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1
Simons, Roma K. History of the Individual Mobilization Augmentee program. Lowry AFB, Colo: Air Reserve Personnel Center, 1991.
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2
Lyn, Hellwig, and Air Reserve Personnel Center (U.S.), eds. History of the Individual Mobilization Augmentee program. Lowry AFB, Colo: Air Reserve Personnel Center, 1991.
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3
Zha, Wen. Individual Choice and State-Led Nationalist Mobilization in China. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-46860-9.
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Clinton), United States President (1993-2001 :. Authorization for the activation of selected U.S. reserve units: Message from the President of the United States transmitting authorization for the Secretary of Defense and the Secretary of Transportation to order to active duty any units, and any individual members not assigned to a unit organized to serve as a unit, of the Selected Reserve, or any member in the Individual Ready Reserve mobilizations category and designated essential. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1999.
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5
Jumet, Kira D. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190688455.003.0008.
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This chapter summarizes the arguments, discusses them within the context of the literature on protest mobilization, and explains the theoretical implications of the book. It reviews the intersection between the Synthetic Political Opportunity Theory and the Collective Action Research Program, the importance of political opportunity structures, mobilizing structures, and framing processes and how they relate to rational decision-making, and the relationship between structure and emotions in individual decisions to protest or not protest. The chapter examines the political climate in 2016‒2017 under President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, including increased repression and monitoring of social media, and the potential for future political mobilization and protest in Egypt.
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Lowery, David. Mancur Olson,. Edited by Martin Lodge, Edward C. Page, and Steven J. Balla. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199646135.013.7.
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This chapter focuses on Mancur Olson’s 1965 bookThe Logic ofCollective Action, which offers an in-depth analysis of the role of organized interests and is considered a classic work in the field of public policy. It explains how policy scholars should understand Olson’s contributions in light of work on the politics of interest representation, first by reviewing his central thesis, especially his claims about individual and institutional mobilization in relation to the collective action hypothesis. In particular, it examines the many ways his claims about individual and institutional mobilization have been modified, hedged, and sometimes contradicted by research on interest representation. The chapter then assesses the implications of Olson’s analysis for public policy in terms of how the diversity of interest communities should bias public policy outcomes and influence economic growth. Finally, it emphasizes how Olson’s work tends to be over- and underappreciated by students of both organized interests and public policy.
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Besikci, Mehmet, Selçuk Akşin Somel, and Alexandre Toumarkine, eds. Not All Quiet on the Ottoman Fronts: Neglected Perspectives on a Global War, 1914-1918. Ergon – ein Verlag in der Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783956507786.
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The First World War was the first great catastrophe of the twentieth century, and the Ottoman Empire was part of it. The Ottoman theatre in the Great War witnessed both the demolition and re-making of the modern Middle East. This volume focuses on specific topics which touch upon concrete individual lives and discusses them within economic, demographic, gender, and artistic frameworks. The reader will encounter diverse individuals ranging from ordinary soldiers, peasants, women, orphans to artists who had to struggle for survival within the brutal conditions of a total war. The volume is composed of three parts: 1. wartime mobilization policies and their social and economic aspects; 2. demographic changes, minorities and gender in the war; 3. memory, representation and the end of the war.
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Jumet, Kira D. Political Participation Online. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190688455.003.0003.
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This chapter presents a model of how individuals move from being nonparticipants to online participants to protesters on the street and how, by combining forces, opposition groups encourage non-group members to protest. The chapter explores the role of social media in protest participation, using interview data, tables, and models to demonstrate how sources of information affected individual mobilization leading up to the revolutionary protests. The chapter shows how Facebook facilitated the building of a politically conscious civil society leading up to the Egyptian Revolution, contributed to reinforcing grievances and mobilizing opposition to the regime, and lowered the threshold for engaging in political participation. In this chapter, new theoretical concepts, such as “online preference” and “revolutionary bandwagoning online,” are presented.
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Jumet, Kira D. Contesting the Repressive State. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190688455.001.0001.
