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1

McGregor, R. S., and Colin P. Masica. "The Indo-Aryan Languages." Journal of the American Oriental Society 113, no. 1 (January 1993): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604235.

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2

Shapiro, Michael C., and Colin P. Masica. "The Indo-Aryan Languages." Language 69, no. 1 (March 1993): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416430.

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3

Stroński, Krzysztof, and Saartje Verbeke. "Shaping modern Indo-Aryan isoglosses." Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics 56, no. 3 (September 25, 2020): 529–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2020-0017.

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AbstractSince the pioneering paper by Emenau (1956) there have been many attempts (cf. Masica 1976, 2001; Ebert 2001; among many others) to select areal features which are shared among languages spoken in South Asia. However, there has been little consent on the number of such features and the possible direction of their spread.In this paper we are focusing on two selected isoglosses, namely alignment and constituent order. Both of them have been used to define the Indo-Aryan linguistic area: alignment is one of the key elements to distinguish western from eastern Indo-Aryan (Peterson 2017) and word order is one of the innovations which differentiates some of the “Outer” languages from “Inner” Indo-Aryan languages (Zoller 2017: 15).This article focuses on two languages which are said to determine these isoglosses: Awadhi and Kashmiri. Our study of Awadhi shows that the isogloss delineating ergative or accusative case marking zones is situated in the area where the so-called Eastern Hindi dialects (among them Awadhi) are spoken. As we will demonstrate, this specific isogloss is substantially supported by diachronic evidence. The second language under consideration, namely Kashmiri, is an example of an “Outer” language with a quite stable V2 feature. Both Awadhi and Kashmiri are compared with Pahari, a language branch which functions as a link between the two of them. Our comparison of Kashmiri with certain Western Pahari Himachali languages shows that there is no clear borderline between two language groups supported by word order. We conclude from these case studies that the study of isoglosses is by definition a study of fluid boundaries, and qualitative, historical studies of one language can prove or disprove hypotheses based on synchronic similarities between languages.
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4

(Ghosh), Sumana Mallick. "Early Indian Languages: An Evolution Perspective." Asian Review of Social Sciences 7, no. 2 (August 5, 2018): 57–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.51983/arss-2018.7.2.1432.

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Sound, signs or signals, gestures, urge of transferring higher levels of thinking and feelings and also exchange of ideas were the beginning of the formulation of languages despite the controversies in the origin of languages through the Speculative Theory, Signaling Theory, Mother tongue Hypothesis and so on. Civilization and progress have paved the origin of languages for communication and vice versa. Whatever been the reason and whenever been the time of development of language in this subcontinent or in the Earth, India always possesses a rich linguistic heritage. The Proto-Indo-Aryan language is the prime language of India followed by Old Indo-Aryan covering Vedic-Sanskrit, Classical-Sanskrit; Middle Indo-Aryans of Prakrit, Pali and Modern Indo-Aryan language. This analysis is an attempt to point out the origin of Vedic, Sanskrit, Prakrit, Pali and Dravidian languages and also these roles in the formulation of other languages and enrichment of in this subcontinent.
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5

Poudel, Tikaram. "The Semantics of the Ergative in Nepali." Gipan 3, no. 2 (November 1, 2017): 61–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/gipan.v3i2.48900.

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The semantics of the ergative in Nepali, a modern Indo-Aryan language spoken in Nepal, Bhutan and in some states of India, differs from other New Indo-Aryan languages of the region. In the Western and Central New Indo-Aryan languages (e.g., Hindi-Urdu, Panjabi, etc.), aspectual split determines the ergative system (Beames 1872-79, Kellogg 1893, Hook 1992, Dixon 1994, Peterson 1998, Bynon 2005, Butt 2006). In these languages such as Hindi-Urdu, the (agentive) subject in the perfective transitive clauses gets ergative marking and the verb agrees with the object. However, Nepali defies these prevalent trends of ergative marking of New Indo-Aryan languages. In several contexts, the Nepali ergative is typologically unexpected, for example, arguments of participialized clauses or nominalizations. Unlike its sister languages, in some contexts, the subjects of transitive clauses in non-past tenses get ergative marking whereas, in some other contexts, they are marked with nominative case. This split ergative system in non-past tenses can be explained in terms of semantic notions of individual-level and stage-level predications.
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6

Renkovskaya, Evgeniya. "New Indo-Aryan associative plural markers derived from Old Indo-Aryan apara ‘other’ and their further grammaticalization." Lingua Posnaniensis 62, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/linpo-2020-0011.

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Abstract The paper deals with associative plurals in New Indo-Aryan languages, which are derived from the Old Indo- Aryan apara ‘other’. These markers are found in a large number of NIA languages, but in many of these languages they underwent further grammaticalization into other grammatical units, such as honorific particle, standard plural marker, definiteness marker, marker of inalienable possession etc. Among the factors which underlie this grammatical development, contacts with non-Indo-Aryan languages play a significant role.
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7

Peterson, John. "The Indo-Aryan Languages (review)." Language 82, no. 4 (2006): 891–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2006.0216.

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8

Bez, Gitanjali. "The relator noun construction in Assamese." Journal of South Asian Languages and Linguistics 7, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jsall-2020-2023.

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Abstract This paper presents a comprehensive analysis of relator noun constructions in Assamese, an Indo-Aryan language spoken in the eastern part of India by a majority of people living in the state of Assam. The construction consists of a relator noun that functions as a head, and a genitive case marked noun that functions as a dependent. Semantically, most of the relator nouns encode spatial relation, such as place, path. However, some other relator nouns signal other relations, such as the ‘for’, ‘about’ etc. The occurrence of relator nouns is not an unusual phenomenon in Indo-Aryan languages. It has been analyzed as adpositions in many Indo-Aryan languages. However, I argue that the syntax of Assamese does not allow this analysis. It forms a distinct syntactic category, the behaviour of which is not similar to adpositions. Further, Assamese shares some close affinity regarding the relator noun construction with the neighbouring Tibeto-Burman languages such as Boro and Dimasa, rather than with the Indo-Aryan languages. Thus, this paper further investigates whether the resemblance occurs as a result of language contact or by accident.
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9

Cathcart, Chundra A. "A probabilistic assessment of the Indo-Aryan Inner–Outer Hypothesis." Journal of Historical Linguistics 10, no. 1 (May 25, 2020): 42–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhl.18038.cat.

