Dissertations / Theses: 'Industrial democracy'

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Schecter, Darrow. "Gramsci and the theory of industrial democracy." Aldershot, Hants, England : Brookfield, Vt., USA : Avebury ; Gower Pub. Co, 1991. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/23220294.html.

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Cully, Mark. "The South Australian experiment with industrial democracy /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09EC/09ecc967.pdf.

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Joungtrakul, Jamnean. "Industrial democracy and best practice in Thailand: a stakeholder study." Thesis, Curtin University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/2071.

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This research investigated the perceptions on industrial democracy of selected stakeholder groups in the Thai industrial relations system. Three research questions were posed. How do the selected stakeholders express their knowledge of industrial democracy? What are the similarities and differences in perceptions of the ‘industrial democracy in practice’ concept held by members of the selected stakeholder groups? What are emergent best practices in industrial democracy? In order to provide some answers to these questions a number of research objectives were developed: To identify knowledge of industrial democracy in Thailand as perceived by selected stakeholders; To investigate the similarities and differences in stakeholder perceptions of industrial democracy; To compare the similarities and differences in stakeholder perceptions of industrial democracy; To identify problems and difficulties encountered from the practicing of industrial democracy within Thai business organizations; To reveal best practice in industrial democracy as expressed by the stakeholders. This research studied employee participation at five levels: board level: employee representation at board level; plant level: employee representation at plant level; shop floor level: employee participation at shop floor level; financial level: employee participation at the financial level; disclosure of information level: employee participation in disclosure of information.This research collected data from the following ten stakeholder groups of the Thai industrial relations system: employees of non-unionized companies: shop floor level; employees of non-unionized companies: supervisory level; trade union leaders: national level; trade union leaders: company level; employers of non-unionized companies; employers organization leader group; government officials; members of tripartite bodies; human resource managers; labour academics. This research focuses on the knowledge and perceptions of stakeholders of the Thai industrial relations system relating to industrial democracy in practices in Thailand. The ontological assumption rests on the basis that realities being constructed by the stakeholders being investigated. These realities are not objective but subjective and that multiple realities exist. This research required the researcher to interact with the stakeholders in the Thai industrial relations system in relation to their knowledge and perception of industrial democracy in practice in Thailand. The epistemology of this research was subjectivist, the knower and respondent co-creating understanding. A grounded theory approach was taken. The centrepiece is the development or generation of a theory closely related to the context of the phenomena being studied. The idea is to discover theory in a systematic yet emergent way. Grounded theory is closely associated with two research traditions, produced in outline below.These are phenomenology and symbolic interactionism. The findings are presented in a model identifying nine common characteristics enhancing the best practice of industrial democracy. The model is proposed as a tentative Thai industrial democracy model. The nine components of the model include: constructive employer and employee or trade union relationships; determination of forms and process of participation; forms and practices of participation; upholding common goals and sharing both success and failures; implementation and change management; pro-active and promotional government roles; Thai cultures and Buddhist philosophy and principles; laws as a frame of reference; learning and practicing together continually. Eight sets of Buddhist philosophy and principles are integrated into the Thai industrial democracy model. They are: the six directions; the divine abiding; the principles for helpful integration; the principles of success; the ten regal qualities; the qualities of a good or genuine person; the principles of collective responsibility; and the principles for conducting oneself as a good citizen. Seven concepts of Thai culture are also integrated in the Thai industrial democracy model. They are: the concept of helping each other; the concept of Bunkhun; the concept of Kreng Jai; the concept of face saving; the concept of criticism avoidance; the concept of sympathy; and the concept of compromising.

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Brown, Maximillian. "Trust, power, and workplace democracy : safety and health works councils in Oregon /." view abstract or download file of text, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3072576.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2002.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 383-408). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

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Joungtrakul, Jamnean. "Industrial democracy and best practice in Thailand: a stakeholder study." Curtin University of Technology, Graduate School of Business, 2005. http://espace.library.curtin.edu.au:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18476.

