Journal articles on the topic 'Indo-Aryan languages, Modern, and Avahattha'

AbstractSince the pioneering paper by Emenau (1956) there have been many attempts (cf. Masica 1976, 2001; Ebert 2001; among many others) to select areal features which are shared among languages spoken in South Asia. However, there has been little consent on the number of such features and the possible direction of their spread.In this paper we are focusing on two selected isoglosses, namely alignment and constituent order. Both of them have been used to define the Indo-Aryan linguistic area: alignment is one of the key elements to distinguish western from eastern Indo-Aryan (Peterson 2017) and word order is one of the innovations which differentiates some of the “Outer” languages from “Inner” Indo-Aryan languages (Zoller 2017: 15).This article focuses on two languages which are said to determine these isoglosses: Awadhi and Kashmiri. Our study of Awadhi shows that the isogloss delineating ergative or accusative case marking zones is situated in the area where the so-called Eastern Hindi dialects (among them Awadhi) are spoken. As we will demonstrate, this specific isogloss is substantially supported by diachronic evidence. The second language under consideration, namely Kashmiri, is an example of an “Outer” language with a quite stable V2 feature. Both Awadhi and Kashmiri are compared with Pahari, a language branch which functions as a link between the two of them. Our comparison of Kashmiri with certain Western Pahari Himachali languages shows that there is no clear borderline between two language groups supported by word order. We conclude from these case studies that the study of isoglosses is by definition a study of fluid boundaries, and qualitative, historical studies of one language can prove or disprove hypotheses based on synchronic similarities between languages.

This study examines the historical development of light verbs in Indo-Aryan. I investigate the origins of the modern Indo-Aryan compound verb construction, and compare this construction with other light verb constructions in Indo-Aryan. Examination of the antecedents of the Indo-Aryan compound verb construction alongside other Indo-Aryan light verb constructions, combined with analysis of lexical and morphosyntactic differences between the compound verb systems of two Indo-Aryan languages (Hindi and Nepali), demonstrate that light verbs are not a stable or unchanging part of grammar, but rather undergo a variety of changes, including reanalysis as tense/aspect auxiliaries.

Sound, signs or signals, gestures, urge of transferring higher levels of thinking and feelings and also exchange of ideas were the beginning of the formulation of languages despite the controversies in the origin of languages through the Speculative Theory, Signaling Theory, Mother tongue Hypothesis and so on. Civilization and progress have paved the origin of languages for communication and vice versa. Whatever been the reason and whenever been the time of development of language in this subcontinent or in the Earth, India always possesses a rich linguistic heritage. The Proto-Indo-Aryan language is the prime language of India followed by Old Indo-Aryan covering Vedic-Sanskrit, Classical-Sanskrit; Middle Indo-Aryans of Prakrit, Pali and Modern Indo-Aryan language. This analysis is an attempt to point out the origin of Vedic, Sanskrit, Prakrit, Pali and Dravidian languages and also these roles in the formulation of other languages and enrichment of in this subcontinent.

Abstract This paper uses a novel data-driven probabilistic approach to address the century-old Inner-Outer hypothesis of Indo-Aryan. I develop a Bayesian hierarchical mixed-membership model to assess the validity of this hypothesis using a large data set of automatically extracted sound changes operating between Old Indo-Aryan and Modern Indo-Aryan speech varieties. I employ different prior distributions in order to model sound change, one of which, the Logistic Normal distribution, has not received much attention in linguistics outside of Natural Language Processing, despite its many attractive features. I find evidence for cohesive dialect groups that have made their imprint on contemporary Indo-Aryan languages, and find that when a Logistic Normal prior is used, the distribution of dialect components across languages is largely compatible with a core-periphery pattern similar to that proposed under the Inner-Outer hypothesis.

It has been widely assumed that the primary adpositions of modern Indo-European languages constitute a historically identical category, descending from the Proto-Indo-European ‘local particles’. I argue that this assumption needs to be revised, because a major branch of the language family, Indo-Aryan, possesses adpositions of unrelated origin. This is not only a question of different etyma, but the New Indo-Aryan adpositions descend from structurally different sources. The ancient local particles, as attested in early Indo-Aryan varieties, combine with local case forms and show a preference for the prenominal position. By contrast, the New Indo-Aryan adpositions descend from nominal and verbal forms heading genitives, and show a propensity for the postnominal slot. Thus, we are dealing with elements unrelated not only etymologically, but also with regard to their morphosyntactic distribution.