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Abstract This paper uses a novel data-driven probabilistic approach to address the century-old Inner-Outer hypothesis of Indo-Aryan. I develop a Bayesian hierarchical mixed-membership model to assess the validity of this hypothesis using a large data set of automatically extracted sound changes operating between Old Indo-Aryan and Modern Indo-Aryan speech varieties. I employ different prior distributions in order to model sound change, one of which, the Logistic Normal distribution, has not received much attention in linguistics outside of Natural Language Processing, despite its many attractive features. I find evidence for cohesive dialect groups that have made their imprint on contemporary Indo-Aryan languages, and find that when a Logistic Normal prior is used, the distribution of dialect components across languages is largely compatible with a core-periphery pattern similar to that proposed under the Inner-Outer hypothesis.
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10

Slade, Benjamin. "The diachrony of light and auxiliary verbs in Indo-Aryan." Diachronica 30, no. 4 (December 31, 2013): 531–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.30.4.04sla.

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This study examines the historical development of light verbs in Indo-Aryan. I investigate the origins of the modern Indo-Aryan compound verb construction, and compare this construction with other light verb constructions in Indo-Aryan. Examination of the antecedents of the Indo-Aryan compound verb construction alongside other Indo-Aryan light verb constructions, combined with analysis of lexical and morphosyntactic differences between the compound verb systems of two Indo-Aryan languages (Hindi and Nepali), demonstrate that light verbs are not a stable or unchanging part of grammar, but rather undergo a variety of changes, including reanalysis as tense/aspect auxiliaries.
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11

Koh, Taejin. "Development of Ergativity in Hindi: Passive Origin." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, no. 8 (August 17, 2022): 01–07. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i08.001.

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The diachronic analysis of ergativity in Indo-Aryan languages has been under a debate for a long period of time. The dispute is whether the ergativity exits in Indo-Aryan languages because of the historical change (passive origin) or is a matter of historical stability (already existed in the OIA). In this study, it is assumed that the passive construction historically gave rise to the ergative construction in Indo-Aryan languages. All Indo-Aryan elements of split ergativity arose as a result of a reanalysis of the –ta construction in Sanskrit as perfective aspect. This paper will demonstrate that how the markedness shift is allowed from the passive to the ergative in terms of syntactic structure.
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12

Reinöhl, Uta. "A single origin of Indo-European primary adpositions?" Diachronica 33, no. 1 (April 29, 2016): 95–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.33.1.04rei.

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It has been widely assumed that the primary adpositions of modern Indo-European languages constitute a historically identical category, descending from the Proto-Indo-European ‘local particles’. I argue that this assumption needs to be revised, because a major branch of the language family, Indo-Aryan, possesses adpositions of unrelated origin. This is not only a question of different etyma, but the New Indo-Aryan adpositions descend from structurally different sources. The ancient local particles, as attested in early Indo-Aryan varieties, combine with local case forms and show a preference for the prenominal position. By contrast, the New Indo-Aryan adpositions descend from nominal and verbal forms heading genitives, and show a propensity for the postnominal slot. Thus, we are dealing with elements unrelated not only etymologically, but also with regard to their morphosyntactic distribution.
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13

Uzum, Melike, Nurettin Demir, and Metin Bagriacik. "Recycling a Mixed Language: Posha in Turkey." Languages 8, no. 1 (February 9, 2023): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages8010052.

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We provide a sketch grammar of a new bilingual mixed language based on data gathered through interaction with its last native speakers. The language, which we call Posha of Çankırı, is spoken in central Turkey. The source languages are Turkish and Lomavren, another bilingual mixed language for which the source languages are Armenian and some Central Indo-Aryan varieties. In Posha of Çankırı, the mixing happens in the nominal morphology and in the lexicon while the verbal roots and verbal morphology are entirely from the ancestral language, Lomavren, albeit with certain minor changes. The Indo-Aryan layer of vocabulary is rather thin and the Indo-Aryan retentions in grammar can only be speculated. We show that the emergence of Posha of Çankırı has been initiated by language shift, but that its ultimate defining characteristic is L2 insertions into (some distorted version of) the L1. The study contributes to the documentation of lesser known new varieties and touches upon topics such as the mechanism involved in the emergence of bilingual mixed languages.
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14

Eliasson, Pär, and Marc Tang. "The lexical and discourse functions of grammatical gender in Marathi." Journal of South Asian Languages and Linguistics 5, no. 2 (November 27, 2018): 131–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jsall-2018-0012.

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AbstractWe provide a functional analysis of the grammatical gender system of Marathi (Indo-Aryan) in Western India. The majority of the new Indo-Aryan languages typically classifies each noun of the lexicon according to biological gender as masculine and feminine. Only a few Indo-Aryan languages such as Marathi diverge in terms of agreement pattern by categorizing nouns as masculine, feminine, and neuter. Yet gender in Marathi has not been extensively described in terms of functions. We thus use apply functional typology to analyze grammatical gender in Marathi and provide detailed examples of its lexical and discourse functions.
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15

Raulwing, Peter. "Manfred Mayrhofer’s Studies on Indo-Aryan and the Indo-Aryans in the Ancient Near East: A Retrospective and Outlook on Future Research." Journal of Egyptian History 5, no. 1-2 (2012): 248–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187416612x632481.