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This research investigated the perceptions on industrial democracy of selected stakeholder groups in the Thai industrial relations system. Three research questions were posed. How do the selected stakeholders express their knowledge of industrial democracy? What are the similarities and differences in perceptions of the ‘industrial democracy in practice’ concept held by members of the selected stakeholder groups? What are emergent best practices in industrial democracy? In order to provide some answers to these questions a number of research objectives were developed: To identify knowledge of industrial democracy in Thailand as perceived by selected stakeholders; To investigate the similarities and differences in stakeholder perceptions of industrial democracy; To compare the similarities and differences in stakeholder perceptions of industrial democracy; To identify problems and difficulties encountered from the practicing of industrial democracy within Thai business organizations; To reveal best practice in industrial democracy as expressed by the stakeholders. This research studied employee participation at five levels: board level: employee representation at board level; plant level: employee representation at plant level; shop floor level: employee participation at shop floor level; financial level: employee participation at the financial level; disclosure of information level: employee participation in disclosure of information.
This research collected data from the following ten stakeholder groups of the Thai industrial relations system: employees of non-unionized companies: shop floor level; employees of non-unionized companies: supervisory level; trade union leaders: national level; trade union leaders: company level; employers of non-unionized companies; employers organization leader group; government officials; members of tripartite bodies; human resource managers; labour academics. This research focuses on the knowledge and perceptions of stakeholders of the Thai industrial relations system relating to industrial democracy in practices in Thailand. The ontological assumption rests on the basis that realities being constructed by the stakeholders being investigated. These realities are not objective but subjective and that multiple realities exist. This research required the researcher to interact with the stakeholders in the Thai industrial relations system in relation to their knowledge and perception of industrial democracy in practice in Thailand. The epistemology of this research was subjectivist, the knower and respondent co-creating understanding. A grounded theory approach was taken. The centrepiece is the development or generation of a theory closely related to the context of the phenomena being studied. The idea is to discover theory in a systematic yet emergent way. Grounded theory is closely associated with two research traditions, produced in outline below.
These are phenomenology and symbolic interactionism. The findings are presented in a model identifying nine common characteristics enhancing the best practice of industrial democracy. The model is proposed as a tentative Thai industrial democracy model. The nine components of the model include: constructive employer and employee or trade union relationships; determination of forms and process of participation; forms and practices of participation; upholding common goals and sharing both success and failures; implementation and change management; pro-active and promotional government roles; Thai cultures and Buddhist philosophy and principles; laws as a frame of reference; learning and practicing together continually. Eight sets of Buddhist philosophy and principles are integrated into the Thai industrial democracy model. They are: the six directions; the divine abiding; the principles for helpful integration; the principles of success; the ten regal qualities; the qualities of a good or genuine person; the principles of collective responsibility; and the principles for conducting oneself as a good citizen. Seven concepts of Thai culture are also integrated in the Thai industrial democracy model. They are: the concept of helping each other; the concept of Bunkhun; the concept of Kreng Jai; the concept of face saving; the concept of criticism avoidance; the concept of sympathy; and the concept of compromising.

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6

Smith, Newman. "Politics, industrial policy and democracy : the Electricians' Union, 1945-1988." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1988. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3937/.

