Academic literature on the topic 'Indochinese, united states'

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Journal articles on the topic "Indochinese, united states"

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Bell, Sue, and Michael Whiteford. "Southeast Asians in the United States." Practicing Anthropology 9, no. 4 (September 1, 1987): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.9.4.b23v7133084m7821.

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Since 1975 about 1.5 million Indochinese have been granted asylum in Western countries, with about half of them coming to the United States. If all of the different ethnic groups (Cambodian, Vietnamese, Chinese-Vietnamese, Hmong, Lao, Tat Dam) are taken together, the Indochinese are now the largest Asian-origin group in the United States. Other countries taking substantial numbers of Indochinese refugees are Australia, Canada, New Zealand, France and Norway. The following papers look at Indochinese refugees in the United States and examine the roles anthropologists have played in studying as well as assisting in the often difficult process of social change and adjustment.
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Desbarats, Jacqueline. "Indochinese Resettlement in the United States." Annals of the Association of American Geographers 75, no. 4 (December 1985): 522–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8306.1985.tb00091.x.

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Rumbaut, Ruben G., and John R. Weeks. "Fertility and Adaptation: Indochinese Refugees in the United States." International Migration Review 20, no. 2 (June 1986): 428–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838602000216.

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Levels of fertility among Indochinese refugees in the United States are explored in the context of a highly compressed demographic transition implicit in the move from high-fertility Southeast Asian societies to a low-fertility resettlement region. A theoretical model is developed to explain the effect on refugee fertility of social background characteristics, migration history and patterns of adaptation to a different economic and cultural environment controlling for marital history and length of residence in the U.S. Multiple regression techniques are used to test the model which was found to account for nearly half of the variation in refugee fertility levels in the United States. Fertility is much higher for all Indochinese ethnic groups than it is for American women; the number of children in refugee families is in turn a major determinant of welfare dependency. Adjustments for rates of natural increase indicate a total 1985 Indochinese population of over one million, making it one of the largest Asian-origin populations in the United States. This remarkable phenomenon has occurred in less than a decade. Implications of these findings for public policy are discussed, focusing on family planning, maternal and child health needs, and the attainment of refugee economic self-sufficiency.
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Rumbaut, Ruben G., and John R. Weeks. "Fertility and Adaptation: Indochinese Refugees in the United States." International Migration Review 20, no. 2 (1986): 428. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2546043.

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Tran, Thanh V., and Thang D. Nguyen. "Gender and Satisfaction with the Host Society among Indochinese Refugees." International Migration Review 28, no. 2 (June 1994): 323–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839402800205.

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This study examines gender differences in satisfaction with the host society (SWHS) in terms of satisfaction with housing, neighborhood and life. A sample of 1,384 respondents aged 17 to 73 was selected from the 1982 national survey of economic self-sufficiency of Indochinese refugees. Regression analysis revealed that for men: 1) satisfaction with housing was influenced by age upon arrival in the United States and financial problems; 2) satisfaction with neighborhood was influenced by age upon arrival in the United States, lack of health care, financial problems and ethnicity; and 3) satisfaction with life was influenced by age upon arrival in the United States, employment, lack of healthcare, financial problems, and English ability. For women, the regression analysis revealed slightly different results: 1) satisfaction with housing was influenced by urban background in country of origin and length of residence in the United States; 2) satisfaction with neighborhood was influenced by financial problems, education in country of origin, and ethnicity; and 3) satisfaction with life had no statistical significant relationship with selected independent variables. Gender and age had significant interaction effect on satisfaction with housing, neighborhood and life. Gender and education had significant interaction effect on satisfaction with neighborhood. Implications for practice and future research are discussed.
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Starr, Paul D., and Helen Fein. "Congregational Sponsors of Indochinese Refugees in the United States, 1979- 1981." Contemporary Sociology 19, no. 3 (May 1990): 416. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2072472.

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Tran, Thanh V. "Sponsorship and Employment Status among Indochinese Refugees in the United States." International Migration Review 25, no. 3 (1991): 536. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2546759.

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Tran, Thanh V. "Sponsorship and Employment Status among Indochinese Refugees in the United States." International Migration Review 25, no. 3 (September 1991): 536–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839102500304.