Abstract The paper describes historical roots as well as syntactic and semantic properties of the three main obligational constructions in modern Hindi-Urdu, Punjabi, Rajasthani 1 and Gujarati2 These constructions differ from one another by the degree and by the type of obligation. The main syntactic properties of obligational constructions discussed in the paper are Agent marking and long distance agreement rules. It will be demonstrated that the increasing frequency of the Dative instead of the Instrumental Agent marking in constructions of obligation was part of the gradual destruction of the ‘passive syntax’ typical for the climactic stage of ergative development.

Abstract The point of departure for the present paper is the status of the bare participial form as inherited from MIA (Middle Indo-Aryan) by early NIA (New Indo-Aryan) with its stative force. It is a very well known phenomenon in the contemporary IA languages that the past participle can be extended by a past participle form based of the verb to be (e.g. MSH - Modern Standard Hindi - huā). It is also noticeable that not all NIA languages allow such extension and that several languages developed further, and reinterpreted the extended forms. The aim of the present paper will be to demonstrate how the stative participles developed in two branches of IA, namely Eastern and Western Pahari.1 The data for this preliminary research has been excerpted from Western Pahari inscriptions (Chhabra 1957), Eastern Pahari inscriptions (Pokharel 1974; Cauhān 2008; Joshi 2009), reference grammars and folk texts

The article attempts to clarify and analyze the opinions, hypotheses, ideas and assumptions of scientists studying the issues of ancestral home of the Indo-Aryan peoples from the historical, archaeological and linguistic points of view. The Eastern European localization of the ancestral home of the Indo-Aryan peoples in Southeastern Europe and their migration is considered in the article. The territory of Central Asia was occupied by the Iranian nationalities in the beginning of the historical period (VII-VI centuries BC): Bactrians, Sogdians, Khorezmians, Parthians, Saka tribes. The analysis of relict phenomena in the languages and culture of modern population of Central Asia, in particular the population of the Pamirs, shows the presence of an ancient Indo-Aryan layer. In this case, a specific convergence is identified, which is precisely oriented on the ancient Indian tradition. At the same time, even more ancient traces associated with the pre-Indo-Iranian population of Central Asia are revealed. The substrate layer played a huge role in the genesis of the culture, ideology and ethnos of the most ancient Iranian-speaking population of Central Asia. It had a huge impact on the establishment of its social and economic basis.

Semantics and Pragmatics of Non-Canonical Word Order in South Asian Languages: <Verb-Left> of lag- ‘Begin’ as an Attitude-Marker in Hindi-Urdu This paper examines possible motivations for departures from canonical clause-final word order observed for the finite verb in Hindi-Urdu and other modern Indo-Aryan languages. Depiction of speaker attitude in Premchand's novel godān and the imperatives of journalistic style in TV newscasts are shown to be prime factors. The emergence of V-2 word-order in Kashmiri and other Himalayan languages may have had a parallel history.

Out of the several modern Indo-Aryan languages that evolved in the eastern part of India, Assamese and Bengali are the two most prominent ones. Though both these two languages reached their respective present existence after passing through different phases of development, yet their roots are the same. Therefore, between both languages, there are many similarities even though both have evolved in distinctly different geographical areas, and there exist distinct differences between them. The differences not only create the distinction between them but also express their individuality too. In both, languages, pronoun and pronominal have occupied an important role in the discussion of morphology. Along with pronoun, the use of various pronominal which have evolved from the same root has flourished in both the languages. In this regard, both similarities and differences could be noticed in these two languages. Therefore, to identify the co-relation as well as the linguistic characteristics of both the languages, the comparative analysis is the only way out. In this study, an attempt is made to focus on how the pronominal of both languages are used to identify the similarities and differences between the two languages.

