Relevant bibliographies by topics / Industrial Co-operative Movement in China

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Academic literature on the topic 'Industrial Co-operative Movement in China'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 9 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Industrial Co-operative Movement in China"

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Supachart, Wannakomol. "The Review Analysis of China’s Economic Growth and the Correlations with Thailand’s Economy." Business, Management and Economics Research, no. 56 (June 15, 2019): 86–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.32861/bmer.56.86.97.

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This article was aimed to study the environment and the co-movement of China’s economic growth together with Thailand under economic and macro-finance dimensions by collecting information from academic literatures, global organization reports, and historical data from opened source database such as World Bank, United Nations, International Monetary Fund (IMF), and other relatives. The study found that China’s and Thailand’s economic activities are related particularly in term of trade but the low investment. In fact, services industry has replaced industrial manufacture to be the influent factor on gross domestic product (GDP) in both two countries. Moreover, enhancing to promote world- class capital markets and financial system development in China has drawn attraction from Thailand investors to invest more than a half of Thailand’s direct investment funds in financial firms and activities in China in 2017. In the conclusion, Thailand’s economic growth is still relied on China’s demand for raw materials according to goods and products they have exported to China. The suggestion for Thailand is to create their own technology like China’s development model in order to produce valuable goods and services productivity. And for both countries, China and Thailand should also have to focus on income distribution through other areas outside the city under the principal of economic development to improve the welfare of the population.
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Zhou, Yaduan, Yu Zhao, Pan Mao, Qiang Zhang, Jie Zhang, Liping Qiu, and Yang Yang. "Development of a high-resolution emission inventory and its evaluation and application through air quality modeling for Jiangsu Province, China." Atmospheric Chemistry and Physics 17, no. 1 (January 4, 2017): 211–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/acp-17-211-2017.

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Abstract. Improved emission inventories combining detailed source information are crucial for better understanding of the atmospheric chemistry and effectively making emission control policies using air quality simulation, particularly at regional or local scales. With the downscaled inventories directly applied, chemical transport models might not be able to reproduce the authentic evolution of atmospheric pollution processes at small spatial scales. Using the bottom-up approach, a high-resolution emission inventory was developed for Jiangsu China, including SO2, NOx, CO, NH3, volatile organic compounds (VOCs), total suspended particulates (TSP), PM10, PM2.5, black carbon (BC), organic carbon (OC), and CO2. The key parameters relevant to emission estimation for over 6000 industrial sources were investigated, compiled, and revised at plant level based on various data sources and on-site surveys. As a result, the emission fractions of point sources were significantly elevated for most species. The improvement of this provincial inventory was evaluated through comparisons with other inventories at larger spatial scales, using satellite observation and air quality modeling. Compared to the downscaled Multi-resolution Emission Inventory for China (MEIC), the spatial distribution of NOx emissions in our provincial inventory was more consistent with summer tropospheric NO2 VCDs observed from OMI, particularly for the grids with moderate emission levels, implying the improved emission estimation for small and medium industrial plants by this work. Three inventories (national, regional, and provincial by this work) were applied in the Models-3 Community Multi-scale Air Quality (CMAQ) system for southern Jiangsu October 2012, to evaluate the model performances with different emission inputs. The best agreement between available ground observation and simulation was found when the provincial inventory was applied, indicated by the smallest normalized mean bias (NMB) and normalized mean errors (NME) for all the concerned species SO2, NO2, O3, and PM2.5. The result thus implied the advantage of improved emission inventory at local scale for high-resolution air quality modeling. Under the unfavorable meteorology in which horizontal and vertical movement of atmosphere was limited, the simulated SO2 concentrations at downtown Nanjing (the capital city of Jiangsu) using the regional or national inventories were much higher than those observed, implying that the urban emissions were overestimated when economy or population densities were applied to downscale or allocate the emissions. With more accurate spatial distribution of emissions at city level, the simulated concentrations using the provincial inventory were much closer to observation. Sensitivity analysis of PM2.5 and O3 formation was conducted using the improved provincial inventory through the brute force method. Iron and steel plants and cement plants were identified as important contributors to the PM2.5 concentrations in Nanjing. The O3 formation was VOC-limited in southern Jiangsu, and the concentrations were negatively correlated with NOx emissions in urban areas owing to the accumulated NOx from transportation. More evaluations are further suggested for the impacts of speciation and temporal and vertical distribution of emissions on air quality modeling at regional or local scales in China.
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Zhao, Li. "Understanding the New Rural Co-operative Movement: towards rebuilding civil society in China." Journal of Contemporary China 20, no. 71 (September 2011): 679–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2011.587165.