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The post-war history of the Electricians' union has been a very stormy one indeed. During the 1950s, when the union was controlled by the Communist Party, there began a stream of allegations from within the union and from the press that the leaders of the ETU were engaged in electoral malpractice. Eventually, in 1961, the High Court did find that some ETU leaders, who were also members of the Communist Party, had used `fraudulent and unlawful devices' to secure the re-election of the Communist General Secretary of the union in 1959. Following the trial the ETU was expelled both from the TUC and the Labour Party, but they were re-admitted in 1962 after a new right-wing leadership was elected to office. Since 1962 the right-wing has enjoyed an uninterrupted control of the Electricians' union. Its opponents claim that this control has been maintained because, under the name of reforms, a huge reshaping of the union's internal democracy has occurred which has been effective in undermining any oppositional challenge and has placed more and more power in the hands of the Executive Council. The thesis is an examination of these two periods of the union's history, and the different strategies pursued by the Communist and right-wing leaderships. It details the rise of the Communist Party in the ETU, and considers the allegations of ballot-rigging that led to the 1961 trial. It examines the remodelling of the union in the 1960s, charts the rise of the organized opposition to the leadership in the 1970s, and considers the controversial `strike-free' agreements that the union has negotiated in recent years. However, the thesis attempts to do more than just chronicle particular episodes in the post-war history of the Electricians' union: it also attempts to understand this history by the use of two broad theoretical approaches. Firstly, the union's internal history is considered in the light of the wider political and industrial factors that have shaped and re-shaped that history. In other words, the union's democracy cannot be understood by solely examining its internal workings, `external' factors also have to be considered. From this perspective it is argued that the ballot-rigging and bureaucratic manipulation that took place under the Communist leadership cannot be understood simply in terms of a faulty electoral process open to abuse by unscrupulous men. Rather, those factors that allowed the CP to legitimately take charge of the union in the first place, and those which compelled some members of the ETU to eventually abuse the unions' electoral process, were intimately linked to the post-war industrial climate and in particular the political and industrial strategies of the Communist Party. Similarly, the remodelling of the union's democracry in the 1960s, and the history of the union up to the present day, has to be understood not just in terms of an authoritarian leadership, but by reference to the particular circumstances that allowed the right-wing to take control of the union, and the political and industrial policies that underlay the reshaping of democracy in the union. Secondly, throughout the thesis there is an engagement with Robert Michels' `iron law of oligarchy'. Michels' theory was expostulated in his Political Parties (1911) and can be summed up in his famous dictum `who says organization, says oligarchy', and in his assertion that in the trade union movement the `authoritative character of the leaders and their tendency to rule bureaucratic organizations on oligarchic lines, are even more pronounced than in political parties'. This theory is critically considered in the context of the actual workings of the post-war Electrician's union. Overall, the thesis attempts to do a number of things: to give a particular account of the major episodes in the union's post-war history, which range from the ballot-rigging of the 1950s to the `strike-free' deals of the 1980s; to explore the relationship between the political and industrial policies of the CP and right-wing leaderships and the union's democracy; to offer a critical appraisal of Michels' `iron law of oligarchy', and, finally, as the union faces expulsion from the TUC, to consider the future prospects for democracy in the EETPU.

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Amberg, Stephen Potter. "Liberal democracy and industrial order : autoworkers under the New Deal." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/92620.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1987.
MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND DEWEY.
Includes bibliographies.
by Stephen Potter Amberg.
Ph.D.

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8

Ukpere, Wilfred Isioma. "The functional relationship between globalisation, internationalisation, human resources and industrial democracy." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/1760.

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Thesis (DTech (Philosophy (Human Resources Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2007
With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1998 and the fall of the famous Berlin Wall, the final victory or triumph of capitalism over its alternatives, heralded a neoliberal economic system known as globalisation, which was postulated to address the problem. of humankind, including workers, on a global scale. This postulation· led many nations to rush to infuse themselves into the capitalist global system, which is reflected by the opening up of borders to the transnational juggernauts of globalisation. However, a few years into the euphoric global capitalist triumphalism, globalisation and internationalisation seems to have produced some negative consequences for human resources and industrial democracy, both in the North and South. As capital proceeds with its accumulation, expansion and profitability, unemployment has burgeoned, as the government's power to create lasting employment has been supIne owing to the privatisation of the public sector, retrenchment in the private sector, as a direct result of automation, re-engineering, outsourcing and the disastrous effect of global competition, which has eroded labour unionism. In the present state of affairs, labour has been requested to bear the burden of global capitalist hegemony, and the pro-globalist argument, that in the long-run the benefit of globalisation would yield a trickle-down effect to the worst affected workers, has turned a mirage, while the discontentment of the average working class and the majority who have lost out In the global economy, is the cause of renewed widespread global tensions. The current state of affairs has had a polarising effect on people's view, and has resulted in the development of two schools, namelythe pro-globalist and the anti-globalist camps. With the former persistently asserting that globalisation and internationalisation have positive repercussions for workers and industrial democracy, the latter strongly opposes the above assertion. The author of this study aligns more with the latter's view. Therefore, the aim of this research is to prove, beyond reasonable doubt, that there is actually a negative functional relationship between globalisation, internationalisation, human resources and industrial democracy, and to postulate some ameliorating mechanisms, which could enhance· the putative negative relationship, so that a higher human, social and economic order is realised