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Abstract Around 100 years ago, the surprising discovery of linguistic traces of an older stage of the Vedic language in the ancient Near East caused an increasing amount of interest in various academic disciplines such as Indo-European linguistics, oriental studies (Assyriology), and Egyptology, among others. In default of a historical name, this language became known as “Indo-Aryan” in the ancient Near East over the course of the 20th century. Its relatively small text corpus, documented in cuneiform archives across the Eastern Mediterranean cultures, contains about two or three dozen termini technici; among them divine names, personal names, legal terms and—proportionally high in comparison to the overall number of the Indo-Aryan textual evidence—terms related to horses and chariots. The scholarly interest circled around linguistically possible Indo-Aryan influences on non-Indo-Aryan languages and cultures in the eastern Mediterranean, Mesopotamia, including Anatolia, and Egypt in the Second Intermediate Period and the New Kingdom; among them, the hypothesis of the introduction of horses and chariots into the ancient Near East. During the 1930s and 1940s political and ideological developments, especially in German-speaking countries, influenced perspectives and results of studies on Indo-Aryan in the ancient Near East by introducing non-linguistic approaches and methodologies. Manfred Mayrhofer has dedicated a significant part of his long and successful academic career to the linguistic and bibliographical research of Indo-Aryan and its reception in scholarly studies. This retrospective attempts to review specific aspects of Mayrhofer’s studies on Indo-Aryan and the Indo-Aryans in the ancient Near East and adjacent areas and to provide an outlook on further tasks and research deriving from his legacy.
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16

Kulikov, Leonid, and Nikolaos Lavidas. "Reconstructing passive and voice in Proto-Indo-European." Proto-Indo-European Syntax and its Development 3, no. 1 (August 2, 2013): 98–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhl.3.1.06kul.

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This article examines various aspects of the reconstruction of the passive in Proto-Indo-European (PIE), foremost on the basis of evidence from the Indo-Aryan (Early Vedic) and Greek branches. In Proto-Indo-European the fundamental distinction within the verbal system is between the active and middle, while specialized markers of the passive are lacking and the passive syntactic pattern is encoded with middle inflection. Apart from the suffix *-i̯(e/o)- (for which we cannot reconstruct a passive function in the proto-language) and several nominal derivatives, we do not find sufficient evidence for specialized passive morphology. The role of the middle (and stative) in the expression of the passive in ancient IE languages raises important theoretical questions and is a testing ground for the methods of syntactic reconstruction. We will examine the contrast between non-specialized and specialized markers of the passive in Early Vedic and Greek. Most Indo-European languages have abandoned the use of middle forms in passive patterns, while Greek is quite conservative and regularly uses middle forms as passives. In contrast, Indo-Aryan has chosen a different, anti-syncretic, strategy of encoding detransitivizing derivational morphology, though with the middle inflection consistently preserved in passive ya-presents. These two branches, Indo-Aryan and Greek, arguably instantiate two basic types of development: a syncretic type found in many Western branches, including Greek, and an anti-syncretic type attested in some Eastern branches, in particular in Indo-Aryan.
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17

Schiffman, Harold F. ": The Indo-Aryan Languages . Colin P. Masica." American Anthropologist 94, no. 4 (December 1992): 1017–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1992.94.4.02a00990.

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18

Mesthrie, Rajend. "A chain shift in Indo-Aryan, with special reference to Gujarati dialects." Language Dynamics and Change 12, no. 1 (December 10, 2021): 124–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105832-bja10016.

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Abstract This paper explores a possible chain shift in Gujarati dialects, involving the consonants k, kh, c, ch, s, ś, h, ḥ, V̤, and ∅ (where ś denotes IPA [ʃ], ḥ voiceless [h], V̤ a murmured vowel, and ∅ “zero”). The chain shift can be discerned by comparing the colloquial forms in the regional dialects with the standard Gujarati forms and those of Central Indo-Aryan languages like Hindi. This comparison yields the following correspondences, giving the standard and Central Indo-Aryan sounds first: k, kh = c, ch; c, ch = s or ś; s = ḥ; h = V̤ or ∅. The paper demonstrates that this set of correspondences between standard Gujarati and the dialects is a large one, and that it indeed suggests a chain shift, taken up differentially in the various dialects analyzed (Kathiawadi, Surti, Charotari, and Pattani). For the chain shift, the standard is firmly in the Central Indo-Aryan camp, while the dialects analyzed align more closely with Western Indo-Aryan.
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Chaudhary, Mahesh Kumar. "Case-Marking System in Saptariya Tharu: A Typological Perspective." Orchid Academia Siraha 2, no. 1 (December 31, 2023): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/oas.v2i1.65605.

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This paper explores the system of case marking in the Saptariya Tharu spoken in various districts of Nepal. Saptariya Tharu is identified as a nominative and accusative language, and studies are conducted to explore its case markers and postpositions. The paper discusses nominative case, accusative-dative case, locative case, genitive case, ablative case, instrumental case, and comitative case and highlights their use and examples. In addition, the paper compares the Sapataria Tharu case marking system with other Indo-Aryan languages spoken in Nepal's Terai region. It points out that most languages in this region also have nomenclature-accusation patterns. Furthermore, this article notes the similarities between these languages, emphasizing the absence of ergative case markers and the differences between instrumental, genitive, dative, and locative markers. The research concludes that it reveals a rich case-marking system of Saptariya Tharu in a broader context of the Indo-Aryan languages spoken in Nepal's terai region, highlighting its unique linguistic characteristics and typological similarities with neighboring languages.
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20

Abbasi, Abdul Malik, Habibullah Pathan, and Mansoor Ahmed Channa. "Experimental Phonetics and Phonology in Indo-Aryan & European Languages." Journal of Language and Cultural Education 6, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 21–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jolace-2018-0023.

