that are emerging in Sierra Leone. The thesis is built from an emerging critical literature that has argued for the need to shift from merely criticising liberal peacebuilding to examining local and contextual responses to it. Such contextualisation is crucial mainly because it helps us to develop a better understanding of the complex dynamics on the ground. The aim of this thesis is not to provide a new theory but to attempt to use the emerging insights from the critical scholarship through adopting the concept of hybridity in order to gain an understanding of the forms of peace that are emerging in post-conflict zones in Africa. This has not been comprehensively addressed in the context of post-conflict societies in Africa. Yet, much contemporary peace support operations are taking place in these societies that are characterised by multiple sources of legitimacy, authority and sovereignty. The thesis shows that in Sierra Leone local actors – from state elites to chiefs to civil society to ordinary people on the “margins of the state” – are not passive recipients of the liberal peace. It sheds new light on how hybridity can be created “from below” as citizens do not engage in outright resistance, but express various forms of agency including partial acceptance and internalisation of some elements of the liberal peace that they find useful to them; and use them to make demands for reforms against state elites who they do not trust and often criticise for their pre-occupation with political survival and consolidation of power. Further, it notes that in Sierra Leone a “post-liberal peace” that is locally-oriented might emerge on the “margins of the state” where culture, custom and tradition are predominant, and where neo-traditional civil society organisations act as vehicles for both the liberal peace and customary peacebuilding while allowing locals to lead the peacebuilding process. In Sierra Leone, there are also peace processes that are based on custom that are operating in parallel to the liberal peace, particularly in remote parts of the country.
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Peck, Mikaere Michelle S. "Summerhill school is it possible in Aotearoa ??????? New Zealand ???????: Challenging the neo-liberal ideologies in our hegemonic schooling system." The University of Waikato, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2794.
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The original purpose of this thesis is to explore the possibility of setting up a school in Aotearoa (New Zealand) that operates according to the principles and philosophies of Summerhill School in Suffolk, England. An examination of Summerhill School is therefore the purpose of this study, particularly because of its commitment to self-regulation and direct democracy for children. My argument within this study is that Summerhill presents precisely the type of model Māori as Tangata Whenua (Indigenous people of Aotearoa) need in our design of an alternative schooling programme, given that self-regulation and direct democracy are traits conducive to achieving Tino Rangitiratanga (Self-government, autonomy and control). In claiming this however, not only would Tangata Whenua benefit from this model of schooling; indeed it has the potential to serve the purpose of all people regardless of age race or gender. At present, no school in Aotearoa has replicated Summerhill's principles and philosophies in their entirety. Given the constraints of a Master's thesis, this piece of work is therefore only intended as a theoretical background study for a much larger kaupapa (purpose). It is my intention to produce a further and more comprehensive study in the future using Summerhill as a vehicle to initiate a model school in Aotearoa that is completely antithetical to the dominant neo-liberal philosophy of our age. To this end, my study intends to demonstrate how neo-liberal schooling is universally dictated by global money market trends, and how it is an ideology fueled by the indifferent acceptance of the general population. In other words, neo-liberal theory is a theory of capitalist colonisation. In order to address the long term vision, this project will be comprised of two major components. The first will be a study of the principal philosophies that govern Summerhill School. As I will argue, Summerhill creates an environment that is uniquely successful and fulfilling for the children who attend. At the same time, it will also be shown how it is a philosophy that is entirely contrary to a neo-liberal 3 mindset; an antidote, to a certain extent, to the ills of contemporary schooling. The second component will address the historical movement of schooling in Aotearoa since the Labour Party's landslide victory in 1984, and how the New Zealand Curriculum has been affected by these changes. I intend to trace the importation of neo-liberal methodologies into Aotearoa such as the 'Picot Taskforce,' 'Tomorrows Schools' and 'Bulk Funding,' to name but a few. The neo-liberal ideologies that have swept through this country in the last two decades have relentlessly metamorphosised departments into businesses and forced ministries into the marketplace, hence causing the 'ideological reduction of education' and confining it to the parameters of schooling. The purpose of this research project is to act as a catalyst for the ultimate materialization of an original vision; the implementation of a school like Summerhill in Aotearoa. A study of the neo-liberal ideologies that currently dominate this country is imperative in order to understand the current schooling situation in Aotearoa and create an informed comparison between the 'learning for freedom' style of Summerhill and the 'learning to earn' style of our status quo schools. It is my hope to strengthen the argument in favour of Summerhill philosophy by offering an understanding of the difference between the two completely opposing methods of learning.
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Ahmed, Farah. "Pedagogy as dialogue between cultures : exploring halaqah : an Islamic dialogic pedagogy that acts as a vehicle for developing Muslim children's shakhsiyah (personhood, autonomy, identity) in a pluralist society." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/278513.