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Heisler, Barbara Schmitter, and Jeremy Hein. "States and International Migrants: The Incorporation of Indochinese Refugees in the United States and France." Contemporary Sociology 23, no. 2 (March 1994): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2075244.

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Long, Lynellyn D., and Jeremy Hein. "States and International Migrants: The Incorporation of Indochinese Refugees in the United States and France." International Migration Review 28, no. 3 (1994): 597. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2546825.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Indochinese, united states"

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Xu, Yue. "Les États-Unis dans les relations sino-françaises de 1949 à 1964." Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040082.

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La République Populaire de Chine a été établie le 1er Octobre 1949, cela met fin au régime de Chiang Kaï-shek en Chine continentale. À ce moment-là, le gouvernement français commence à négocier officiellement pour reconnaître la République populaire de Chine. Vivant dans deux camps hostiles, pourquoi la France est-elle prête à reconnaître le régime de Mao Tse-tung en 1949 ? Le 27 janvier 1964, la Chine populaire et la France ont publié simultanément un communiqué diplomatique à Pékin et à Paris. La France est devenue le premier pays occidental majeur à établir des relations diplomatiques au niveau des ambassadeurs avec la République populaire de Chine en 1964. Que se passe-t-il au cours de ces 15 ans? Pendant cette période, les États-Unis jouent un rôle très important à la Guerre de l’Indochine, la Guerre de Corée, la Conférence de Genève, la question de Taïwan et la représentation des peuples chinois à l’ONU, et influence la politique européenne avec le plan Marshall. Après son retour en 1958, De Gaulle a la volonté de sauvegarder la souveraineté nationale, les intérêts nationaux et l’indépendance, et s’engage sur une route de décolonisation. À partir de 1962, la politique extérieure française devient plus active en Chine, et les deux pays commencent à négocier sur l’établissement des relations diplomatique après être parvenus à un consensus sur Taïwan, Algérie et États-Unis. L’établissement des relations diplomatiques sino-françaises n’est pas accidentelle, cela répond aux besoins politiques et diplomatiques et aussi à la tendance inévitable du développement historique dans la Guerre Froide
The People’s Republic of China was established on 1 October 1949, which ended the regime of Chiang Kaï-shek in Chinese mainland. At that time, the French government began to negotiate officially la recoginization of the People's Republic of China. Living in two hostile camps, why France had the plan to recognize the regime of Mao Tse-tung in 1949? On January 27, 1964, People’s Republic of China and France simultaneously issued a diplomatic announcement in Beijing and Paris. France became the first major western country to establish diplomatic relations at ambassadorial level with the People’s Republic of China in 1964. Why France waited 15 years for recognizing PRC? What had happened during this 15 years? During this period, the United States played a very important role in the Indochina War, the Korean War, the Geneva Conference, the Taiwan question and the representation of China in the United Nations with launching the policy Marshall Plan. After the return of De Gaulle in 1958, he resolved to safeguard national sovereignty, national interests, and embarked on a road to decolonization. From 1962, French foreign policy became more active in China, and the two countries began to negotiate on the establishment of diplomatic relations after reaching a consensus on Taiwan, Algeria and the United States. The establishment of Sino-French diplomatic relations is not accidental, which responds to political and diplomatic needs, and to the inevitable trend of historical development in the Cold War
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Xu, Yue. "Les États-Unis dans les relations sino-françaises de 1949 à 1964." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040082.