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Abstract Phonetics and phonology are very interesting areas of Linguistics, and are interrelated. They are based on the human speech system, speech perception, native speakers’ intuition, and vocalic and consonantal systems of languages spoken in this world. There are more than six thousand languages spoken in the world. Every language has its own phonemic inventory, sound system, and phonological and phonetic rules that differ from other languages; most even have distinct orthographic systems. While languages spoken in developed countries are well-studied, those spoken in underdeveloped countries are not. There is a great need to examine them using a scientific approach. These under-studied languages need to be documented scientifically using advanced technological instruments to bring objective results, and linguistics itself provides the scientific basis for the study of a language. Most research studies to date have also been carried out with reference to old or existing written literature in poetry and drama. In the current era of research, scholars are looking for objective scientific approaches, e.g., experimental and instrumental studies that include acoustic research on the sound systems of less privileged languages spoken locally in developing countries. In this context, Sindhi is an example of this phenomenon, and un-researched with reference to syllable structure and the exponents of lexical stress patterns.
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Ali, Mubarak. "ADJECTIVES IN TAMIL AND URDU – A COMPARATIVE STUDY." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 4, no. 5SE (May 31, 2016): 67–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v4.i5se.2016.2726.

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The aim of the paper is to compare the adjectives of Tamil Language which is one of the languages of Dravidian family and Urdu which is one of the members of Indo-Aryan family and bring out similarities and differences in their formation and usage in these two languages.
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22

Bender, Ernest, R. L. Turner, and J. C. Wright. "A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages." Journal of the American Oriental Society 105, no. 4 (October 1985): 812. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/602816.

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23

Ohala, Manjari. "Phonological areal features of some Indo-Aryan languages." Language Sciences 13, no. 2 (January 1991): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0388-0001(91)90009-p.

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24

Liljegren, Henrik, and Erik Svärd. "Bisyndetic Contrast Marking in the Hindukush: Additional Evidence of a Historical Contact Zone." Journal of Language Contact 10, no. 3 (September 7, 2017): 450–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-01002010.

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A contrastive (or antithetical) construction which makes simultaneous use of two separate particles is identified through a mainly corpus-based study as a typical feature of a number of lesser-described languages spoken in the Afghanistan-Pakistan borderland in the high Hindukush. The feature encompasses Nuristani languages (Waigali, Kati) as well as the Indo-Aryan languages found in their close vicinity (Palula, Kalasha, Dameli, Gawri), while it is not shared by more closely related Indo-Aryan languages spoken outside of this geographically delimited area. Due to a striking (although not complete) overlap with at least two other (unrelated) structural features, pronominal kinship suffixes and retroflex vowels, we suggest that a linguistic and cultural diffusion zone of considerable age is centred in the mountainous Nuristan-Kunar-Panjkora area.
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25

Mobashir, Pohanyar Hejratullah. "Research of Current Common Languages in Afghanistan." Randwick International of Education and Linguistics Science Journal 2, no. 4 (December 24, 2021): 555–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.47175/rielsj.v2i4.349.

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The Purpose of this academic article is to analyze the current languages of Afghanistan; in addition, the position is studied. Afghanistan has a diverse cultural heritage, which is protected by these languages; the importance of keeping it alive is very high. This research is descriptive and analytical the type of research is librarian and methodical, which is a description of the current popular languages. In this country current languages and dialects thirty summers, each language is based on the number of speakers has its own status and position, which are called official, residual, local and national languages. These languages belong to the most popular groups in the world the famous are Aryan, Indo-Aryan and Turkish. In addition, the languages of the pro- semiotic and seraiki groups are currently in question.
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Zakharyin, Boris. "Indo-Aryan ergativity and its analogues in languages of Central and Western Eurasia." Lingua Posnaniensis 57, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/linpo-2015-0012.

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Abstract Boris Zakharyin. Indo-Aryan ergativity and its analogues in languages of Central and Western Eurasia. The Poznań Society for the Advancement of Arts and Sciences, PL ISSN 0079-4740, pp. 63-75 Ergativity, being a typologically significant feature, serves as basis for a bunch of genetically and structurally different languages of Eurasia. The paper suggests the bird’s eye view of its manifestation in the selected samples of Indo-Iranian, Tibeto-Burman, Caucasian and Euskara (the Basque language of Spain). The provided analysis allows to assume that split ergativity displayed by certain Indo-Iranian languages is of the same (participial) origin and partially may have also been influenced by contact-factors. Consistent ergativity characterizing the majority of the Caucasian languages and Euskara is a phenomenon of semo-syntactic nature realizing itself on all the grammatical levels.
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Faquire, Razaul Karim. "Language contact across ethnic boundaries." Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 32, no. 1 (August 4, 2022): 172–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.00089.faq.

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Abstract Throughout antiquity, the Chittagong Hill Tract was a sparsely populated region. This population increased with the immigration of different speech communities, thus changing its linguistic mosaic, and creating conditions for language contact between vernacular Bangla and between its ancestral Indo-Aryan variety Pali, the superstrate, and the Tibeto-Burman variety, the substratum. In the changing language contact situation, language contact involved various phenomena, such as language maintenance, the creation of new contact languages, i.e. pidgins and creoles as well as the acquisition and integration into a dominant L2. Through this language contact, the processes of language contact have had particular linguistic, social, and political outcomes that have shaped the region. The linguistic outcomes include lexical borrowing, calquing, and structural convergence, as well as the creation of a new contact language combining both the Indo-Aryan vernacular and Tibeto-Burman vernacular. This paper discusses these outcomes, and describes that changes in the social and political makeup of the region have ultimately led to language change. The study argues that linguistic change appears at present in several ways: The lexical makeup, phraseology and syntactic structure of Indo-Aryan varieties spoken by the Tibeto-Burman speech communities; pidgins including Chakma and Tanchangya which have emerged from contact between the Indo-Aryan variety and the Arakanese vernacular; a Tibeto-Burman pidgin which has emerged from contact between the superstrata Marma and the substrates Chak, Khumi, and Kheyang, which are spoken by the Marma, Chak, Khumi, and Kheyang ethnicities. Ultimately, the study presents that these social and linguistic outcomes have manifested themselves in the form of bilingualism and so code-mixing, and where the political outcomes of language contact have forged the political makeup of the Chittagong Hill Tract to bring the region to become one part of the larger political superstructure of Bangladesh.
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Ishraq, Mir Ragib, Nitesh Khadka, Asif Mohammed Samir, and M. Shahidur Rahman. "Towards Developing Uniform Lexicon Based Sorting Algorithm for Three Prominent Indo-Aryan Languages." ACM Transactions on Asian and Low-Resource Language Information Processing 21, no. 3 (May 31, 2022): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3488371.