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Dukes, Ruth. "Workplace worker representation in Germany and the UK : from industrial democracy to partnership." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.441984.

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Grint, K. "Bureaucracy and democracy : The quest for industrial control in the postal business between the wars." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371643.

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Mogalakwe, Monageng. "State-labour relations in Botswana, 1966-1990 : industrial relations in an emergent "liberal" capitalist democracy." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1994. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/36098/.

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Botswana is a formally liberal democratic country that is known for its impressive economic growth and political stability. The country has sometimes been referred to as Africa's economic miracle and a shining example of democracy in a continent notorious for economic mismanagement, military dictatorships and one-party government. However, this picture of Botswana is too superficial and generous. This study seeks to delve beneath the surface of this much acclaimed liberal democracy in order to explore the system of labour repression that is the dark side of Botswana's constitutional framework of individual rights and democratic freedoms. In Botswana, the collective rights and freedoms of trade unions, though formally recognized, are in fact severely restricted. The state prevents workers in the public sector from forming or belonging to trade unions at all. In the private sector there are manifold constraints on industrial bargaining, organisation and activity. These forms of control over the trade union movement derive from the Botswana state's position as a peripheral capitalist state. These structures of social domination, however, have not gone unchallenged by the labour movement. The growth and development of the trade union movement and the challenges posed by the labour movement to both the state and capital have shifted the state towards limited labour reforms. This shows that, while the Botswana state remains the guarantor of private capital accumulation, its form is nevertheless determined by the constellation of class forces in which it is located. If the state is to maintain legitimacy and hegemony in society, and not rely on coercion alone, it must accede to some of the demands of the working class. Botswan&s liberal democracy gives the working class space to fight for the reduction of exploitation and to push the state toward more social reforms. At the same time, however, there is occurring a marked change in how the state relates to labour - from what may be called a strategy of "national economic development" to one more influenced by neo-liberal economic and political approaches. The conclusion I have reached in this analysis is that workers and their unions need to develop a long term strategy to increase their social weight in relation to the state and capital. The strategic option recommended here is social movement unionism. It is argued that because of the liberal democratic form of Botswana capitalism, social movement unionism, rather than overt political unionism stands a better chance of success because this form of unionism will not split the ranks of the workers along party lines.

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Khodaparast, Youssef. "Producer cooperatives and industrial democracy: a comparative study of the performance of cooperative and conventional plywood plants." PDXScholar, 1986. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/520.

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Widely differing theoretical expectations exist concerning the economic performance of labor-managed firms or producer cooperatives (PCs). While a good number of theoretical studies of these firms by economists have been undertaken, there remain considerable gaps in the empirical record. This is especially true in the case of American PCs. In general, theoretical controversies have not been tempered by enough empirical analysis. While some expect good performance from PCs, others are much less sanguine. This study compares the economic performance of a group of eight worker-owned producer co-op plants with that of eight conventional mills in the Pacific Northwest softwood plywood industry. The purpose is to test the validity of several propositions that are typically maintained in the analysis of PCs suggesting that this type of organization basically lacks the incentive to utilize labor inputs efficiently, and is therefore less productive when compared to conventionally organized producing units. Using secondary data, pooled time-series cross-section equations are estimated. Results indicate that growth in annual output per employee per year is 18 percent greater in the co-ops than in their conventional counterparts. The study provides strong evidence that the two groups of plants differ significantly in their behavior. The major conclusion that emerges is that worker-owned co-ops are a viable and productive form of economic organization that utilize labor inputs efficiently and in doing so can achieve higher worker productivity than their conventional counterparts. In a public policy context, government support of employee ownership and establishment of worker-owned co-ops is viewed as a viable policy option to plant closings.