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This thesis presents an argument for the use of dialogic halaqah to develop the personal autonomy of young Muslims in twenty-first century Britain. It begins by developing a theoretical grounding for Islamic conceptualisations of personal autonomy and dialogic pedagogy. In doing so, it aims to generate dialogue between Islamic and ‘western’ educational traditions, and to clarify the theoretical foundation of halaqah, a traditional Islamic oral pedagogy, that has been adapted to meet the educational needs of Muslim children in contemporary Britain. Dialogic halaqah is daily practice in two independent British Muslim faith-schools, providing a safe space for young Muslims to cumulatively explore challenging issues, in order to facilitate the development of selfhood, hybrid identity and personal autonomy, theorised as shakhsiyah Islamiyah. This thesis examines the relationship between thought, language, and the development of personal autonomy in neo-Ghazalian, Vygotskian and Bakhtinian traditions, and suggests the possibility of understanding shakhsiyah Islamiyah as a dialogical Muslim-self. This theoretical work underpins an empirical study of data generated through dialogic halaqah held with groups of schoolchildren and young people. Using established analytic schemes, data from these sessions are subjected to both thematic and dialogue analyses. Emergent themes relating to autonomy and choice, independent and critical thinking, navigating authority, peer pressure, and choosing to be Muslim are explored. Themes related to halaqah as dialogic pedagogy, whether and how it supports the development of agency, resilience and independent thinking, and teacher and learner roles in halaqah, are examined. Moreover, findings from dialogue analysis, which evaluates the quality of educational dialogue generated within halaqah, that is, participants’ capacity to engage in dialogue with each other, as well as with an imagined secular other, are presented. The quality of the dialogic interactions is evaluated, as is evidence of individual participant’s autonomy in their communicative actions.
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"Exploring Colonial Legacy Among Liberians in The Diaspora: Clash of Two Cultures." Master's thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.44140.
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abstract: This thesis investigates colonialism’s legacy on contemporary Liberia’s language practices and self-understandings. Liberia was colonized by freed American slaves under the auspices of the American Colonization Society, established in 1816, which sought to establish a Christian colony in Africa as part of its plan to save the black race. The freed slaves who realized this dream imposed their master’s language and religion upon the indigenous people they encountered while establishing the Liberian nation-state. This thesis delineates and explores three distinct data sets in order to identify contemporary vestiges and legacies of these colonial strategies, including interview data from Liberian immigrants, memoirs written by Liberians, and social media posts by Liberian immigrants. The study uses discourse analysis to analyze how Liberian immigrants represent themselves and their cultural practices drawing upon both colonial and indigenous identities. Findings revealed people with light skinned color (referred to as white) were viewed as beautiful and dark skinned people (referred to Africans) were considered as ugly. The study also revealed that speaking local languages is equated with illiteracy while the ability to speak English was seen as a sign of literacy. However, there was also a contradictory imperative that demonstrated resistance against the colonizing narrative. Liberia immigrants who experienced American culture fantasized about what they called true African identity and culture, revalorizing what previously had been negated.Dissertation/Thesis
Masters Thesis Communication 2017
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"Kaqchikel Maya Migration Patterns: New Economic "threads" Weaving Indigenous Identity." Tulane University, 2014.
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While past research has indicated that migration tends to lead to the death of ethnic marker use such as language, my research defies this traditional understanding of how migration impacts identity performance by showing that migration experiences often lead to support for the home language. The traditional understanding of migration's impacts on the use of ethnic markers also means an inadequate understanding of how migration impacts returned migrants’ relationship to indigenous social movements that also support the use of ethnic markers. This research is located in the Kaqchikel-speaking region of highland Guatemala, a place with high rates of returned migrants and an indigenous social movement known as the pan-Maya Movement struggling to reach grassroots populations to which most returned migrants belong. This work shows the complex relationships and connections between migration and indigenous social movements through migrations' impact on the use key markers in the Kaqchikel region, including language and clothing. My research first revealed high rates of internal migration and defines common migration paths for the Kaqchikel Maya, which are gendered. I show that certain experiences in migration do not lead to language death for Kaqchikel but instead create support for it through a polylinguistic stance. This work also found that men's traje use will soon enter a "sleeping" state in which it is not actively used but is documented and preserved. However, returned migrants are actively supporting women's traje use. I thus show that experiences in migration encourage returned migrants to continue the use of ethnic markers, a stance supported by the pan-Maya Movement. The Movement has had difficulty connecting to grassroots populations that include most of the migrants in this study. This research thus shows how migration aligns migrants' ideologies with the pan-Maya Movement. I conducted research in the three Kaqchikel-speaking townships of Tecpán Guatemala, San Juan Comalapa, and Santa Catarina Palopó. Each township has significantly different historical interactions with the state, connections to urban centers, rates of migration, and policies regarding language and clothing use that impact current migration paths and ethnic marker usage in each township in important ways.acase@tulane.edu
Books on the topic "Indigenous Liberian"
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Culture in Liberia: An Afrocentric view of the cultural interaction between the indigenous Liberians and the Americo-Liberians. Lewiston, N.Y: E. Mellen Press, 1998.