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Three different Indic/Indo-Aryan languages - Bengali, Hindi and Nepali have been explored here in character level to find out similarities and dissimilarities. Having shared the same root, the Sanskrit, Indic languages bear common characteristics. That is why computer and language scientists can take the opportunity to develop common Natural Language Processing (NLP) techniques or algorithms. Bearing the concept in mind, we compare and analyze these three languages character by character. As an application of the hypothesis, we also developed a uniform sorting algorithm in two steps, first for the Bengali and Nepali languages only and then extended it for Hindi in the second step. Our thorough investigation with more than 30,000 words from each language suggests that, the algorithm maintains total accuracy as set by the local language authorities of the respective languages and good efficiency.
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29

Kogan, Anton I. "Genealogical classification of New Indo-Aryan languages and lexicostatistics." Journal of Language Relationship 14, no. 3-4 (February 1, 2017): 227–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/jlr-2017-143-411.

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30

Mehta, Parth, and Prasenjit Majumder. "Large Scale Quantitative Analysis of three Indo-Aryan Languages." Journal of Quantitative Linguistics 23, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 109–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09296174.2015.1071151.

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31

Laruelle, Marlène. "Mythe aryen et référent linguistique indo-européen dans la Russie du XIXe siècle." Historiographia Linguistica 32, no. 1-2 (June 8, 2005): 61–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.32.2.04lar.

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Summary Like the other European countries, Russia of the 19th century experienced much of the same scholarly discourse concerning the Aryan idea. The Russian Aryan myth distinguishes itself from the German and French versions by the absence of racialism and its Orthodox anchoring, this way offering the possibility of a certain ‘decentralization’ in the face of the Western experience of Aryanism. This difference often permits Slavophile intellectual circles at the periphery of the classic university life to develop a genealogical discourse concerning nationhood and the legitimization of the imperial expansion of Russia in Asia and the Far East. As a result, the Aryan reference blossomed in the historical and archaeological arguments for the justification of the supposed national continuity and statehood between the ancient Scythian world and contemporary Russia. The proximity between the Slavic and the Indo-Iranian languages, of the Oriental branch of the Indo-European family, would naturally constitute, for the Slavophiles, a scientific argument in favour of the Aryan assertion of Russia : the competition between the Germanic peoples and the Slaves for the most ancient antiquity is then transposed into the notion of language.
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32

Turin, Mark, and Benjamin Chung. "Temporal Concepts and Formulations of Time in Tibeto-Burman Languages." Journal on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2, no. 3 (July 1, 2020): 39–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/jala.v2-i3-a3.

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As a vast and diverse linguistic grouping, Tibeto-Burman languages vary in their usage of time constructs, both morphologically and semantically. Even between genetically related languages within the Tibeto-Burman language family, approaches to elements such as suffixation vary widely, while vocabulary from Indo-Aryan and distantly related Sinitic languages is differently incorporated and borrowed. In this article, we identify trends that only become apparent through the process of data collation and the careful comparison of numerous grammatical sketches and dictionaries. We further expand this rich, if understudied, area through the incorporation of original fieldwork data from the Thangmi/Thami-speaking communities of Nepal undertaken by one of the co-authors, and supplemented by the researcher’s residence in the Himalayan region from 1996 to 2009. The literature review and linguistic scope of this survey includes multiple grammars of languages spoken across the Greater Himalayan region, with specific emphasis on the Rāī-Kiranti sub-branch of languages autochthonous to eastern Nepal. In our comparative analysis, we focus on apparent cognates and shared paradigms with an emphasis on systems of segmental time measurement (e.g. ‘two days hence,’ ‘this year’) rather than on relative ones (e.g. ‘now,’ ‘then’). Through this compilation, the relationship between Tibeto-Burman languages and their often-dominant regional Indo-Aryan counterparts becomes more visible, mediated by a better understanding of the shared yet conflicting epistemological, astrological, and organizational views of time held by the communities who speak Tibeto-Burman languages. Features of note include the assimilation of Chinese and Indian religious and spiritual systems, as well as imported vocabulary that does not always replace—but is in fact sometimes incorporated into—the lexicon of a given language by the speech community. It is our observation that in Tibeto-Burman languages, Indigenous concepts, categories and classifications of time are usually grammatically encoded in adverbial forms, while the influential Indo-Aryan languages of the region mostly make use of nominal morphology in order to express temporal concepts. In addition, reflexes of Proto-Tibeto-Burman (hereafter PTB) nouns are still evident across the language family. To conclude, we position this survey as a comparative and analytical contribution which focuses attention on the region’s rich linguistic variation and the importance of rigorous documentation, conservation and revitalisation programs for Indigenous languages of the Tibeto-Burman family, as the communities who speak these languages continue to grapple with severe socio-political challenges and face the hegemonic pressures of linguistic assimilation.
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Stroński, Krzysztof. "Evolution of Stative Participles in Pahari." Lingua Posnaniensis 55, no. 2 (December 1, 2013): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/linpo-2013-0019.