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MANSFIELD, NICK. "Paternalistic Consumer Co-operatives in Rural England, 1870–1930." Rural History 23, no. 2 (September 17, 2012): 205–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793312000076.

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AbstractThe British co-operative movement is associated mainly with industrial areas. Where consumer co-operatives existed in the countryside they were located in market towns and formed by rural trade unions, especially railwaymen, occasionally quarrymen or farmworkers. Yet the Co-operative Union membership encompassed a significant number of small single village societies founded by paternalistic gentry.This paper draws on examples in Shropshire, East Yorkshire, Berkshire and Oxfordshire, to offer an account and explanation of the never before studied, paternalistic co-operatives. Recruiting estate workers and farm labourers, individual country squires showed themselves capable of using a co-operative ideology and framework, usually associated with the labour movement, to achieve very different and paternalistic goals. The relationship between these paternalistic village societies and the wider co-operative movement, both locally and nationally, is discussed, including the company paternalism of the Co-operative Wholesale Society's own farming operations. A comparison with the ‘Blue co-ops’ of the Lancashire Conservative dominated cotton spinners’ union is also made. The paper concludes that the failure of paternalistic co-operatives was part of the post Great War revival of rural cultural conservatism, linked to the effects of agricultural depression.
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Ackers, Peter. "Experiments in industrial democracy: an historical assessment of the Leicestershire boot and shoe co-operative co-partnership movement." Labor History 57, no. 4 (August 7, 2016): 526–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656x.2016.1239876.

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Inaba, Kazuya. "The Common Integration The Group Operation of Petrochemical Complexes in Japan." Journal on Innovation and Sustainability. RISUS ISSN 2179-3565 5, no. 1 (January 31, 2014): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.24212/2179-3565.2014v5i2p94-102.

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Oil and petrochemical companies are in the severe situation where they shoulddeal with various problems. In Europe, America, the Middle East, and East Asia (China, Taiwan,and South Korea), one company usually builds a large-scale factory, and consistently producesoil and petrochemical goods in the system of one company. Differently from it, two or morecompanies are concentrated in the coast landfills in Japan, and generally manufacture in thesystem of groups. The system of production in a petrochemical complex would be a mediumscalelevel if it sees worldwide. After World War II, capital was insufficient in Japan. Manycompanies advanced to the oil and petrochemical industry which seemed to have a big future.Small and medium scale factories were constructed. As a result, petrochemical complexeshave been formed with the system of groups.After the defeat of World War II, many oil companies excluding Idemitsu Kosan Co., Ltd. wereorganized for the supply of crude oil from European and American oil majors. They weredevoted to refining oil and selling it only in Japan. Moreover, the oil market in Japan had beendefended by restriction of the government. Such a system continued for years. Therefore,domestic oil companies had been aiming at improvement and efficiency of refining capacity.Their concentrating on technological development, cost reduction, and domestic share foughtin the same industry had become a main activity. The construction of global competitiveness hadbeen postponed for a while. However, after repealing protected laws, the import liberalizationof petroleum product had been taken since 1996, and cheap petroleum products had flown infrom foreign countries. The sales price had not become the same, and free competition undermarket mechanism had started. As a result, the movement of industry reorganization hadbeen accelerated.In such a severe situation, oil and petrochemical companies came up with the idea of businesscooperation in the same region in order to acquire global competitiveness. 20 companies inoil industry and chemical industry gathered round at first. Under the Research Associationof Technology Law, Research Association of Refinery Integration for Group-Operation (RING)was established in 2000. In order to gain global competitiveness, RING has acted groupoperationprograms in the industrial complexes in Japan. In this paper, I describe the historicalformation and development of petrochemical complexes in Japan.And I consider and analyzethe approach to and ways of the high-level integration for group operation. And I will explainthe meaning of the plans, and the economies arising from the group operation business.
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Adderley, Simon, and Lee Gray. "French artisan food co-operatives at the intersection between the artisan dimension and industrial logic – A two case study analysis." International Journal of Management, Entrepreneurship, Social Science and Humanities 3, no. 2 (February 11, 2021): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31098/ijmesh.v3i2.244.