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This book advances research on the collective action dilemma in protest movements by examining protest mobilization leading up to, and during, the 2011 Egyptian Revolution and 2013 June 30th Coup in Cairo, Egypt. The book is organized chronologically and touches on why and how people make the decision to protest or not protest during different periods of the revolutionary process. The overarching question is: Why and how do individuals who are not members of political groups or organizers of political movements choose to engage or not engage in anti-government protest under a repressive regime? In answering the question, the book argues that individual decisions to protest or not protest are based on the intersection of the following three factors: political opportunity structures, mobilizing structures, and framing processes. It further demonstrates that the way these decisions to protest or not protest take place is through emotional mechanisms that are activated by specific combinations of these factors. The goal of the book is to investigate the relationship between key structural factors and the emotional responses they produce. By examining 170 interviews with individuals who either protested or did not protest, it explores how social media, violent government repression, changes in political opportunities, and the military influenced individual decisions to protest or not protest.
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Ussishkin, Daniel. New Wars. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190469078.003.0005.
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Chapter 4 examines the ways in which the totalization of warfare during the twentieth century signaled the diffusion of the concept of morale from the military context to civil society, while the transformation of the terrain of conduct it referred to expanded from matters related to individual conduct and character to collective attitude. It takes stock of “total war” as describing both a process and a set of political and cultural aspirations. Further, the chapter explores the relations between morale, mobilization, and the experience of war to debates about social change and modernization.
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Koinova, Maria. Diaspora Entrepreneurs and Contested States. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198848622.001.0001.
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Why do conflict-generated diasporas mobilize in contentious and non-contentious ways or use mixed strategies of contention? Why do they channel their homeland-oriented goals through host-states, transnational networks, and international organizations? This book develops a theory of socio-spatial positionality and its implications for the individual agency of diaspora entrepreneurs, moving beyond essentialized notions of diasporas as groups. Individual diaspora entrepreneurs operate in transnational social fields affecting their mobilizations beyond dynamics confined to host-states and original home-states. There are four types of diaspora entrepreneurs—Broker, Local, Distant, and Reserved—depending on the relative strength of their socio-spatial linkages to host-land, on the one hand, and original homeland and other global locations, on the other. A two-level typological theory captures nine causal pathways, unravelling how the socio-spatial linkages of these diaspora entrepreneurs interact with external factors: host-land foreign policies, homeland governments, parties, non-state actors, and critical events or limited global influences. Such pathways produce mobilization trajectories with varying levels of contention and methods of channelling homeland-oriented goals. Non-contentious pathways often occur when host-state foreign policies are convergent with the diaspora entrepreneurs’ goals, and when diaspora entrepreneurs can act autonomously. Dual-pronged contention pathways occur quite often, under the influence of homeland governments, non-state actors, and political parties. The most contentious pathway occurs in response to violent critical events in the homeland or adjacent to it fragile states. This book is informed by 300 interviews and a dataset of 146 interviews with diaspora entrepreneurs among the Albanian, Armenian, and Palestinian diasporas in the UK, Germany, France, Netherlands, Sweden, and Switzerland, as well as Kosovo and Armenia in the European neighbourhood.
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Moseley, Mason W. Contentious Engagement. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190694005.003.0003.
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This chapter examines the cross-national determinants of protest participation in Latin American democracies, testing several central expectations from the protest state theory. Drawing on data from the AmericasBarometer, a biennial survey conducted by the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) from 2004 to 2014, and World Bank governance indicators, I use multilevel modeling techniques to evaluate how country-level institutional characteristics interact with individual-level indicators of political engagement to explain protest behavior. Rather than offering support for dominant grievance-based explanations of protest or theoretical perspectives couched solely within the resource mobilization or political opportunities traditions, I find that an interactive relationship between institutional context and civic engagement best explains why Latin Americans choose to protest.
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Boulding, Carew, and Claudio A. Holzner. Voice and Inequality. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197542149.001.0001.