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Abstract The point of departure for the present paper is the status of the bare participial form as inherited from MIA (Middle Indo-Aryan) by early NIA (New Indo-Aryan) with its stative force. It is a very well known phenomenon in the contemporary IA languages that the past participle can be extended by a past participle form based of the verb to be (e.g. MSH - Modern Standard Hindi - huā). It is also noticeable that not all NIA languages allow such extension and that several languages developed further, and reinterpreted the extended forms. The aim of the present paper will be to demonstrate how the stative participles developed in two branches of IA, namely Eastern and Western Pahari.1 The data for this preliminary research has been excerpted from Western Pahari inscriptions (Chhabra 1957), Eastern Pahari inscriptions (Pokharel 1974; Cauhān 2008; Joshi 2009), reference grammars and folk texts
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34

Alam Monisha, Syeda Tamanna, and Sadia Sultana. "A Review of the Advancement in Speech Emotion Recognition for Indo-Aryan and Dravidian Languages." Advances in Human-Computer Interaction 2022 (December 1, 2022): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2022/9602429.

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Speech emotion recognition (SER) has grown to be one of the most trending research topics in computational linguistics in the last two decades. Speech being the primary communication medium, understanding the emotional state of humans from speech and responding accordingly have made the speech emotion recognition system an essential part of the human-computer interaction (HCI) field. Although there are a few review works carried out for SER, none of them discusses the development of SER system for the Indo-Aryan or Dravidian language families. This paper focuses on some studies carried out for the development of an automatic SER system for Indo-Aryan and Dravidian languages. Besides, it presents a brief study of the prominent databases available for SER experiments. Some remarkable research works on the identification of emotion from the speech signal in the last two decades have also been discussed in this paper.
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DWIVEDI, Amitabh Vikram. "Bhadarwahi: A Typological Sketch." Acta Linguistica Asiatica 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 125–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ala.5.1.125-148.

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This paper is a summary of some phonological and morphosyntactice features of the Bhadarwahi language of Indo-Aryan family. Bhadarwahi is a lesser known and less documented language spoken in district of Doda of Jammu region of Jammu and Kashmir State in India. Typologically it is a subject dominant language with an SOV word order (SV if without object) and its verb agrees with a noun phrase which is not followed by an overt post-position. These noun phrases can move freely in the sentence without changing the meaning of the sentence. The indirect object generally precedes the direct object. Aspiration, like any other Indo-Aryan languages, is a prominent feature of Bhadarwahi. Nasalization is a distinctive feature, and vowel and consonant contrasts are commonly observed. Infinitive and participle forms are formed by suffixation while infixation is also found in causative formation. Tense is carried by auxiliary and aspect and mood is marked by the main verb.
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36

Mukhidinov, Saydali. "Ancestral Home of Indo-Aryan Peoples and Migration of Iranian Tribes to Southeastern Europe." SHS Web of Conferences 50 (2018): 01237. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20185001237.

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The article attempts to clarify and analyze the opinions, hypotheses, ideas and assumptions of scientists studying the issues of ancestral home of the Indo-Aryan peoples from the historical, archaeological and linguistic points of view. The Eastern European localization of the ancestral home of the Indo-Aryan peoples in Southeastern Europe and their migration is considered in the article. The territory of Central Asia was occupied by the Iranian nationalities in the beginning of the historical period (VII-VI centuries BC): Bactrians, Sogdians, Khorezmians, Parthians, Saka tribes. The analysis of relict phenomena in the languages and culture of modern population of Central Asia, in particular the population of the Pamirs, shows the presence of an ancient Indo-Aryan layer. In this case, a specific convergence is identified, which is precisely oriented on the ancient Indian tradition. At the same time, even more ancient traces associated with the pre-Indo-Iranian population of Central Asia are revealed. The substrate layer played a huge role in the genesis of the culture, ideology and ethnos of the most ancient Iranian-speaking population of Central Asia. It had a huge impact on the establishment of its social and economic basis.
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Khokhlova, Liudmila V. "Obligational Constructions in New Indo-Aryan Languages of Western India." Lingua Posnaniensis 55, no. 2 (December 1, 2013): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/linpo-2013-0016.

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Abstract The paper describes historical roots as well as syntactic and semantic properties of the three main obligational constructions in modern Hindi-Urdu, Punjabi, Rajasthani 1 and Gujarati2 These constructions differ from one another by the degree and by the type of obligation. The main syntactic properties of obligational constructions discussed in the paper are Agent marking and long distance agreement rules. It will be demonstrated that the increasing frequency of the Dative instead of the Instrumental Agent marking in constructions of obligation was part of the gradual destruction of the ‘passive syntax’ typical for the climactic stage of ergative development.
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Liljegren, Henrik, and Afsar Ali Khan. "Khowar." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 47, no. 2 (July 14, 2016): 219–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100316000220.

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Khowar (ISO 639-3: khw) is an Indo-Aryan language spoken by 200,000–300,000 (Decker 1992: 31–32; Bashir 2003: 843) people in Pakistan's Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province (formerly North-West Frontier Province). The majority of the speakers are found in Chitral (a district and erstwhile princely state bordering Afghanistan, see Figure 1), where the language is used as a lingua franca, but there are also important pockets of speaker groups in adjacent areas of Gilgit-Baltistan and Swat District as well as a considerable number of recent migrants to larger cities such as Peshawar and Rawalpindi (Decker 1992: 25–26). Its closest linguistic relative is Kalasha, a much smaller language spoken in a few villages in southern Chitral (Morgenstierne 1961: 138; Strand 1973: 302, 2001: 252). While Khowar has preserved a number of features (phonological, morphological as well as lexical) now lost in other Indo-Aryan languages of the surrounding Hindukush-Karakoram mountain region, it has, over time, incorporated a massive amount of lexical material from neighbouring or influential Iranian languages (Morgenstierne 1936) – and with it, new phonological distinctions. Certain features might also be attributable to formerly dominant languages (e.g. Turkic), or to linguistic substrates, either in the form of, or related to, the language isolate Burushaski, or other, now extinct, languages previously spoken in the area (Morgenstierne 1932: 48, 1947: 6; Bashir 2007: 208–214). There is relatively little dialectal variation among the speakers in Chitral itself, probably attributable to the relative recency of the present expansion of the language (Morgenstierne 1932: 50).
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39

Baral, Elina, and Sagar Shrestha. "Large Vocabulary Continuous Speech Recognition for Nepali Language." International Journal of Signal Processing Systems 8, no. 4 (December 2020): 68–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18178/ijsps.8.4.68-73.

