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Journal articles on the topic 'Indochinese Communist Party (ICP)'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 5 June 2025

Last updated: 2 August 2025

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1

Chonchirdsin, Sud. "The Indochinese Congress (May 1936–March 1937): False Hope of Vietnamese Nationalists." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 30, no. 2 (1999): 338–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400013060.

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During May 1936 and March 1937 there were attempts by different political factions in Cochin China to form an Indochinese Congress. The congress was planned as a people's assembly in which the Vietnamese could negotiate colonial reforms with French authorities. Such attempts revealed competition among different political factions and also reflected a genuine French effort to introduce reforms and liberalize the Indochinese colony. The congress movement was eventually suppressed by French authorities, but it provided the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) with access to the masses and helped the

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2

Han, Xiaorong. "Revolution knows no boundaries? Chinese revolutionaries in North Vietnam during the early years of the First Indochina War." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 52, no. 2 (2021): 246–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463421000412.

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This article analyses the roles and activities of three groups of Chinese communist revolutionaries in the early phase of the First Indochina War. The author argues that although the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) did not begin to provide substantial aid to North Vietnam until 1950, the involvement of Chinese communists, including members of both the CCP and the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP), in the First Indochina War started at the very moment the war broke out in 1946. Although the early participants were not as prominent as the Chinese political and military advisers who arrived after 1

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3

Kobelev, Evgeny V. "The features of the Vietnamese-Cambodian relations in the historical retrospect." East Asia: Facts and Analytics, no. 2 (June 20, 2024): 94–103. https://doi.org/10.24412/2686-7702-2024-2-94-103.

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This essay examines two mutually exclusive positions on the origins and development of the Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Party (KPRP). The first is the position of the Pol Pot ‒ Ieng Sary group: the revolutionary movement in Cambodia developed and won independently. The second is the position of the healthy forces of the KPRP: the Cambodian revolution is a part of the revolutions in Vietnam and Laos. The revolutions in the three countries ‒ Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia ‒ took different paths and triumphed at different times, allowing Pol Pot's group to claim that the Kampuchean revolution ha

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4

Asselin, Pierre. "The Indochinese Communist Party's Unfinished Revolution of 1945 and the Origins of Vietnam's 30-Year Civil War." Journal of Cold War Studies 25, no. 1 (2023): 4–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01120.

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Abstract This article examines the genesis and outcomes of the so-called August Revolution undertaken by the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) in 1945. Drawing on Vietnamese archival materials and ICP resolutions, instructions, and assessments, the article shows that the revolution did not culminate in ICP dominance of Vietnamese politics and that Chinese Nationalist occupation authorities in northern Vietnam were neither cordial nor obliging toward the government established by Ho Chi Minh after he declared Vietnam's independence on 2 September 1945. The so-called bourgeois revolution Ho and

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5

Smith, R. B. "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929–1930." Modern Asian Studies 32, no. 4 (1998): 769–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x98002923.

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For perhaps a quarter of a century, from the mid-1930s to the year 1960, the Indochinese Communist Party—later the Workers' Party of Vietnam and now the Vietnamese Communist Party—celebrated the anniversary of its foundation on 6 January each year. The thirtieth anniversary (6 January 1960) was given special prominence in Hanoi and was marked by the publication of an official Party history in Vietnamese, French, English and other languages. Then, quite abruptly in September of the same year, the Party's Third National Congress approved a resolution to the effect that in future the anniversary

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6

Föger, Katharina. "Zwischen Zustimmung und Ablehnung: Hồ Chí Minh Antikolonialismus in der Komintern". historia.scribere, № 12 (15 червня 2020): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.12.615.

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Between approval and rejection: Hồ Chí Minh’s anticolonialism in the CominternThis paper discusses Hồ Chí Minh’s political conviction of Leninist Communist ideas with regard to anticolonialism. Moreover, it examines his position within the Comintern and the Indochinese Communist Party due to his specific interpretation of anticolonialism. It will be argued that reactions to his position depended on the predominant ideological principles.

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7

Goscha, Christopher E. "Courting Diplomatic Disaster? The Difficult Integration of Vietnam into the Internationalist Communist Movement (1945––1950)." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 1, no. 1-2 (2006): 59–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2006.1.1-2.59.

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This article argues that the diplomacy of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam came closer to failure than we have thought. Between 1945 and 1950, Vietnamese communists had a remarkably hard time joining the internationalist communist movement. Stalin, above all, was wary of Hôô Chíí Minh, whom he considered untrustworthy for having "dissolved" the Indochinese Communist Party in 1945. This article concludes that, thanks to Chinese communist pressure, Stalin agreed to recognize the DRV. Had he not done so, Vietnamese communists would have found themselves almost completely isolated at a crucial p

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8

Chonchirdsin, Sud. "The Indochinese Communist Party and the Nam Ky Uprising in Cochin China, November–December 1940." South East Asia Research 5, no. 3 (1997): 269–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967828x9700500304.

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9

Vu, Tuong. "‘It's time for the Indochinese Revolution to show its true colours’: The radical turn of Vietnamese politics in 1948." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 40, no. 3 (2009): 519–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463409990051.