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How do poor people in Latin America participate in politics? What explains the variation in the patterns of voting, protesting, and contacting government for the region’s poorest citizens? Why are participation gaps larger in some countries than in others? This book offers the first large-scale empirical analysis of political participation in Latin America, focusing on patterns of participation among the poorest citizens in each country. Far from being politically inert, under certain conditions the poorest citizens in Latin America act and speak for themselves with an intensity that far exceeds their modest socioeconomic resources. We argue that key institutions of democracy, namely civil society, political parties, and competitive elections, have an enormous impact on whether or not poor people turn out to vote, protest, and contact government officials. When voluntary organizations thrive in poor communities and when political parties focus their mobilization efforts on poor individuals, they respond with high levels of political activism. Poor people’s activism also benefits from strong parties, robust electoral competition, and well-functioning democratic institutions. Where electoral competition is robust and where the power of incumbents is constrained, we see higher levels of participation by poor individuals and more political equality. Precisely because the individual resource constraints that poor people face are daunting obstacles to political activism, our explanation focuses on those features of democratic politics that create opportunities for participation that have the strongest effect on poor people’s political behavior.
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Clay, Lauren R. The Bourgeoisie, Capitalism, and the Origins of the French Revolution. Edited by David Andress. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199639748.013.002.
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When the long-dominant Marxist ‘rise of the bourgeoisie’ paradigm collapsed in the face of the revisionist challenge, scholars largely abandoned questions of capitalism and the bourgeoisie and their relationship to the origins of the Revolution. Research on the transformation of eighteenth-century consumer behaviours and the dramatic expansion of colonial trade, however, has sparked renewed interest in the consequences of these developments for the crisis of the old regime and the revolutionary reinvention of society and politics. Within this emergent scholarship, this essay highlights two trends: those who expand the frame of analysis to consider global economic exchanges, and those who focus in on the perspective of individual consumers. Further, by bringing to light the political mobilization of French business leaders in 1788–89, this chapter proposes that the political choices of the capitalist bourgeoisie may well provide a key to understanding the development of revolutionary politics after all.
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Hardy, Duncan. The Functions of Alliances and Leagues. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198827252.003.0007.
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The primary purpose of treaty-based associations, from leagues of mixed composition to knightly societies and urban coalitions, was to regulate relations between their members. In virtually all association treaties this regulatory framework touched on two spheres of activity of fundamental importance to political life: military assistance and judicial or quasi-judicial adjudication. Treaties regulated the first sphere by committing allies and associates to promises such as not harbouring each other’s feud-enemies and helping each other during conflicts. Surviving correspondence and records show that these commitments were taken seriously by Upper German powers, and sometimes led to much larger-scale mobilization of armed forces than would have been possible by any individual prince, nobleman, or city. In the ‘judicial’ sphere, members of associations agreed specific pathways and procedures for resolving disputes between them, and sometimes also between members and external parties, usually through arbitration at Tage within an association or through specified courts.
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Aarts, Kees, Carolien van Ham, and Jacques Thomassen. Modernization, Globalization, and Satisfaction with Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198793717.003.0003.
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This chapter tests the validity of the major propositions of modernization and globalization theories. Modernization theory attributes legitimacy decline to the socioeconomic and cultural transformation of advanced industrial societies after the Second World War, leading to value change and cognitive mobilization among citizens, while globalization theory attributes legitimacy decline to the negative consequences of (economic) globalization for citizens of lower socioeconomic status in advanced industrial societies. This chapter evaluates the empirical evidence for the effects of individual modernization and of economic globalization on political support, differentiating between citizens of lower and higher socioeconomic status. Using Eurobarometer data on political support from 1973 to 2015, the authors show that political support in most countries has increased among both the higher educated and lower educated. To the extent that there is support for the globalization thesis, the increase in satisfaction with democracy has been less pronounced among the lower educated, generating a widening “satisfaction gap.”
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Golder, Sona N., Ignacio Lago, André Blais, Elisabeth Gidengil, and Thomas Gschwend. Multi-Level Electoral Politics. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198791539.001.0001.