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Öberg, PerOla. "Särintresse och allmänintresse korparatismens ansikten = [Particular and public interest : the faces of corporatism] /." Uppsala : [Uppsala University], 1994. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/33135586.html.

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Mettler, Matthew Michael. "Social science and solidarity: psychology, organizational reform, and democracy in Walter Reuther's UAW." Diss., University of Iowa, 2013. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/6615.

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This dissertation examines how the United Auto Workers (UAW) incorporated the applied social sciences behind the emerging postwar field of human relations to navigate the postwar terrain of labor relations and manage its membership. Like his counterparts in management, union president Walter Reuther was drawn to human relations' scientific approach to solving the human conflicts that beset large bureaucratic organizations. It traces the history and politics surrounding this psychological research, which includes the areas of group dynamics, counseling, opinion polling, personality profiling, motivational research, and attitude formation, and shows how these concepts were at the heart of the union's most ambitious reforms that overhauled membership education and leadership training programs, staff and organizer training, as well as its political action and public relations initiatives. The UAW's use of social science framed how the union met a range of large-scale challenges, from labor relations, to the Cold War and threat of automation. On the one hand, the union's use of applied psychology illustrates a unique willingness to innovate and modernize to address new problems and recapture the union's dynamism of the 1930s. While these innovative reforms did not always succeed, such experimentation with organizational science was unique among a labor movement that was largely isolated from these trends. On the other hand, however, the top-down nature of these reforms exerted social control that clashed with the union's democratic traditions. Applied psychology played a key role in Reuther's rise to political power and was subsequently at the center of Reuther's efforts to control and repress union democracy. These science-based reforms were rarely introduced without political controversy. The methods of applied psychology could be used to promote and repress union democracy and this dissertation shows how Walter Reuther used applied psychology towards both ends. Moreover, this dissertation examines the cultural context that prompted union leaders to pioneer organized labor's use of the applied social science as an organizational tool. Walter Reuther's willingness to embrace the newest scientific methods stemmed from his technocratic faith in society's ability to engineer pathways to material prosperity and socially-engineer ways to democratize that prosperity. Reuther was part of liberal reform community that included a number of progressive social psychologists who believed that the tools of applied social science were essential to maintaining a stable and rational, albeit highly managed, democratic society that could fend off the forces of reaction and fascism. Applied psychology emerged as a tool for many in the postwar era looking to effectively manage the complexity of communication in vast bureaucratic organizations. But for leaders of democratic organizations like Walter Reuther, this tool had to be handled with care so as not to erode the core values that first gave the union strength and legitimacy. The history of how the UAW balanced this task provides a revealing glimpse into how a grassroots organization weighed its democratic values against its desire to effectively participate among the powerbrokers that increasingly shaped America's political and economic future. Moreover, it highlights the class politics that framed postwar scientific research and illustrates the complex ways that applied social science influenced power relations and democracy in postwar American society.

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Erasmus, Zimitri. "Organisational democracy and economic viability in producer cooperatives in the Western Cape Region of South African and in Zimbabwe : case studies and comparative analysis." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/17231.