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La République Populaire de Chine a été établie le 1er Octobre 1949, cela met fin au régime de Chiang Kaï-shek en Chine continentale. À ce moment-là, le gouvernement français commence à négocier officiellement pour reconnaître la République populaire de Chine. Vivant dans deux camps hostiles, pourquoi la France est-elle prête à reconnaître le régime de Mao Tse-tung en 1949 ? Le 27 janvier 1964, la Chine populaire et la France ont publié simultanément un communiqué diplomatique à Pékin et à Paris. La France est devenue le premier pays occidental majeur à établir des relations diplomatiques au niveau des ambassadeurs avec la République populaire de Chine en 1964. Que se passe-t-il au cours de ces 15 ans? Pendant cette période, les États-Unis jouent un rôle très important à la Guerre de l’Indochine, la Guerre de Corée, la Conférence de Genève, la question de Taïwan et la représentation des peuples chinois à l’ONU, et influence la politique européenne avec le plan Marshall. Après son retour en 1958, De Gaulle a la volonté de sauvegarder la souveraineté nationale, les intérêts nationaux et l’indépendance, et s’engage sur une route de décolonisation. À partir de 1962, la politique extérieure française devient plus active en Chine, et les deux pays commencent à négocier sur l’établissement des relations diplomatique après être parvenus à un consensus sur Taïwan, Algérie et États-Unis. L’établissement des relations diplomatiques sino-françaises n’est pas accidentelle, cela répond aux besoins politiques et diplomatiques et aussi à la tendance inévitable du développement historique dans la Guerre Froide
The People’s Republic of China was established on 1 October 1949, which ended the regime of Chiang Kaï-shek in Chinese mainland. At that time, the French government began to negotiate officially la recoginization of the People's Republic of China. Living in two hostile camps, why France had the plan to recognize the regime of Mao Tse-tung in 1949? On January 27, 1964, People’s Republic of China and France simultaneously issued a diplomatic announcement in Beijing and Paris. France became the first major western country to establish diplomatic relations at ambassadorial level with the People’s Republic of China in 1964. Why France waited 15 years for recognizing PRC? What had happened during this 15 years? During this period, the United States played a very important role in the Indochina War, the Korean War, the Geneva Conference, the Taiwan question and the representation of China in the United Nations with launching the policy Marshall Plan. After the return of De Gaulle in 1958, he resolved to safeguard national sovereignty, national interests, and embarked on a road to decolonization. From 1962, French foreign policy became more active in China, and the two countries began to negotiate on the establishment of diplomatic relations after reaching a consensus on Taiwan, Algeria and the United States. The establishment of Sino-French diplomatic relations is not accidental, which responds to political and diplomatic needs, and to the inevitable trend of historical development in the Cold War
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Chalermpalanupap, Termsak. "Thailand a historical analysis of underdevelopment, dependency, and the impact of Indochinese refugees /." 1986. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/23625926.html.

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Thesis--University of New Orleans, 1986.
Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 404-427).
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Bourgeois, Janelle. ""Who's Hiring the Indochinese Worker? Your Competition, Probably": Work, Welfare Dependency, and Southeast Asian Refugee Resettlement in Lowell, Massachusetts, 1975-1985." 2015. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/masters_theses_2/182.

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This Master’s thesis uses the Indochinese Refugee Foundation of Lowell, Massachusetts, a federally funded social service provider, as a case study in the local politics of Southeast Asian refugee resettlement. I argue that the Foundation’s archives offered an opportunity to study the local implementation of the “economic self-sufficiency” mandate of the 1980 Refugee Act, which led the Foundation to increasingly scramble to get refugees off of the welfare rolls and in the labor market as quickly as possible. I conclude that this served to push refugees into low-wage, unskilled, insecure positions such as electronics assembly, and also led to an institutionalized neglect of the broad range of services refugees required. This neglect had a hand in creating the very poverty the Act originally sought to prevent. The archive also offered the opportunity to highlight two unexpected ways that Cold War militarism reshaped urban landscapes. First, the demography and culture of Lowell were profoundly reshaped by refugees resettled partly as a result of American Cold War foreign policy in Southeast Asia. Second, the expansion of Defense Department funded high-technology temporarily revitalized the city’s economic base and drew refugees to the city with the promise of employment.
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Books on the topic "Indochinese, united states"

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Tenhula, John. Voices from Southeast Asia: The refugee experience in the United States. New York: Holmes & Meier, 1991.

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Nguyen, Lucy Hong Nhiem, 1939- and Halpern Joel Martin, eds. The Far East comes near: Autobiographical accounts of Southeast Asian students in America. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1989.

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United States. Office of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Joint History Office., ed. History of the Joint Chiefs of Staff: The Joint Chiefs of Staff and the first Indochina War, 1947-1954. Washington, D.C: Office of Joint History, Office of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, 2004.