Abstract I will first describe (1) the linguistic situation in modern-day Assam (Northeast India) and the historical hypotheses that might explain it. These hypotheses are subjected to criticism. Next, I will analyse (2) in detail, the phonological concordances in the Tibeto-Burman languages and dialects of Central Assam that form the Boro-Garo group. I will present detailed criteria – the most detailed of all will concern the diphthongs – with examples, which will enable us to classify the languages. Using these criteria will also allow us to take advantage of certain ancient sources of information on dialects which are, in some cases, extinct. The study (3) of other Tibeto-Burman languages will consolidate our criteria and specify their historical development. Finally (4), I will propose a historical reconstruction of linguistic layers, after which (5) I will emphasise the importance of the distinction, central to our discussion, between language change and ethnic change (where cultural and physical anthropology follow distinct paths) before proposing a basis for a more general investigation of the Boro-Garo languages. Northeastern India is home to a great number of languages, mainly from the Tibeto-Burman, Mon-Khmer, Tai and Indo-Aryan groups. This paper first summarises the current historical interpretations of this plethora, and concentrates on the Tibeto-Burman languages spoken in the lowlands, sc. the Boro-Garo subgroup. A phonological comparative assessment of the data provides a classification with definite criteria, and suggests historical interpretation. Central to this comparative study are the vowel systems, the analysis of which allows us to understand far better (and to use more appropriately) the older lexical lists from 1805. The result of this assessment is a new direction of research, when it appears that the Zeliangrong languages (traditionally taken as Southern Naga) offer a remarkable and certainly unexpected linguistic link between the Boro-Garo and the Kuki Chin (and Naga) languages. The paper exemplifies how language histories remain distinct from ethnic and political developments, and makes a useful contribution to a finer historical understanding of complex human situations.

The aim of this paper is to explore the number system in Thali, a variety of Punjabi spoken by natives of Thal desert. There are three number categories singular, dual, and plural but all modern Indo Aryan languages have only singular and plural (Bashir &amp; Kazmi, 2012, p. 119). It is one of the indigenous languages of Pakistan from the Lahnda group as described by Grierson (1819) in his benchmark book Linguistic Survey of India. Layyah is one of the prominent areas of Thal regions. The native speakers of Thali use this sub dialect of Saraiki in their household and professional life. The linguistic boundaries of the present Siraiki belt have changed under different linguistic variational rules as described by Labov (1963), Trudgal (2004), Eckert (2002) and Meryhoff (2008). There are many differences between Thali and Saraiki, on phonological, morphological and orthographical levels. Husain (2017) has pointed out linguistic differences between Saraiki and Lahnda and Thali is one of the popular languages of Lahnda spoken in different parts of Thal regions. According to the local language activists, Thali has been greatly influenced by Saraiki and Punjabi. The lexicon of Thali is composed for 20% of Punjabi, 45% of Saraiki, and 5% of loan words particularly English. Another particularity is that Perso-Arabic characters are used to write Thali. The most distinguishing characteristics of Thali are its parts of speech, word order, case marking, verb conjugation and, finally, usage of grammatical categories in terms of number, person, tense, voice and gender. In this perspective, number marking is the area to focus on noun morphology and exclusively on the recognition of number system in Thali nouns. The analysis of linguistic systems including grammar, lexicon, and phonology provide sound justifications of number marking systems in languages of the world (Chohan &amp; Garc&iacute;a, 2019).