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National-level elections receive more attention from scholars and the media than elections at other levels, even though in many European countries the importance of both regional and European levels of government has grown in recent years. The growing importance of multiple electoral arenas suggests that scholars should be cautious about examining single levels in isolation. Taking the multi-level structure of electoral politics seriously requires a re-examination of how the incentives created by electoral institutions affect the behaviour of voters and party elites. The standard approach to analysing multi-level elections is the second-order election model, in which national elections are considered to be first-order elections while other elections are second order. However, this model does not provide micro mechanisms that determine how elections in one arena affect those in another, or explain variations in individual voting behaviour. The objective of this book is to explain how party and voter behaviour in a given election is affected by the existence of multiple electoral arenas. This book uses original qualitative and quantitative data to examine European, national, and subnational elections in France, Germany, and Spain from 2011 to 2015. Party mobilization efforts across multiple electoral arenas are examined, as well as decisions by individual voters with respect to turnout, strategic voting, and accountability. This book provides the first systematic analysis of multi-level electoral politics at three different levels across multiple countries.
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Obinger, Herbert, Klaus Petersen, and Peter Starke, eds. Warfare and Welfare. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198779599.001.0001.
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This book is concerned with the nexus between warfare and welfare. The relationship between war and welfare states is contested. While some scholars consider war a pacemaker of the welfare state, others have emphasized a sharp trade-off between ‘guns and butter’ and highlighted the negative impacts of war on social protection. However, many of these findings only focus on social spending or are based on studies of individual national cases. From a comparative and interdisciplinary perspective, this book addresses the question of whether and how both world wars have influenced the development of advanced welfare states. Distinguishing between three different phases (war preparation, wartime mobilization, and the post-war period), the volume provides the first systematic comparative analysis of the impact of war on welfare state development in the Western world. The chapters, written by leading scholars in this field, examine both short-term responses to and long-term effects of war in fourteen belligerent, occupied, and neutral countries in the age of mass warfare stretching over the period from c.1860 to 1960. The findings clearly show that war is essential for understanding several aspects of welfare state development and welfare state patterns in advanced democracies.
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Ritter, Michael, and Caroline J. Tolbert. Accessible Elections. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197537251.001.0001.
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This book explores the wide variation across states in convenience voting methods—absentee/mail voting, in-person early voting, same day registration—and provides new empirical analysis of the beneficial effects of these policies, not only in increasing voter turnout overall, but for disadvantaged groups. By measuring both convenience methods and implementation of the laws, the book improves on previous research. It draws generalizable conclusions about how these laws affect voter turnout by using population data from the fifty state voter files. Using individual vote histories, the design helps avoid bias in non-random assignment of states in adopting the laws. Many scholars and public officials have dismissed state election reform laws as failing to significantly increase turnout or address inequality in who votes. Accessible Elections underscores how state governments can modernize their election procedures to increase voter turnout and influence campaign and party mobilization strategies. Mail voting and in-person early voting are particularly important in the wake of Covid-19 to avoid election day crowds and ensure successful and equitable elections in states with large populations; the results of this study can help state governments more rapidly update voting for the 2020 general election and beyond.
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Coovadia, Imraan. Revolution and Non-Violence in Tolstoy, Gandhi, and Mandela. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198863694.001.0001.
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The dangers of political violence and the possibilities of non-violence were the central themes of three lives which changed the twentieth century—Leo Tolstoy, writer and aristocrat who turned against his class; Mohandas Gandhi, who corresponded with Tolstoy and considered him the most important person of the time; and Nelson Mandela, prisoner and statesman, who read War and Peace on Robben Island and who, despite having led a campaign of sabotage, saw himself as a successor to Gandhi. Tolstoy, Gandhi, and Mandela tried to create transformed societies to replace the dying forms of colony and empire. They found the inequalities of Russia, India, and South Africa intolerable, yet they questioned the wisdom of seizing the power of the state, creating new kinds of political organization and imagination to replace the old promises of revolution. Their views, along with their ways of leading others, are closely connected, from their insistence on working with their own hands and reforming their individual selves to their acceptance of death. On three continents, in a century of mass mobilization and conflict, they promoted strains of nationalism devoid of antagonism, prepared to take part in a general peace. Looking at Tolstoy, Gandhi, and Mandela in sequence, taking into account their letters and conversations, as well as the institutions they created or subverted, placing at the centre their treatment of the primal fantasy of political violence, reveals a vital radical tradition which stands outside the conventional categories of twentieth-century history and politics.