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This article provides two case studies of food manufacturing co-operatives in France. Both co-operatives were formed after large multi-national firms ceased manufacturing in a specific factory and the workers, rather than accepting redundancies, established an artisan production company based on “traditional” techniques and co-operative values. In order to do this it utilises the often overlooked literature of the artisan craft movement. While this literature has been primarily developed around the emergence of artisanship in the third world it will be argued that such conceptualisations are also useful when exploring the development of artisanship amongst co-operative companies who are re-establishing their traditional ways of working, even in the “developed world”. In doing so it builds on the work of Dickie and Frank (1996) who stated that “through crafts, tradition is maintained and/or invented, and marketed to consumers who find other meanings in the objects.” The theoretical construct posited by this article maintains that businesses with non-traditional economic models actually faced a complex and multi-faceted series of pulls in a number of different directions. Furthermore that businesses re-establishing themselves as artisan manufacturers using locally sourced materials with democratic models of governance can be directly compared to artisan craft producers from the developing world. The article draws attention to the parallels between two important research areas which have not been linked before. By doing so it has important implications for the mechanisms by which support is given to emerging co-operatives in the developed world and the a priori assumptions which underpin current policy.
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Arlyapova, E., and E. Ponomareva. "The Economy of Self-Declared Kosovo." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 4 (2021): 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-4-58-70.

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Received 30.10.2020. Intensification of the final resolving processes over the Kosovo issue made it necessary to pay closer attention to social and economic features of the self-declared polity, which are often underestimated losing scores in favor of political, not economical, agenda. With emphasis on the most recent data (2015–2020), Kosovo official statistics, international and local organizations, mass media materials, with high involvement of interviews and surveys conducted during working trips to the Balkan region, and long-term observations, this paper is urged to remove this gap and to answer the question of economic independence and viability, directly concerned with the fundamental matter of sovereignty. Despite the thesis on favorable starting conditions in a form of abundance of various natural resources and ready-made industrial base, widely used in public rhetoric during separatist movement, the words have mostly remained just words – no significant structural changes have taken place in Kosovo’s economy since its self-declared independence in 2008. Reports reflect some increase of economic activity since 2015, but in almost all key directions – administrative reform, fundamental rights, fight against corruption and organized crime, regional cooperation development, etc. – there has been a very little progress up to date. Huge informal sector, desperate situation with youth’s unemployment, gender disproportion in the labor and legal fields – these are among the strongest economic challenges and the highest barriers for Kosovo on its way to European integration. In recent years, local economy drivers were state investments into infrastructure and private consumption, which is still mostly based on large transactions from abroad, together with increasing salary rates and lending. Economic diversification goes slowly. Base metals and mineral products dominate – same as during previous years – in regional export of goods, providing slightly less than a half of its entire volume. Excessive reliance on import is another feature of economic development in contemporary Kosovo. List of services and goods providers remains stable for the past decade, led by Germany and Italy, with growing influence of China and Turkey. Some improvement of business climate co-exists with essential economic problems. Kosovo’s economy still highly depends on external incomes and internal trade sector. Local educational system does not match local labor market needs. Financial discipline, efficient distribution of resources, optimization of sectoral interaction, fight against corruption and crime – these tasks remain the ones of high priority and are still in the current economic agenda today, like they were five and 10 years ago. Kosovo’s real investment attractiveness is in question; however, much work has been done in the legal field to speed up and secure the fundraising process. Unresolved problems of property rights and lack of political will to handle these issues hurt investment perspectives and slow down economic development. COVID‑2019 brings additional damage to Kosovo’s economy, but its overall results are to be yet evaluated.
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Ackers, Peter. "Protestant Sectarianism in Twentieth-Century British Labour History: From Free and Labour Churches to Pentecostalism and the Churches of Christ." International Review of Social History 64, no. 1 (April 2019): 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859019000117.

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The British educated classes have long worried and fantasized about working-class religious belief and unbelief. Anglican churchmen feared Methodist “enthusiasm” in the eighteenth century, radicalism in the aftermath of the French Revolution, and urban, industrial irreligion after the 1851 Religious Census on churchgoing. In a mirror image of these old anxieties, most labour historians have wished away Christianity in the twentieth century. The long-standing shared socialist teleology of Marxists and Fabians leads to the modern, socialist labour movement. In this Marxian take on secularization theory, a new, more cohesive proletariat or singular “working class” forms, with an anti-capitalist, “socialist” consciousness reflected in the political, trade union, and co-operative institutions of the “labour movement”. Suddenly, economic, social, and political history find a single, unified subject. At the level of belief, socialism displaces those old Victorian pretenders for working-class hearts and minds: conservatism, liberalism, and Christianity. Sometime between 1914 and 1918, the Christian religion disappears from ordinary lives, as in Selina Todd's recent, The People, where popular religious faith is barely worth talking about.
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Jackson, Andrew J. H. "The Cooperative Movement and the Education of Working Men and Women: Provision by a Local Society in Lincoln, England, 1861–1914." International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 28–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754791600020x.