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Browne, George D. The Episcopal Church of Liberia under indigenous leadership: Reflections on a twenty year episcopate. Lithonia, Ga: Third World Literature Pub. House, 1994.
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Browne, George D. The Episcopal Church of Liberia Under Indigenous Leadership: Reflections on a Twenty Year Episcopate (Liberian Writers Series, No. 5). Scp/Third World Literature, 1993.
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Smith-Omomo, Julia. African Indigenous Financial Institutions: The Case of Congo and Liberia. Palgrave Macmillan, 2018.
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Smith-Omomo, Julia. African Indigenous Financial Institutions: The Case of Congo and Liberia. Palgrave Macmillan, 2019.
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Keal, Paul. The Anarchical Society and Indigenous Peoples. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198779605.003.0013.
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This essay focuses on Bull’s conception of world order and its relevance to indigenous peoples. Realizing world order needs to include the specific goal of just relations between indigenous and non-indigenous peoples, which would require both mutually agreed settlements of historical injustices and engagement with indigenous notions of sovereignty that challenge traditional conceptions of it. Bull thought the ultimate units of world society are individual human beings and that the outlook for a just world order is bound up with the extension of cosmopolitan culture and moral awareness. This could have led him to defend the group rights essential to indigenous peoples. The liberal individualism in his thought prevented him from doing so and the strand of individualism in cosmopolitanism may be incompatible with indigenous aims. In practice a cosmopolitan world order might result in the further erosion of distinctive indigenous identities and cultures.
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State-Building Interventions in Post-Conflict Liberia: Building a State Without Citizens. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.
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Los Pueblos Indigenas En Aislamiento: Su Lucha Por La Sobrevivencia y La Libertad. IWGIA, 2002.
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González, Gabriela. Social Change, Cultural Redemption, and Social Stability. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199914142.003.0002.
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This chapter analyzes the First Mexicanist Congress and its offshoot, La Liga Femenil Mexicanista (hereafter referred to as the League of Mexican Women), as organizations that reflect a sophisticated and gendered transborder political culture that developed in response to racism and poverty facing both diasporic and indigenous Mexican communities. This political culture borrowed ideas across borders and reflected three distinct discourses and strategies: social change, cultural redemption, and social stability. The chapter emphasizes the liberal capitalist ideas undergirding the lives and public work of transborder activists and addresses the privileges gente decente enjoyed while many méxico-tejano families did not.
Book chapters on the topic "Indigenous Liberian"
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Havemann, Paul. "Mother Earth, Indigenous peoples and neo-liberal climate change governance." In Handbook of Indigenous Peoples’ Rights, 181–200. Milton Park, Abingdon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2015. Identifiers: LCCN 2015036734| ISBN 9781857436419 (hardcover) | ISBN 9780203119235 (ebook): Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203119235-13.
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Thomasson, Gordon C. "31. Kpelle Steelmaking: An indigenous high technology in Liberia." In The Cultural Dimension of Development, 396–406. Rugby, Warwickshire, United Kingdom: Practical Action Publishing, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.3362/9781780444734.031.
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Parsons, Meg, Karen Fisher, and Roa Petra Crease. "Environmental Justice and Indigenous Environmental Justice." In Decolonising Blue Spaces in the Anthropocene, 39–73. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-61071-5_2.
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AbstractIn this chapter we provide a broad overview of three dominant ways environmental justice is framed within the scholarship and consider how Indigenous peoples’ understanding and demands for environmental justice necessitate a decolonising approach. Despite critiques, many scholars and policymakers still conceive of environment justice through a singular approach (as distributive equity, procedural inclusion, or recognition of cultural difference). Such a narrow reading fails to appreciate the intersecting and interacting processes that underpin environmental (in)justices faced by Indigenous peoples. We argue that the theoretical discussions and empirical research into environmental (in)justice need to extend beyond Western liberal philosophies and instead consider pluralistic approach to Indigenous environment justice which is founded on Indigenous ontologies and epistemologies, which include intergenerational and more-human-human justice requirements.
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Varese, Stefano. "The Indigenous Politics of Belonging: Opposing Neo-liberal Extractivism with Ethical Cosmologies." In Environment and Development, 289–304. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-55416-3_10.
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Murray, Robert. "“Nearly All Have Natives as Helps in Their Families, and This Is as It Should Be”." In Atlantic Passages, 113–52. University Press of Florida, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813066752.003.0004.