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Davies, Huw, Alison Powell, and Sandra Nutley. Mobilizing Knowledge in Health Care. Edited by Ewan Ferlie, Kathleen Montgomery, and Anne Reff Pedersen. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198705109.013.17.
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This chapter uses “knowledge mobilization” as an umbrella term to cover activities aimed at collating and communicating research-based knowledge within the health care system and within health care organizations. It explores the nature, use and flow of knowledge, focusing in particular on the role of research-based knowledge and its interactions with other forms of knowing, and on the organizational and management arrangements for health care delivery rather than on evidence-based practice per se. The chapter is underpinned by the premise that knowledge flow in health care is often slow, intermittent and uncertain. Specific, active, knowledge mobilization strategies that take account of context, politics and the individuals and groups involved are therefore needed to help ensure that research-based knowledge informs policy and practice.
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Gibson, Rachel K. When the Nerds Go Marching In. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195397789.001.0001.
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When the Nerds Go Marching In shows how digital technology has moved from the margins to the mainstream of campaign and election organization in contemporary democracies. Combining an extensive review of existing literature and comparative data sources with original survey evidence and web content analysis of digital campaign content across four nations—the United Kingdom, Australia, France, and the United States—the book maps the key shifts in the role and centrality of the internet in election campaigns over a twenty-year period. The chapters reveal how these countries have followed a four-phase model of digital campaign development which begins with experimentation, and is followed by a period of standardization and professionalization. Subsequent phases focus on increasingly strategic activities around the mobilization of activists and supporters, before switching to micro-targeted mobilizing of individual voters. The changes are mapped over time in each country from the perspective of both the campaigners (supply side), and that of voters (demand side), and the four nations are compared in terms of how far and fast they have moved through the developmental cycle. As well as providing the most comprehensive narrative charting the evolution of digital campaigning from its inception in the mid-1990s, the book also offers important insights into the national conditions that have been most conducive to its diffusion. Finally, based on the findings from the most recent phase of development, the book speculates on the future direction for political campaigns as they increasingly rely on digital tools and artificial intelligence for direction and decision-making during elections.
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Jumet, Kira D. The January 25th Uprising. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190688455.003.0004.
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This chapter uses qualitative data and interviewee accounts to explain how government violence and repression affected protest mobilization during the Egyptian Revolution. It examines rational altruistic decisions to protest and the emotional mechanisms, such as moral shock and moral outrage, which produce such decisions. The chapter focuses on the emotion of “moral shock” in the face of government violence, as well as feelings of nationalism and “collective national identity,” as motivators for protest. The chapter also investigates instances where elements of empathy or feelings of injustice were absent from the emotional process. When such elements were missing, individuals were deterred from participating in protest.
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Brandt, Kasper. Illicit financial flows and the Global South: A review of methods and evidence. UNU-WIDER, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35188/unu-wider/2020/926-6.
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Illicit financial flows (IFFs) constitute a major challenge for development in the Global South, as domestic resource mobilization is imperative for providing crucial public services. While several methods offer to measure the extent of IFFs, each has its benefits and drawbacks. Critically, methods based on the balance of payments identity may capture licit as well as illicit flows, and a method based on macroeconomic trade discrepancies suffers from doubtful assumptions. The most convincing estimate to date demonstrates that individuals hold financial assets worth around ten per cent of global GDP in tax havens. Evidence further indicates that countries in the Global South are more exposed to individuals and multinational enterprises illicitly transferring money out of the country. Further research is warranted on profit shifting out of countries in the Global South and the effectiveness of anti-IFF policies in countries outside Europe and the United States.
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Jumet, Kira D. Protest Dynamics under the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces Transitional Government. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190688455.003.0005.