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AbstractIn the second half of the nineteenth century the provision of better education for working-class men and women became one of the various and broad-ranging set of preoccupations of the cooperative movement in Britain. Much early cooperation was economic, concerning alternative means of production and distribution. However, local societies also turned themselves toward other forms of societal improvement, including creating the facilities and contexts that would promote and support the education and learning of adults. The archive of the Lincoln Equitable Co-operative Industrial Society offers a rich body of source material for a microhistorical investigation of the expansion and diversification of one local cooperative up to the First World War. The members’ magazine of this local society in particular records the evolution of its purpose—economic, political, social, and cultural. This included achieving progress through various forms of educational provision—although the opportunities for men contrasted with those made available for women. This research illuminates what is a relatively underresearched area—that is, exploration of the complexities, dynamism, and phenomenology of local cooperative adult education and the significance of what it had to offer the development of the labor movement in particular places.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Industrial Co-operative Movement in China"

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Kelly, David John. "INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS IN THE NEW SOUTH WALES BUILDING INDUSTRY 1850 – 1891: CONFLICT, CO-OPERATION & RADICALISM." 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1678.

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Master of Philosophy
Australian government policy today aims to ‘deregulate’ industrial relations. A fractured system has ensued where uncontrolled market forces disrupt both business and unions. The building industry is particularly affected by uncertainty and industrial barbarism. Precisely one hundred years ago government policy was to create order, becoming directly involved in industrial regulation. This thesis aims to understand how building unions maintained their rates and conditions in the pre-arbitration era when there were no legislative minimums, and it seeks to place their labour relations within a political and ideological context. The thesis criticises historical scholarship surrounding artisan unionism in Britain and Australia, in particular the role of building tradesmen. Positive relations between employers and employed in the industry are often described in pejorative terms with tradesmen labelled ‘aristocrats of labour’ – apolitical, middle class and lacking class-awareness. The thesis argues this view does not adequately describe the qualities of building operatives, or place their motives within a ‘deregulated’ industrial context. To demonstrate nineteenth century building industry unionism in NSW had a broader nature, the thesis looks at British trade union radicalism. It examines both changes in structure and ideology caused by growing industrialisation and competitive organisation affecting building tradesmen known as general contracting, as well as continuity and differences in ideas of social change and progress. The thesis connects the ideology of British and colonial building unions in this regard. It then turns to the lives, work and society of nineteenth century building workers in Sydney and the make-up of their organisations. The thesis seeks to understand the political and ideological aspects of Australian building unionism and the effects of general contracting and competition. Central to the discussion is the influence of the Co-operative movement, and the significance of the struggle for the eight-hour day to the labour movement. Both were progressive responses to unfettered market forces on the trade. It argues that the challenges faced by operatives in maintaining conditions led them to develop politically, creating ‘modern’ class representation and ideology. The thesis ends with a chapter that examines the evidence before the 1891 NSW Royal Commission into Strikes showing the building industry to be characterised by conflict, co-operation, and radicalism. Unionists expressed progressive ideology and industrial militancy but maintained positive relationships with certain employers for whom they provided market security. The trade-off for efforts in this respect was recognition that union rules would be the primary form of industrial regulation. Their system, however, was ultimately unsustainable because of competitive pressures, and industrial militancy against builders outside the system flourished. In conclusion, the thesis suggests that nineteenth century building workers improved and maintained industrial standards by militant unionism, and yet, at the same time, by forming co-operative relations with employers. In dealing with the corrosive effect of market deregulation that undermined control over their trade, operatives also built progressive organisations which forged working class unity and developed politically advanced ideologies of social change. Their ideas and practices were at times unsuccessful or contradictory, but building unionists were not inward-looking ‘labour aristocrats’.
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Books on the topic "Industrial Co-operative Movement in China"

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Zhu, Shufang. Co-operative organization in rural Canada and the agricultural co-operative movement in China: A comparison. Saskatoon: Centre for the Study of Co-operatives, 1998.

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The co-operative movement in West Malaysia: Policy, structure, and institutional growth. Kuala Lumpur: Dept. of Publications, University of Malaya, 1986.

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Slaney's Act and the Christian Socialists: A study of how the Industrial and Provident Societies' Act, 1852 was passed. Boston, England: David Lambourne, 2008.