Kashmiri is an Indo-Aryan language spoken predominantly in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, India and in some parts of Pakistan. Some phonological and morphological features of this language make it peculiar among Indo-Aryan languages. This write-up provides a phonological sketch of Kashmiri. The description of Vowels and Consonants is given in order to build a general idea of the phonological system of the language. The process of nasalization is phonemic in Kashmiri. The aim of this write-up is to describe and show all the phonological features of the language, particularly those that are uniquely found in this language. In addition, an attempt has been made to describe and explain the various phonological processes such as Palatalization, Epenthesis and Elision, which occur in Kashmiri. All such processes are described with appropriate examples and the data comprising of lexemes and sounds for examples is primary data used by the author who is a native speaker of the language. Given to the peculiar features of this language, the process of homonymy, which is homographic in nature, is described with appropriate examples. References Bhaskararao, P., Hassan, S., Naikoo, I. A., Wani, N. H., T. A., & Ganai, P. A. (2009). A Phonetic Study of Kashmiri Palatalization. In M. e. Minegishi, Field Research, Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Informatics (pp. 1-17). Tokyo: Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. Bhat, R. N. (2008). Palatalization : a note on Kashmiri morphophonology. Retrieved 11 14, 2018, from Academia: https://www.academia.edu/6383970/Palatalization_A_Note_on_ Kashmiri_Morphophonology Chomsky, N., & Halle, M. (1968). The sound pattern of English. New York: Harper and Row . Crowley, T. (1997). An introduction to historical linguistics. Oxford: oxford University Press. Fussman, G. (1972). Atlas linguistique des pariers Dardes et Kafirs. Paris: Ecole Francaise d'Etreme-Orient. Grierson, G. A. (1973). A standard manual of Kashmiri language (Vol. 2). Rohtak: Light and Life Publishers. Grierson, G. A. (1919). Linguistic Survey of India. Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing. Kachru, B. B. (1969). Kashmiri and other Dardic languages. (T. A. Sebeok, Ed.) Current Trends in Linguistics, 5, 284-306. Kak, A. A. (2002). Languange maintenance and language shift in Srinagar. New delhi: Un­pub­lished Phd dissertation, University of Delhi. Kak, A. A., & O. F. (2009). Nasality of Kashmiri vowels in Optimality theory. Nepalese Linguistics, 4, 61-68. Koul, O. N. (1996). On the standardization of Kashmiri script. In S. I. Hasnain (Ed.), Standardization and Modernization: Dynamics of Language Planning (pp. 269-278). New Delhi: Bahri Publications. Koul, O. N., & Wali, K. (2006). Modern Kashmiri grammar. Springfield: Dunwoody Press. Ladefoged, P., & Maddieson, I. (1996). The sounds of the worls's languages. Oxford: Blackwell. Lawrence, W. R. (1895). The valley of Kashmir. Srinagar: Kesar Publishers. Leech, G. (1974). Semantics. Middlesex: Penguin Books. Mir, F. A. (2014). Acquisition of deixis among Kashmiri speaking children of 4-5 years of age. Department of Linguistics Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. Aligarh: Unpublished M.Phil Thesis. Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India. (2018, 10 12). Census,2011. Retrieved 11 12, 2018, from censusindia: http://www.censusindia.gov.in/2011Census/C-16_25062018_NEW.pdf Pandey, P. (2018). Types of Phonological Processes. Retrieved from e-Pathshala: http://epgp.inflibnet.ac.in/epgpdata/uploads/epgp_content/linguistics/02.introduction_to_phonetics_and_phonology/21._types_of_phonological_processes-_i/et/7664_et_et_21.pdf. Shakil, M. (2012). Academia. Retrieved 11 15, 2018, from Languages of erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir: a preliminary study: https://www.academia.edu/6485567/Languages_of_ Erstwhile_State_of_Jammu_Kashmir_A_Preliminary_Study_?auto=download Wheeler, M. W. (2005). Cluster reduction: Deletion or Coalescence? Catalan Journal of Linguistics, 4, 57-82. Retrieved 11 2018, from https://www.raco.cat/index.php/Catalan Journal/article/view/39481

AbstractModern Hindi and neighboring languages employ structures with the present participle plus `be' as unmarked present, and structures with a form ofI present evidence and arguments in favor of a drag-chain explanation, first adumbrated by Bloch (1920). I demonstrate that the old simple present changed to modal (or future) in almost all of Modern Indo-Aryan, as the result of a marking reversal by which the late Middle-Indo-Aryan progressive becomes unmarked (as in English) and the old simple present becomes marked perfective and hence incompatible with present tense. I show that different languages fill the resulting gap in different ways. The fact that Hindi and related languages choose the earlier progressive structure for this purpose in turn motivates the use of an older, marked, continuative construction withChain shifts, thus, are not limited to phonology but can also occur in morphology.

The project aims at documenting the Indo-Aryan Kullui language. This unwritten minor language of the Himachali Pahari group is common in Kullu district in Himachal Pradesh (India). The core objective of the project is to describe Kullui through field methods in linguistics. The study includes the collection of sociolinguistic information, grammar description, compi­ling a dictionary, as well as recording texts. The project run by A.S. Krylova, Yu.V. Mazurova, E.A. Renkovskaya, E.M. Shuvannikova (Knyazeva) is carried out under the auspices of the Institute of Linguistics, the Russian Academy of Sciences. During the linguistic expeditions to Himachal Pradesh, the researchers collected insights into the sociolinguistic situation: types of multilingualism, areas of use of the main languages in the region — Kullui, Hindi, English, etc.; studied the language features of different generations. The research shows the dynamics of the linguistic situation: in the older generation, especially, among women, there are cases of monolingual language — knowledge of the local language alone; the middle generation, as a rule, speaks several languages — Hindi, one or several local languages/dialects, some also know English (its Indian version). In addition, some people know Punjabi, Urdu, Nepali to some extent, which is associated with the geographic location and history of Himachal Pradesh. Young people and schoolchildren demonstrate the onset of a language shift: many people know Himachali languages and use them in everyday life; however, the use of minor languages is gradually restricted to communication with older family members. The key communication tool for the younger generation is Hindi, for educated youth — both Hindi and English. A detailed description of minor languages is relevant right now, while they still retain their authenticity and used by all generations. It is crucial to document them using new modern technologies (voiced dictionaries, gloss texts with audio and video recordings). Existing as a means of oral communication, Kullui and other minor languages of Himachal Pradesh currently lack standardized writing. The research team has developed a phonological transcription based on the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) for recording oral speech, as well as morphological parsing for grammatical material.