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This chapter explains how changes in political opportunity structures following the 2011 revolutionary protests affected subsequent anti-regime mobilization and the dynamics between the military transitional regime and those who contested it. Through an examination of protest cycles in Egypt 2011–2012, the chapter explores how government violence, repression, and concessions affected individuals’ emotions and their decisions to protest or not protest. The chapter demonstrates that changes in political opportunities created during the 18-day uprising altered repertoires of contention and reconfigured the power relationship between the regime and its opponents. The chapter also claims that particular elements of protest dynamics under the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) led to a relatively quick transition to civilian rule.
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Jumet, Kira D. Grievances against the Mubarak Regime. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190688455.003.0002.
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This chapter provides background for the 2011 Egyptian Revolution by highlighting the grievances of the upper and lower classes regarding economic factors, police brutality, and corruption. The purpose of the chapter is to explain why a large portion of the Egyptian population was unhappy with the Mubarak regime in the years leading up to the Revolution and where they attributed the blame for their plight. The chapter also demonstrates how social movement organizers frame grievances in a manner that leads to successful protest mobilization. Throughout the chapter, rich description and examples are provided based on field notes and interviews, including interviews with victims of police brutality, the economically deprived, individuals who were hurt by corrupt practices, and those who benefited from the Mubarak system.
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Guisinger, Alexandra. Racial Diversity and White Americans’ Support for Trade Protection. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190651824.003.0006.
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Chapter 6 argues that the redistributive nature of trade policy also affects individuals’ trade preferences. Trade protectionism differs from other redistributive policies both in its mechanism for redistribution and the most common portrayal of its beneficiaries. As shown by analysis of trade-related ads from multiple election cycles, images in political ads overwhelmingly present white workers as the beneficiaries of trade protectionism. The chapter describes an original survey experiment that found whites’ support for trade protection depended on the depicted race of trade protection beneficiaries in a newspaper article provided to survey respondents. Analysis of three decades of US public opinion data provides evidence that white support of redistribution via trade protection is higher and support for redistribution via welfare is lower in communities where high levels of racial diversity heighten in- and out-group dynamics. The chapter concludes with a discussion the mobilization of race-based protectionist sentiment in the 2016 election cycle.
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Walker, Hannah L. Mobilized by Injustice. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190940645.001.0001.
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Springing from decades of abuse by law enforcement and an excessive criminal justice system, members of over-policed communities lead the current movement for civil rights in the United States. Activated by injustice, individuals protested police brutality in Ferguson, campaigned to end stop-and-frisk in New York City, and advocated for restorative justice in Washington, D.C. Yet, scholars focused on the negative impact of punitive policy on material resources, and trust in government did not predict these pockets of resistance, arguing instead that marginalizing and demeaning policy teaches individuals to acquiesce and withdraw. Mobilized by Injustice excavates conditions under which, despite otherwise negative outcomes, negative criminal justice experiences catalyze political action. This book argues that when understood as resulting from a system that targets people based on race, class, or other group identifiers, contact can politically mobilize. Negative experiences with democratic institutions predicated on equality under the law, when connected to a larger, group-based struggle, can provoke action from anger. Evidence from several surveys and in-depth interviews reveals that mobilization as result of negative criminal justice experiences is broad, crosses racial boundaries, and extends to the loved ones of custodial citizens. When over half of Blacks and Latinos and a plurality of Whites know someone with personal contact, the mobilizing effect of a sense of injustice promises to have important consequences for American politics.
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Dorronsoro, Gilles, and Olivier Grojean, eds. Identity, Conflict and Politics in Turkey, Iran and Pakistan. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190845780.001.0001.
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Ethnic and religious identity-markers compete with class and gender as principles shaping the organization and classification of everyday life. But how are an individual's identity-based conflicts transformed and redefined? Identity is a specific form of social capital, hence contexts where multiple identities necessarily come with a hierarchy, with differences, and hence with a certain degree of hostility. It examines the rapid transformation of identity hierarchies affecting Iran, Pakistan, and Turkey, a symptom of political fractures, social-economic transformation, and new regimes of subjectification. They focus on the state's role in organizing access to resources, with its institutions often being the main target of demands, rather than competing social groups. Such contexts enable entrepreneurs of collective action to exploit identity differences, which in turn help them to expand the scale of their mobilization and to align local and national conflicts. The authors also examine how identity-based violence may be autonomous in certain contexts, and serve to prime collective action and transform the relations between communities.