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Bibliography: pages 608-625.
This study is a sociological analysis of participatory-democratic organisations in 'third world' contexts. Firstly, it assesses the degree of participatory democracy in each enterprise studied. Secondly, it explores whether cooperative development is a process. Thirdly, it assesses the applicability of existing theory in the field for organisations in 'third world' contexts. The data used is predominantly qualitative, though quantitative information is utilised. Qualitative data is gathered from in-depth interviews using semi-structured questionnaires, observation and the examination of primary sources. Empirical information is analysed in the light of theoretical constructs reviewed and practical constraints identified by other researchers in the field. The key construct is an 'ideal-type' participatory-democratic organisation. Significant findings include the following: (a) cooperatives in 'third world' contexts are formed and joined primarily for material reasons; (b) specific constraints include a severe lack of basic education among cooperators, relationships of dependency between co-ops and service organisations, and a 'survival' consciousness among cooperative members; (c) the nature of relationships between cooperatives and service organisations have significant implications for co-op development; (d) there is a relationship between organisational structures and viability as an economic unit and (e) members in different positions in the enterprise have different conceptions of cooperation. The study concludes that cooperative development is a process involving different stages characterised by different degrees of participation in decision-making, viability, organisational development and cooperative consciousness.

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Ehn, Pelle. "Work-oriented design of computer artifacts." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, 1988. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-62913.

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This thesis is an inquiry into the human activity of designing computer artifacts that are useful to people in their daily activity at work. The emphasis is on opportunities and constraints for industrial democracy and quality of work. First, the philosophical foundation of design of computer artifacts is considered. The need for a more fundamental understanding of design than the one offered by rationalistic systems thinking is argued. The alternative design philosophy suggested is based on pragmatic interpretations of the philosophies of existential phenomenology, emancipatory practice, and ordinary language. Design is seen as a concerned social and creative activity founded in our traditions, but aiming at transcending them by anticipation and construction of alternative futures. Second, it is argued that the existing disciplinary boundaries between natural sciences, social sciences and humanities are dysfunctional for the subject matter of designing computer artifacts. An alternative understanding of the subject matter and a curriculum for its study is discussed. The alternative emphasizes social systems design methods, a new theoretical foundation of design, and the new potential for design in the use of prototyping software and hardware. The alternative also emphasizes the need to learn from other more mature design disciplines such as architectural design. Towards this background, and based on the practical research in two projects (DEMOS and UTOPIA), a view on work-oriented design of computer artifacts is presented. This concerns, thirdly, the collective resource approach to design of computer artifacts - an attempt to widen the design process to also include trade union activities, and the explicit goal of industrial democracy in design and use. It is argued that a participative approach to the design process is not sufficient in the context of democratization. However, it is suggested that it is technically possible to design computer artifacts based on criteria such as skill and democracy at work, and a trade union investigation and negotiation strategy is argued for as a democratic and workable complement to traditional design activities. Finally, a tŒil perspective - the ideal of skilled workers and designers in coopération designing computer artifacts as tools for skilled work is considered. It is concluded that computer artifacts can be designed with the ideal of c rail tools for a specific profession, utilizing interactive hardware devices and the computer's capacity for symbol manipulation to create this resemblance, and that a tool perspective, used with care, can be a useful design ideal. However, the ideological use of a tool metaphor is also taken into account, as is the instrumental blindness a tool perspective may create towards the importance of social interaction competence at work.
digitalisering@umu

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Daniel, Luna Erich. "Fukuyama, Francis. Political Order and Political Decay. From the Industrial Revolution to the Globalization of Democracy. Nueva York: Farrar, Strauss y Giroux, 2014, 658 pp." Economía, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/116854.

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Baxter, Declan Patrick Wemyss. "The Failure to Establish Codetermination in Australia: A Comparative Political Economic Analysis." Thesis, Department of Political Economy, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/26283.