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Speech Recognition is a widely studied topic for high-resource languages like English and Mandarin. A plethora of publications exist that study the performance of several recognition methods for these languages. However differences in phonetics, accent, language model, etc between any two different languages demand for a study of speech recognition methodologies and components separately for each language. In this paper, we present a comparative study of popular speech recognition methods for Nepali, a low-resource Indo-Aryan language. We describe our approach to building the phonetic dictionary and present our findings for DNN and GMM based techniques with speaker adaptation on 50K vocabulary speech recognition task.
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40

Qayyum, Salma, Samina Qayyum, and Najma Qayyum. "Urdu, Punjabi & Pothwari: Striking Similarities & Uniqueness of the Three Indo-Aryan Languages." Global Social Sciences Review V, no. II (June 30, 2020): 427–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2020(v-ii).41.

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Urdu, Punjabi and Pothwari are the three most widely spoken languages in Pakistan and India. Historical invasions and colonization resulted in the dispersal of the local population, causing numerous dialects of each language. There are different theories and myths about the historical connection of these languages. One such theory says that Pothwari is a variant of the Punjabi language. This might be due to the perception that Pothwari has so far been unable to claim the status of an independent language and thus, has a subordinated, relegated or inferior social status. The main reason behind this might be the folk linguistic perceptions that connect this great Oriental language with the uneducated and the unrefined. Though Urdu, Punjabi and Pothwari have sprung from the same ancestral source, they have developed uniquely over centuries. This article explores how the shared features between these three languages have diverged over time, causing great linguistic diversification
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41

Arsenault, Paul. "Retroflex consonant harmony: An areal feature in South Asia." Journal of South Asian Languages and Linguistics 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jsall-2015-0001.

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AbstractRetroflexion is a well-known areal feature of South Asia. Most South Asian languages, regardless of their genetic affiliation, contrast retroflex consonants with their non-retroflex dental counterparts. However, South Asian languages differ in the phonotactic restrictions that they place on retroflex consonants. This paper presents evidence that a large number of South Asian languages have developed a co-occurrence restriction on coronal obstruents that can be described as retroflex consonant harmony. In these languages, roots containing two non-adjacent coronal stops are primarily limited to those with two dentals (T…T) or two retroflexes (Ṭ…Ṭ), while those containing a combination of dental and retroflex stops are avoided (*T…Ṭ, *Ṭ…T). Historical-comparative evidence indicates that long-distance retroflex assimilation has contributed to the development of this phonotactic pattern (T…Ṭ → Ṭ…Ṭ). In addition, the paper demonstrates that the distribution of languages with and without retroflex consonant harmony is geographic in nature, not genetic. Retroflex consonant harmony is characteristic of most languages in the northern half of the South Asian subcontinent, regardless of whether they are Indo-Aryan, Dravidian or Munda (but not Tibeto-Burman). It is not characteristic of Indo-Aryan and Dravidian languages in the south. Thus, retroflex consonant harmony constitutes an areal feature within South Asia.
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42

Ittzés, Máté. "The augment of vowel-initial roots and vṛddhi–derivation in the Indo–Iranian languages." Indogermanische Forschungen 119, no. 1 (November 1, 2014): 355–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2014-0018.

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Abstract The augment of vowel-initial roots in Old Indo-Aryan consists in the vṛddhi grade of the initial vowel of the verbal stem. Although the origin of this feature can basically be explained in phonological terms, as described by Lubotsky (1995) and others, it is pointed out that the analogy of verb stems with full or lengthened grade root might have played a role as well. On the other hand, in absence of relevant forms in Avestan and Old Persian, the parallelism between the augment and vṛddhi‑derivation has to be taken into account if we want to describe the augment of vowel-initial roots in the Old Iranian languages. It is argued that the vṛddhi‑derivation in Old Persian was similar to the situation in Avestan, i. e. simple vowels were replaced by short diphthongs (not by long ones, as in Old Indo-Aryan) and this has to be assumed for the Old Persian augment of vowelinitial roots as well.
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43

Hussain, Qandeel, Michael Proctor, Mark Harvey, and Katherine Demuth. "Punjabi (Lyallpuri variety)." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 50, no. 2 (June 5, 2019): 282–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100319000021.

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Punjabi (Western, ISO-639-3 pnb) is an Indo-Aryan language (Indo-European, Indo-Iranian) spoken in Pakistan and India, and in immigrant communities in the UK, Canada, USA, and elsewhere. In terms of number of native speakers, it is ranked 10th among the world’s languages, with more than 100 million speakers (Lewis, Simons & Fennig 2016). Aspects of the phonology of different varieties of Punjabi have been described in Jain (1934), Arun (1961), Gill & Gleason (1962), Singh (1971), Dulai & Koul (1980), Bhatia (1993), Malik (1995), Shackle (2003), and Dhillon (2010). Much of this literature is focused on Eastern varieties, and the phonology of Western Punjabi dialects has received relatively less attention (e.g. Bahri 1962, Baart 2003, 2014).
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Renkovskaya, Evgeniya. "Descendants of Old Indo-Aryan apara ‘other’ as associative plural markers in the New Indo-Aryan languages: Distribution and grammatical development." Voprosy Jazykoznanija, no. 2 (2021): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/0373-658x.2021.2.81-97.

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45

Napolskikh, Vladimir V. "To the Iranian Etymology of the Ethnonyms Mari, Merya, Muroma." Вопросы Ономастики 21, no. 1 (2024): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/vopr_onom.2024.21.1.001.