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Escudero, Kevin. Organizing While Undocumented. NYU Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479803194.001.0001.
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Undocumented immigrants in the United States who take part in social movement activism do so at great risk: the threat of deportation. Despite this risk, undocumented immigrant youth have been at the forefront of the national movement for immigrant rights. In their activism these youth have leveraged their identities as immigrants but also as queer individuals, people of color, and women. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork and in-depth interviews with Asian undocumented, undocumented and queer (undocuqueer), and formerly undocumented activists, Organizing While Undocumented examines these activists’ cultivation of and strategic use of an intersectional movement identity. Through the development of the Identity Mobilization Model, the book highlights three critical strategies that undocumented immigrant youth have utilized when deploying an intersectional movement identity. Ultimately, this book argues that undocumented immigrant youth have challenged the notion that their immigration status wholly defines their lived experiences and, in the process, emphasized the importance of their multiple social identities. This emphasis has in turn allowed undocumented activists to connect their struggle to a broader set of social justice struggles taking place in the world today.
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Zhou, Taomo. Migration in the Time of Revolution. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501739934.001.0001.
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This book examines how two of the world's most populous countries interacted between 1945 and 1967, when the concept of citizenship was contested, political loyalty was in question, identity was fluid, and the boundaries of political mobilization were blurred. The book asks probing questions of this important period in the histories of the People's Republic of China and Indonesia. What was it like to be a youth in search of an ancestral homeland that one had never set foot in, or an economic refugee whose expertise in private business became undesirable in one's new home in the socialist state? What ideological beliefs or practical calculations motivated individuals to commit to one particular nationality while forsaking another? As the book demonstrates, the answers to such questions about “ordinary” migrants are crucial to a deeper understanding of diplomatic relations between the two countries. The book argues that migration and the political activism of the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia were important historical forces in the making of governmental relations between Beijing and Jakarta after World War II. It highlights the agency and autonomy of individuals whose life experiences were shaped by but also helped shape the trajectory of bilateral diplomacy. These ethnic Chinese migrants and settlers were, the book contends, not passively acted upon but actively responding to the developing events of the Cold War. The book bridges the fields of diplomatic history and migration studies by reconstructing the Cold War in Asia as social processes from the ground up.
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Triantafillou, Peter, and Naja Vucina. The politics of health promotion. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526100528.001.0001.
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This book examines the politics of health promotion in Denmark and England. Based on two areas of health interventions, namely obesity control and mental recovery, the book analyses how public health policies have shifted since the 1980s from a dual strategy of prevention – by modifying the physical environment – and curation to a strategy of health promotion. This involves a new kind of power exercised over and through the subjectivity not only of the ill and sick, but, in principle, all citizens. Thus, the aim of health promotion is not only to prevent or cure illness, but to improve health, a political ambition that has no immanent limits. While health promotion is endorsing a soft mode of power that works through the subjectivity and freedom of those over whom it is exercised, its drive to indefinitely improve the health of each and all calls for concern. Inspired by Michel Foucault, the book employs the conceptual terms constructivist neoliberalism and optimistic vitalism to grasp this phenomenon. Whereas the former denotes a general mode of power working through the mobilization of the self-steering capacities of individuals and groups, the latter term points to the specific mode of biopower by which public authorities constantly seek to augment the health and productive capacities of its citizens.
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Ragsdale, Lyn, and Jerrold G. Rusk. The American Nonvoter. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190670702.001.0001.