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Cold War historians have neglected the significance of the year 1948 for Indochina. Based on new sources, this paper shows critical shifts in politics within the Vietnamese nationalist movement in 1948. These were the result of converging developments during late 1947 and early 1948, including changes in international politics, in French–Vietnamese relations, and in the relationship between non-communist and communist leaders within the Việt Minh state. By late 1948, Party ideologues were already looking beyond national independence towards building a new socialist regime. The nationalist coal

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10

MIKHAYLENKO, VALERY, and IRINA SHILONOSOVA. "BERLINGUER: THE ITALIAN COMMUNIST AND HIS AGE. ON THE 100TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE BIRTHDAY." History and modern perspectives 5, no. 1 (2023): 125–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2023-5-1-125-131.

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The article examines the personality of the leader of the Italian Communist Party Enrico Berlinguer through the prism of his formation as a communist leader, theorist and practitioner of the communist movement. The authors analyze the four most important stages in the activities of the head of the PCI. The first of these is connected with the development of a special position of the PCI in relation to the CPSU and Soviet actions in Eastern Europe; the second is due to the development of the strategy of «Eurocommunism»; the third is related to the development and implementation of the concept o

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11

Franzén, Johan. "A RESPONSE TO TAREQ ISMAEL'S REVIEW of RED STAR OVER IRAQ: IRAQI COMMUNISM BEFORE SADDAM." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 2 (2013): 414–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813000330.

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It was with great expectation that I awaited IJMES' review of my book on the Iraqi communist movement, Red Star over Iraq: Iraqi Communism before Saddam (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011), published in the November 2012 issue. However, any hope of a balanced assessment of my work—the result of many years of painstaking research—disappeared as soon as I began reading Professor Tareq Ismael's review. Ismael, who is the author of the only other work on the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP) that has been published in English in recent times, might seem like an appropriate scholar to offer a spe

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12

Sahide, Ahmad. "Power Consolidation of Jokowi's Administration: The Role of the Social Media and Political Issues in Indonesian Democracy." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 11, no. 1 (2022): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2022-0014.

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Joko Widodo (Jokowi) is the first Indonesian Democratic President elected by the peripheral people and not the elite. Jokowi is the only Indonesian President that is not the leader of any political party. Therefore, the President was faced with the issues of power consolidation in the initial administrative years. Some professional elites failed the President because they assumed a possible overthrown. During the presidential election in 2019 with Prabowo Subianto, Jokowi took K. H. Ma'ruf Amien as a vice presidential candidate and was attacked by China and the Indonesian Communist Party (ICP/

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13

Tran, Tien Nam. "On the Western scholars' perspective on “power vacuum” and the “opportunity-seizing” capacity of Vietnam revolutionary forces in the 1945 August Revolution." Science and Technology Development Journal 19, no. 4 (2016): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v19i4.734.

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The 1945 August Revolution successfully overthrew colonialism, feudalism and led to the birth of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam – the new revolutionary state in Vietnam. The 1945 August Revolution was a significantly historical victory in the cause of national construction and defense of the Vietnamese people. The victory resulted from promoting national strength up from that of the time, in which the national strength under the leadership of the Indochinese Communist Party and leader Ho Chi Minh played a decisive role. However, many Western scholars have different points of view in doing

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14

Yungblud, V. T., and M. V. Bakshaev. "“We Will Not Change Our Attitude Towards You, Until You Change Your Attitude Towards Us”. How Washington Considered the Reaction of Western European Communist Parties to The Events in Afghanistan, 1978–1985." MGIMO Review of International Relations 15, no. 4 (2022): 7–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-4-85-7-42.

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The invasion of a limited contingent of Soviet troops into Afghanistan at the end of 1979 caused a mixed reaction among the Communist parties in Europe. Some of them subject the actions of the USSR leadership to sharp criticism. The article reveals to what extent the US administration was aware of the critical attacks against the USSR and the CPSU by the most powerful Western European Communist parties to determine how the factor of Eurocommunism influenced the Afghan vector of the US policy in 1979-1982 and how the American course turned out for the Communist parties themselves. The study is

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15

Sorgonà, Gregorio. "Fonti per la storia del comunismo italiano, il colonialismo e la decolonizzazione in Africa." Storicamente 18, no. 2022 (2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.52056/9791254691984/47.

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The international politics of the Italian communist party has been mainly investigated focusing the party’s entanglement with the Soviet Union, in a framework dominated by the East-West conflict. Since the 2000’s, the global dimension of Icp international politics has been underlined by historians. The focus on the place of Africa in Icp global relations is even more recent. The article contributes to this last field of research by an assessment of the Icp archival sources between the 1920s and the 1960s that are related to colonialism and decolonization in Africa.

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16

Tham, Hoang Thi. "DIPLOMATIC STRUGGLE FOR MAINTAINING THE REVOLUTION AND STRENGTHENING THE REVOLUTIONARY GOVERNMENT IN VIETNAM FROM SEPTEMBER 1945 TO THE 1946 PRELIMINARY AGREEMENT." European Journal of Social Sciences Studies 9, no. 1 (2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.46827/ejsss.v9i1.1533.

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After the successful August 1945 Revolution in Vietnam, the imperialist forces and reactionary henchmen in Vietnam conspired together to attempt to overthrow the newly established revolutionary government and destroy the achievements of the Vietnamese revolution. In this extremely dangerous situation, relying on the revolutionary momentum and strength of the newly liberated nation, the diplomatic struggle was soon deployed with clever and flexible strategies and measures that contributed to an important part in creating a temporary pause in order to maintain and strengthen the revolutionary go

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