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Barandiaran, Xabier, and Javier Lezaun. The Mondragón Experience. Edited by Jonathan Michie, Joseph R. Blasi, and Carlo Borzaga. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199684977.013.19.

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The town of Mondragón in the Basque Country is home to one of the largest and most significant experiences of co-operative organization and workers’ self-management anywhere in the world. The Mondragón co-operative movement, born in the 1950s around the local technical training college and a handful of small industrial firms, encompasses today more than one hundred co-operative firms operating in ninety-seven countries and generating an aggregate revenue of €12bn. In this chapter we review the historical origins of the Mondragón experience and the goals that guided the first co-operative projects. After describing the key organizational principles and governance mechanisms of individual co-operatives and of the Mondragón group as a whole, we will examine the rapid expansion and internationalization of some of the most emblematic Mondragón firms—a process that has led to a difficult balance between the maintenance of the original co-operative principles at home and an increasing reliance on capitalist forms of ownership and production abroad. We conclude by discussing the impact of the recent economic downturn on the Mondragón group and its system of inter-co-operative solidarity, and by reflecting on the future prospects for this far-reaching experiment in collective ownership and democratic governance.
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Book chapters on the topic "Industrial Co-operative Movement in China"

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"Industrial Development:." In England’s Co-operative Movement, 129–44. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv179h1q1.12.

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Lloyd, E. A. "Co-Operative Societies for Industrial Production." In The Co-Operative Movement in Italy, 61–78. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315146942-3.

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Cole, G. D. H. "The Case of Industrial Insurance." In The British Co-operative Movement in a Socialist Society, 92–98. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429443039-6.

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"The Christian Socialist Movement 1850–4; Mr. Maurice’s King’s College difficulties—the later conferences—the Hall of Association-the Co-operative Conference-The Association for Promoting Industrial and Provident Societies." In John Ludlow, 267–80. Routledge, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203987964-25.

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"in the Limpopo valley harvest labour was needed for rice production at the agro-industrial complexes at the same time that the peasants needed to harvest their own plots. The colonial settlers had relied on force and on the use of task work to cope with this. Hence, the peasants would start very early in the morning to harvest a designated area at the settler farms and subsequently move on to their family plots. The wage would supplement the income and subsistence acquired from the family plot. However, when the state farms tried to introduce an eight-hour working day (instead of task work), they experi-enced an immense withdrawal of labour when it was most needed. The wage did not cover the consumption needs of a family throughout the year and, increasingly, money did not guarantee access to goods or did so only at the cost of accepting catastrophic reduction in the real wage. Similar shortage problems of labour were experienced in the plantation sectors, in food pro-duction in state complexes of Angonia or Zambezia, on cotton farms in the north, etc. The co-operative movement, which was never very strong since it had never received the effective material backing of the state, was further weakened by the fact that the development of parallel markets within the rural economy enfeebled the poorer peasantry even further. The latter would have to be the social force to be mobilised behind the co-operative movement; rather, it became economically weakened as a result of its rapidly deteriorating real incomes and the fact that the existing co-operative movement provided no real alternative. The government policy to link up purchase with sale so as to stimulate rural production did nothing to counteract this process of differen-tiation but, rather, tended to intensify it. Indeed, rural trade between the state and the peasantry was intermediated by private trade. The policy gave them an increased leverage over the peasantry and allowed them to channel more crops into the parallel markets since they effectively traded at terms of exchange which were less favourable than those laid down officially. Furthermore, the impact was that the supply of com-modities became concentrated in the hands of the richer peasantry (who had surpluses to sell) and this gave them leverage over the poorer peasantry. Finally, this process did not take place within conditions of peace but, rather, within an ever-spreading war situation. The South African-backed MNR was gradually spreading throughout the whole country and its acts of brutal oppression of the population and of sabotage and destruction of the whole network of social and economic infrastructure led to the increased destabilisation of the economy and society. To combat this force, a strong alliance between the army and the peasantry was necessary. But this alliance itself became weakened by the worsening of the economic situation of the peasantry. Economic investment was concentrated in bis projects within the state sector and these became the target of MNR attacks. On the other hand, the destabilis-ing effect of the concentration of resources on the state sector and of off-loading the burden of the costs on to the peasantry through the inflationary issue of money, unbacked by material resources, weakened the peasantry economically and intensified processes of differentiation. At the time of the preparation for the Fourth Congress it was not surprising." In The Agrarian Question in Socialist Transitions, 209. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203043493-32.

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