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The book explores the impact of uncertainty in the national campaign context on nonvoting in presidential and midterm House elections from 1920 through 2012. While previous studies have focused on individuals' motivations to vote and candidates' mobilization efforts, this book considers how uncertain national circumstances in the months before the election affect whether people vote or not. Uncertainty is defined as decision makers being unable to accurately predict future conditions, possible options, or final outcomes based on the current situation. Within the national campaign context, uncertainty arises from economic volatility, technological advances in mass communication, dramatic national events including wars, and changes in suffrage requirements. The book examines this uncertainty across four historical periods: the government expansion period (1920–1944), the post-war period (1946–1972), the government reassessment period (1974–1990), the internet technology period (1992–2012). The book considers the nature of politics during these periods with key occurrences including the economic swings of the Roaring 20s, the Great Depression, the post-World War II boom, and the Great Recession, voting rights for women, African-Americans, and young people, and the effects of radio, television, cable television, and the Internet on nonvoting. It concludes that the higher the degree of uncertainty in the national scene, the more likely eligible voters will go to the polls. Conversely, the lower the degree of uncertainty, as the national scene remains stable, the less likely eligible voters will participate. As one example, throughout all four historical periods, economic change decreases nonvoting, while economic stability increases nonvoting.
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Annesley, Claire, Karen Beckwith, and Susan Franceschet. Cabinets, Ministers, and Gender. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190069018.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
Cabinets, Ministers, and Gender explores why men have been more likely than women to be appointed to cabinet, why gendered patterns of appointment vary cross-nationally, and why, over time, women’s inclusion in cabinets has grown significantly. The book is innovative in conceiving of cabinet formation as a gendered process governed by rules that empower and constrain presidents and prime ministers as selectors of cabinet ministers, and rules that prescribe, prohibit, and permit a range of criteria (experiential, affiliational, and representational) that qualify individuals for inclusion in cabinet. Focusing on seven country cases (Australia, Canada, Chile, Germany, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States) using three data sets—elite interviews, media data, and autobiographies—the book reveals the complex sets of rules governing cabinet formation in each country and demonstrates their gendered effects. The book shows how different types of rules empower and constrain selectors, and how these rules interact to create different opportunities and obstacles for women’s cabinet inclusion. The findings demonstrate how institutional change emerges from a complex iterative process through which political actors interpret and exploit ambiguity in rules to deviate from past practices of appointing mostly male cabinets. These selectors help to develop new rules about women’s inclusion, which constrain future leaders in assembling their cabinet. The authors coin the term “concrete floor” to capture the process by which minimum levels for women’s cabinet inclusion are established and become locked in over time, explaining how competing rules for cabinet appointments, changing norms, and women’s mobilization in political parties shape outcomes.
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Graf, Sinja. The Humanity of Universal Crime. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197535707.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
The international crime of “crimes against humanity” has become integral to contemporary political and legal discourse. However, the conceptual core of the term—an act offending against all of mankind—runs deep in the history of international political thought. In an original excavation of this history, The Humanity of Universal Crime examines theoretical mobilizations of the idea of “universal crime” in colonial and post-colonial contexts. The book demonstrates the overlooked centrality of humanity and criminality to political liberalism’s historical engagement with world politics, thereby breaking with the exhaustively studied status of individual rights in liberal thought. It is argued that invocations of universal crime project humanity as a normatively integrated yet minimally inclusive and hierarchically structured subject. Such visions of humanity have in turn underwritten justifications of foreign rule and outsider intervention based on claims to an injury universally suffered by all mankind. The study foregrounds the political productivity of the notion of universal crime that entails distinct figures, relationships, and forms of authority and agency. The book traces this argument through European political theorists’ deployments of universal crime in assessing the legitimacy of colonial rule and foreign intervention in non-European societies. Analyzing John Locke’s notion of universal crime in the context of English colonialism, the concept’s retooled circulation during the nineteenth century, and contemporary cosmopolitanism’s reliance on crimes against humanity, it identifies an “inclusionary Eurocentrism” that subtends the authorizing and coercive dimensions of universal crime. Unlike much-studied “exclusionary Eurocentrist” thinking, “inclusionary Eurocentrist” arguments have historically extended an unequal, repressive “recognition via liability” to non-European peoples.