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The article continues the exploration of the ethnonym *märə, previously reconstructed by the author and A. V. Savelyev, as evidenced in the self-designation of the Mari people and in the names of Merya and Muroma found in Russian chronicles. In Finno-Ugric literature, it is commonly sub-derived from the Aryan *márya- meaning ‘young man, warrior.’ However, within the current framework, the specific Aryan origin of this ethnonym, along with the time and circumstances of its adoption, remains unspecified. The Mari-Meryan *märə cannot be construed as an ethnonym meaning ‘human, man,’ as such semantics would be anachronistic in terms of ethnic designation typology. Instead, it is proposed that this word was borrowed as a socionym with the additional connotation of ‘husband’ into the ancestral language of Mari and Meryan around the first millennium BC. The Aryan *márya- denoted a class of free (possibly noble) young men forming military communities, where they undertook feats to attain a social status entitling them to acquire a wife, hence the meaning ‘groom, husband’. Indo-Aryan (including Mitanni Aryan) languages predominantly associated it with ‘warrior’ and ‘noble youth,’ while Iranian languages developed pejorative meanings (‘rascal; slave’) but retained the meaning ‘husband’. An Eastern Middle Iranian language is deemed a more plausible source for borrowing, both temporally and semantically. The etymology suggested in the article resolves the issue of the limited representation of Aryan *márya- primarily as ‘slave, servant’ in Eastern Iranian languages. The proposed derivation links Ossetian bal ‘group, squad, gang, pack (of wolves)’ < Alanian *mal < *márya-; likely borrowed into Proto-Marian-Meryan from a Scytho-Sarmatian language around the middle of the first millennium BC (prior to the transition *-ry- > -l-). The subsequent Turkic designation of the Mari as *čermiš (Chuvash śarmə̑s, Tatar čirməš > Russian cheremis) < Turkic *čär ‘to fight, to wage war’ may be a calque of this ancient ethnonym.
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46

Bubenik, Vit. "On the Origins and Elimination of Ergativity in Indo-Aryan Languages." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 34, no. 4 (December 1989): 377–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100024294.

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Ergativity is a term used in traditional descriptive and typological linguistics to refer to a system of nominal case-marking where the subject of an intransitive verb has the same morphological marker as a direct object, and a different morphological marker from the subject of a transitive verb. Languages in which this system is found are divided into two main types, A and B (following Trask 1979:388). In Type A the ergative construction is used equally in all tenses and aspects. Furthermore, if there is verbal agreement, the verb agrees with the direct object in person and number in exactly the same way it agrees with the subject of an intransitive verb. The verb agrees with the transitive subject in a different way. Well-known representatives of this type are Basque, Australian ergative languages, certain North American languages, Tibeto-Burman and Chukchee. In type B there is most often a tense/aspect split, in which case the ergative construction is confined to the perfective aspect (or the past tense), and the nominative-accusative configuration is used elsewhere. Furthermore, if there is verbal agreement, the verb may agree with the direct object in number and gender but not in person.
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47

De Chiara, Matteo. "Swāt Hydronymy at the Border between Iranian and Indo-Aryan Languages." Iran and the Caucasus 23, no. 1 (2019): 64–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20190106.

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Swāt valley, located in the Khyber Pukhtunkhwa (KPK) province of the northern part of Pakistan, was known since the antiquity with the names of Uḍḍyāna (‘the garden’) and Suvāstu (‘the place of fine dwellings’). The Yusufuzai Pashtuns, whose penetration in the valley begun towards the 16th century, little by little replaced the probably autochthon Dardic populations who are actually confined in the northern mountainous part of the district, i.e. the Tehsils of Bahrain and Kalam. This article focuses on hydronymy and presents the first results of the toponymic project of the Swāt valley, held with the support of the Italian archaeological mission, working in Swāt since 1956 and continuing its researches under the direction of Luca Olivieri and the auspices of the ISMEO of Rome. As it is known, hydronymy is one of the most conservative branches of the toponymy: in the Swāt context, nearly all stream names are of Indo-Aryan (Dardic) origin, except names derived from the denomination of the Pashtun villages: this confirms all data provided by the archaeological excavations. This article will also provide some specific etymologies, aimed at showing the frontier position of Swāt at the border between Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages and cultures.
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Davison, Alice Louise. "Verbeke, Saartje: Alignment and Ergativity in New Indo-Aryan Languages. 2013." Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 113, no. 1 (May 3, 2018): 78–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/olzg-2018-0023.

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49

Mallison, Françoise. "Vth International Conference on Devotional Literature in New Indo-Aryan Languages." Bulletin de l'Ecole française d'Extrême-Orient 80, no. 1 (1993): 275–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/befeo.1993.2607.

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50

Khatiwada, Rajesh. "Retroflexion in Nepali." Gipan 4 (December 31, 2019): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/gipan.v4i0.35453.

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Nepali, an Indo-Aryan language spoken in Nepal along with India and Bhutan, and some parts of Burma, possesses three coronal stops (2 plosives and 1 affricate). Retroflexion is traditionally considered as the distinctive feature between two different types of plosives. Though retroflexion in Nepali is considered- like in the case of other Indo-Aryan languages- a fundamental distinctive articulatory parameter (Bhat 1973, Ladefoged and Bhaskararao 1983, Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996), Pokharel (1989), however, claims that there is no retroflex category in Nepali, because the “so-called” (sic.) Nepali retroflex stops are not produced with the “tongue tip curling back” as it is described in the traditional grammar. In this work, I have tried to show that this claim is just one side of the story and that the “retroflex” as a phonetic and phonological category “does exist” in Nepali. Based on two different palatographic and linguographic studies (of 9 speakers – four females and five males- of Nepal) I have presented a different scenario than that of Pokharel, without completely denying his claim.
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