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Chapter 3 focuses on Liberia’s labor regime. The colonists made expansive use of a spectrum of coerced, unfree, or debased African labor. The command of black workers undergirded the whiteness of the Americo-Liberians and was the focus of two broad charges leveled at the colony. Critics charged that the Liberian settlers preferred trading with natives rather than engaging in agriculture and that they utilized Africans as a slave labor force. Ideologically and rhetorically, Liberia was complicated as its booster claimed it could uplift two separate populations: indigenous Africans and African American settlers. Working for the settlers within various states of unfreedom would bestow “civilization” upon native Africans; settlers would find uplift through their command of indigenous labor. This framework presented a significant problem: native Africans laboring in Liberia both had to assimilate and remain separate and subordinate.
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Murray, Robert. "The End of Emancipation Street." In New Directions in the Study of African American Recolonization. University Press of Florida, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813054247.003.0014.
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Using the historiography of “whiteness studies,” Murray looks at race in new ways by examining the racial attitudes of indigenous Africans toward Liberian settlers. He also examines the attitudes of Liberians themselves. Through the process of emigration, black Americans became theoretically white, at least in the minds of their indigenous neighbors, and he explores this racial transformation. He also examines the geographical layout of the colony in terms of race and racial exclusion.
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McDuffie, Erik S. "“The Second Battle for Africa Has Begun”." In Global Garveyism, 89–113. University Press of Florida, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813056210.003.0004.
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This chapter examines the underappreciated impact of Garveyism in shaping Liberian politics and life during the 1970s. This work was spearheaded by Rev. Clarence W. Harding Jr., a dynamic Chicago-born African American leader, who relocated to Monrovia in 1966 and headed the local division of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) until his passing in 1978. Through the local division, and through the Marcus Garvey Memorial Institute, a UNIA-affiliated elementary and secondary school, Harding successfully disseminated the principles of Garveyism widely among working-class and indigenous Liberians living in Monrovia and collaborated with the emergent Movement for Justice in Africa. In tracing Harding’s work in Liberia, the chapter also highlights connections between Liberia and the U.S. Midwest—or what the author has fashioned as the “diasporic Midwest.”
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Lindsay, Lisa A. "The Love of Liberty." In Atlantic Bonds: A Nineteenth-Century Odyssey from America to Africa. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469631127.003.0004.
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Within months of his arrival in Liberia in 1853, Church Vaughan was able to undertake more of the rights and duties of citizenship than he ever had before. He trained and served with a militia; he received a land grant to establish his own homestead; and he was eligible to vote. Yet Vaughan spent less than three years in Liberia. What motivated him to leave? As this chapter details, Vaughan learned that settler society was in its own way as exclusive and exploitative as the one he had left behind in South Carolina. From the beginnings of American colonization, a series of military battles and lopsided treaties had either displaced local African peoples or else brought them under the “protection” of the Liberian administration, subject to the foreigners’ laws and unfavorable trading agreements. Liberia’s boosters described this process as bringing civilization, especially since one of their goals was to stop slave trading between local leaders and transatlantic purchasers. Yet Liberians’ use of indigenous labor for their own enterprises closely resembled slavery, as some contemporaries pointed out. When presented with the opportunity to leave Liberia—for a place reputed to be roiled by warfare and slave-trading, no less—Vaughan took it.
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Lindsey, Susan E. "We Have Had War with the Natives." In Liberty Brought Us Here, 54–60. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179339.003.0009.
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Agnes Harlan’s son Lewis is dying of malaria. Despite her fervent prayers and attentive care, she loses her oldest child. On average, 20 percent of every boatload of immigrants to Liberia dies of malaria in the first year. In Tolbert Major’s May 1839 letter to Ben, he includes a short note to another man, James Moore, in which he reveals that Agnes has lost two of her sons since arriving in Liberia. Tolbert asks Moore to contact George Harlan, Agnes’s former owner, to tell him the news. The chapter discusses risks to health in Liberia, similar health risks in America, the Liberian system known as “pawning,” and a recent war with some of the indigenous people.
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Lindsey, Susan E. "Send Me Some Carpenter Tools (and Bonnets)." In Liberty Brought Us Here, 146–52. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179339.003.0024.
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In Austin Major’s letter to Ben in 1849, he shares family news and asks for carpentry tools, cloth, writing paper, and bonnets for his wife and daughter. The Liberian settlers do not know the Africans’ world; they know only their own world, and they try to recreate it in their new homeland. The men wear frock coats and top hats; the women wear American-style dresses, bonnets, and shawls. They continue to speak English, give English names to their children, and build American-style frame houses. Many of them also exhibit a sense of superiority or arrogance toward indigenous Africans, attitudes that will eventually tear the country asunder.