Иранские языки входят в группу индоевропейских языков. Они являются близкородственными индоарийским языкам. Предки индоарийских и иранских народов в глубокой древности жили в тесном общении, занимали одну общую территорию и говорили на близкородственных арийских диалектах. Обособление иранских диалектов от индийских произошло не позднее начала II тысячелетия до н.э. На иранских языках говорили многочисленные древние племена и народности, сыгравшие важную роль в мировой истории. Все иранские языки ведут свое происхождение к одному языку, который явился материальной основой их исторической общности. По своему статусу современные иранские языки значительно отличаются друг от друга. Наиболее значимыми иранскими языками, имеющими широкое применение в официальной сфере, являются персидский, дари, таджикский, афганский (пушту), курдский, осетинский и белуджский. Современный персидский язык распространен в основном в Иране. Из современных иранских языков к нему ближе всего таджикский и дари, которые имеют общее происхождение. Персидский язык является наиболее крупным, развитым и распространенным иранским языком, который охватывает все жизненно важные сферы. Одним из крупнейших по численности иранских народов являются афганцы (пуштуны). В Афганистане официальными языками признаны афганский (пушту) и дари (фарси-кабули). Дари занимал и занимает более сильные позиции. Другим крупным ираноязычным народом являются белуджи. Белуджский язык распадается на две основные группы. Другой иранский народ – курды – испокон веков населяет территорию Западной Азии. Численность курдов в мире составляет около 40 млн. человек. Курдский язык представлен в многочисленных диалектных разновидностях. Выделяются две группы диалектов – северная и южная. Курдский язык имеет многовековую литературную традицию, но его официальный статус невысок. Осетинский язык – остаток северо-восточной скифо-сарматской ветви иранских языков. Он на протяжении почти двух тысяч лет развивался вне каких-либо прямых контактов с иранскими языками. Официальный статус осетинского языка сравнительно высок, однако, численность говорящих на нем уменьшается. The Iranian languages are part of the Indo-European language family. They are closely related Indo-Aryan languages. The ancestors of the Indo-Aryan and Iranian peoples in ancient times lived in close communication, occupied common territory and spoke closely related Aryan dialects. The divergence of the Iranian and the Indian dialects took place prior to the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC. Numerous ancient tribes and nationalities who played important role in the world history spoke Iranian languages. All Iranian languages trace back their origin to one language, which was the material basis of their historical community. The status of each of the modern Iranian languages is different. The most significant Iranian languages widely used in the official sphere are Persian, Dari, Tajik, Afghan (Pashto), Kurdish, Ossetian, and Baluchi. Modern Persian is widely spoken in Iran. Of all modern Iranian languages, the closest to it are Tajik and Dari, which share common origin. Persian is the largest, most developed and widespread Iranian language, which covers all vital areas. One of the largest in number of Iranian peoples are Afghans (Pashtuns). In Afghanistan the official languages are recognized as Afghan (Pashto) and Dari (Farsi-Kabuli). Dari held and holds a stronger position. A large Iranian-speaking people are the Balochi. Baluchi is divided into two main groups. Another Iranian people are the Kurds, who for centuries have inhabited the territory of Western Asia. The number of Kurds in the world is about 40 million people. The Kurdish language is represented in numerous dialectal varieties. There are two groups of dialects – north and south. Although Kurdish has a centuries-old literary tradition, its official status is low. The Ossetian language is a remnant of the north-eastern Scythian-Sarmatian branch of the Iranian languages. For almost two thousand years, it has been developing without any direct contacts with Iranian languages. The official status of the Ossetian language is relatively high, but the number of speakers is decreasing.