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Beiser, Morton. Strangers at the gate: The "Boat People's" first ten years in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999.

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Gibbons, William Conrad. The U.S. government and the Vietnam war: Executive and legislative roles and relationships. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1986.

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Morgan, Ted. Valley of death: The tragedy at Dien Bien Phu that led America into the Vietnam War. New York: Random House, 2010.

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Morgan, Ted. Valley of death: The tragedy at Dien Bien Phu that led America into the Vietnam War. New York: Random House, 2010.

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Morgan, Ted. Valley of Death. New York: Random House Publishing Group, 2010.

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Morgan, Ted. Dien Bien Phu: A tragedy in five acts. New York: Random House, 2010.

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United States. Operations Mission to Vietnam. U.S. civilian advisory effort in Vietnam: U.S. Operations Mission, 1950-1954. [Farmington Hills, Mich.]: Gale, a part of Cengage Learning, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Indochinese, united states"

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Mayers, David. "War and Protest." In George Kennan And The Dilemmas Of US Foreign Policy, 275–92. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195063189.003.0013.

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Abstract Kennan and the Policy Planning Staff urged Truman ’s administration in 1949 to press France in the direction of granting meaningful concessions to nationalism in Indochina and eventually to confer independence upon the area. As did virtually all of the Southeast Asian area specialists in the State Department, Kennan deemed French attempts to recover its Indochinese empire as futile-explainable only in terms of “Gallic mystique”-and that the so-called Bao Dai solution was a deception that could not possibly satisfy the demands of nationalists or capture any of the popular support then accruing to Ho Chi Minh and the communist insurgents; only by aligning itself unequivocally with the forces of noncommunist nationalism could the United States expect to retain Indochina over the long term for Western economic purposes (as a supplier of natural resources and foods) and political ends.
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Nguyen, Phuong Tran. "Accidental Allies." In Becoming Refugee American. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041358.003.0002.

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Most accounts of the Vietnam War describe it as a war of choice, but this chapter argues that it was, in many ways, a war of necessity. Attempts to implement a purely pragmatic, minimalist Cold War strategy in Asia were doomed when the Korean War drew the United States into an unplanned but then-vital nation-building campaign with accidental allies in South Korea, Taiwan, and eventually South Vietnam. This chapter traces the origins of this moralistic component of Cold War policy and politics, particularly the Christian missionaries and their heirs, like publisher Henry Luce, who formed the China Lobby and Asia First bloc. By helping to frame the Cold War and America’s commitment to Asia as an epic struggle between good and evil, they set the stage for Indochinese refugee admissions based on moral, rather than legal, grounds, and as the very least America could do to atone for its failure to protect stalwart anti-communist allies.
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Bui, Long T. "Introduction." In Returns of War, 1–24. NYU Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479817061.003.0101.

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The introduction presents the book’s main argument, theoretical framework, and primary research questions. It provides a brief summary of the second Indochinese War or the Vietnam War and how the Republic of Vietnam came into being. It then discusses the Nixon strategy to “Vietnamize” the war in 1969, arguing that the term Vietnamization provides a productive term to interrogate the gendered racial logics of U.S. imperialism during the Cold War in Southeast Asia and its relationship with foreign allies. The chapter first begins with how the twenty-first century offers a generational lapse and new historical occasion to reflect upon the Vietnam War. It then offers a theorization of Vietnamization as a heuristic device to elaborate why cultural memory and discourse surrounding the Vietnam War remain conflicted as tied to the collapse of South Vietnam and its inability to protect and save itself. Vietnamization serves as a critical vocabulary for imagining the “arrested future” or delayed moment of freedom/liberation for American allies, shaping postwar ideas of citizenship, nationalism, and emancipation. As a critical refugee studies project, the book is situated and contextualized within larger debates in Asian American cultural studies and criticism over war. Finally, the introduction provides an elaboration of relevant scholarship under way in this field of history and memory. It explains why it is important to conduct research in the United States, Vietnam, and the Vietnamese American community discussing the geopolitical dimensions of refugee culture and consciousness.
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