В статье исследуются вопросы эволюции категории рода в иранских языках. Особое внимание отводится исследованию западно- и восточноиранских языков в исторической перспективе. На основе широкого спектра лингвистических данных подробно описаны и охарактеризованы как общие черты, так и особенности грамматики языков иранской группы. Последняя входит в индоевропейскую языковую семью, представленную в настоя- щее время на обширном географическом пространстве. Наиболее многочисленной ветвью данной семьи является индоиранская, включающая в себя индоарийские и иранские языки, обособление которых началось с миграций предков современных индоариев в северо-запад- ную Индию. История ираноязычных племен и народностей, территория расселения ко- торых в прошлом простиралась от берегов Черного моря на западе до границ Китая на востоке и от Южного Урала на севере до берегов Персидского залива и Индии на юге, охва- тывает огромный временной промежуток — от II тыс. до н.э. вплоть до наших дней. Ди- алекты многих из них еще на рубеже двух эр сохраняли значительную степень единства, унаследованного от общего древнеиранского языка-основы, близкого к авестийскому. The article investigates the evolution of gender in the Iranian languages. Special attention is given to the study of West and East Iranian languages in the historical perspective. On the basis of a wide range of various linguistic data the generalities and peculiarities of the grammar of Iranian languages, especially the category of gender, are described and characterized in detail. Iranian linguistic group belongs to the family of Indo-European languages, which are currently spoken on a vast territory. The most numerous branch of this family is Indo-Iranian, which includes Indo-Aryan and Iranian languages. Their separation began with the migrations of the ancestors of modern Indo- Aryans to Northwest India. The history of Iranian-speaking tribes and peoples, who in the past lived on the geography stretching from the shores of Black sea in the west to the borders of China in the east and from the southern Urals in the north to the shores of the Persian Gulf and India in the south, covers a vast period of time — from the II millennium BC up to the present day. The dialects of many tribes by the turn of the new era still retained a significant degree of initial community, inherited from the ancient Iranian source language close to Avestan.

Время – грамматическая категория глагола, служит временной состояния, либо события. В различных языках наличествует соответствующее количество временных форм. Индоевропейский глагол в историческом плане имел три временные системы – презенс, аорист и перфект. В Авесте засвидетельствованы формы всех индоевропейских времен, наклонений и залогов. В ней в изъявительном наклонении раз­личаются следующие времена: настоящее время, имперфект, перфект и плюсквамперфект. В презенсе авестийского глагола выделяются два типа основ. Эти основы делятся на классы, количество которых доходит до двадцати двух. Глагольная система, которая наличествует в среднеиранских языках, значительно изменилась по сравнению с древнеиранскими языками. Однако древнеиранская временная система практически во всех иранских языках данного периода сохранилась. В новоперсидском языке насчитывается восемь времен. Идентичное количество временных форм можно наблюдать также в афганском языке, представленном в восточноиранской языковой подгруппе. Среди иранских языков осетинский характеризуется скудостью временных форм. В осетинском языке можно выделить три глагольные основы, от которых образуются формы соответствующих времен. В осетинских глаголах обнаруживаются следы древнеарийских классов настоящего времени. В современных иранских языках основное противоположение лежит между прошлым и не прошлыми временами. В изъявительном наклонении осетинский язык знает три времени: настоящее, прошедшее и будущее. Наиболее интересным явлением в осетинском языке является образование будущего времени, аналогичная с осетинским языком модель образования будущего времени наблюдаются в согдийском и хорезмийском языках, ко­торые считаются наиболее близкими к осетинскому языку. Tense is a grammatical category of a verb that serves as a temporary localization of an event or state. Different languages have a different number of temporary forms. Historically, the Indo-European verb had three temporal systems – present, aorist and perfect. In the Avesta, forms of all Indo-European times, moods and pledges are attested. The following tenses are distinguished in it in the indicative mood: present, imperfect, perfect and pluperfect. There are two types of stems in the presence of the Avestan verb. These basics are divided into classes, the number of which reaches twenty-two. The verb system in the Middle Iranian languages has changed significantly compared to the ancient Iranian, however, the ancient Iranian temporal system in almost all Iranian languages of this period has been preserved. There are eight tenses in the New Persian language. Almost the same number of temporal forms is observed in Afghan, which is part of the Eastern Iranian subgroup. Among the Iranian languages, Ossetian is a scarcity of temporary forms. In the Ossetian language, three verbal stems can be distinguished, from which the forms of the corresponding tenses are formed. In Ossetian verbs, traces of the ancient Aryan classes of the present tense are found. In modern Iranian languages, the main opposition lies between the past and non-past times. In the indicative mood, the Ossetian language knows three tenses: present, past and future. The most interesting phenomenon in the Ossetian language is the formation of the future tense, a model of the formation of the future tense similar to the Ossetian language is observed in the Sogdian and Khorezm languages, which are considered the closest to the Ossetian language.