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Codetermination has entered the Australian public conversation in the last 4 years with commentators arguing it could reduce labour market inequality. Yet this is not the first-time it has surfaced in Australian debates – the federal Hawke government committed to introducing codetermination, but to no avail. Australian advocates for codetermination failed to do what European Christian Democrats succeed at; persistently championing codetermination and ensuring both businesses and trade unions supported it in practice. Codetermination first appeared in Germany in the writings of Catholic social thinkers, and through these thinkers and papal encyclicals it gained wider acceptance amongst the catholic community. In both Germany and Belgium, it was catholic actors – Christian trade unions, employers’ organisations and Christian democratic parties – that pushed codetermination. During the interwar period, these catholic actors won socialist trade union support for the idea, but their efforts ultimately failed due to sustained opposition from the business community. In the post-war period, these catholic actors again pushed codetermination whilst rebuilding the economy and garnered the support of the business community, ensuring its survival thereon. Comparatively, there was no substantial catholic political movement in Australia, and subsequently codetermination did not enter public debate until the 1970s & 1980s. Furthermore, businesses were never won over to the idea, and so the matter was solely advocated by the trade unions and the Labor party. Ultimately, both the Labor party and trade unions lacked the resolve to instate codetermination, and ultimately dropped the idea as other economic matters became more pressing.

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Calvo, Oriana. "Lo Stato e il governo del rapporto di lavoro: il collegio di probiviri (1893-1926)." Doctoral thesis, Università di Catania, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10761/1438.

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La tesi si compone di tre capitoli. Il primo è dedicato all analisi delle fonti normative riguardanti i collegi dei probiviri dall istituzione, legge 15 giugno 1893, n. 295, alla soppressione, nel 1928, con la nascita della magistratura del lavoro e si sviluppa lungo un itinerario che muove dai disegni di legge che hanno portato al testo legislativo istitutivo, incrocia le diverse proposte volte a realizzare un più funzionale e proficuo utilizzo dei collegi, giunge alla riforma attuata con il R.D. 13 ottobre 1918, n. 1672. Gli aspetti analizzati concernono specialmente l inquadramento della magistratura probivirale nell ambito della giurisdizione italiana e il nesso eziologico tra istituto dei probiviri e conflitto collettivo, l ambito di competenza dei collegi e le funzioni, la procedura di formazione tra ingerenza statale e partecipazione sociale, alcune deroghe alla capacità giuridica secondo il sistema di diritto civile. Nel secondo capitolo, per illustrare i risultati e l attività espletata dai probiviri si è adottata la consueta tripartizione riferita alle funzioni normativa, giurisdizionale e di governo , pur essendo pienamente consapevoli dell impossibilità di distinguere nettamente la primaria attività di risoluzione delle controversie, affidata ai collegi, dagli altri interventi messi in atto dai collegi per regolare aspetti delicati e complessi della produzione e del lavoro, anche attraverso la creazione di norme giuridiche. Il discrimen è rappresentato dalla concezione e dal ruolo, in fieri, dell equità, che, nella progressiva emancipazione e generalizzazione del costituendo principio di diritto dal singolo fatto specifico e concreto, si trasforma quasi si sublima da individuale in sociale. Per quanto riguarda la funzione di governo, è stato messo in luce lo stretto legame tra il funzionamento dei probiviri come organismi arbitrali e le condizioni di sviluppo del luogo in cui sorge l industria. Ci si è soffermati non solo sugli aspetti relativi al rapporto di lavoro, quali il recesso delle parti, il preavviso, la determinazione del salario, ma anche sull emersione di veri e propri principi cardine (ed ora costituzionali) del diritto del lavoro. Di particolare interesse, poi, è la figura del contratto collettivo territoriale, strumento di regolazione del conflitto sociale, della produzione e del mercato del lavoro. Anche in questo capitolo l esame è stato condotto facendo dialogare costantemente i probiviri con legislatore, dottrina e giurisprudenza ordinaria. Il terzo capitolo, infine, riguarda le fonti reperite presso l archivio della Camera di commercio di Catania ed aventi ad oggetto il carteggio tra istituzioni decentrate e centrali per l istituzione dei collegi nella provincia: uno sguardo sulla esperienza socio-economica catanese e siciliana. Lo studio dell istituto probivirale sul territorio, ed in particolare delle procedure di costituzione e formazione, ha permesso una maggiore comprensione, se pure parziale, delle ragioni che hanno determinato un più o meno scarso funzionamento dell istituto anche sul piano nazionale

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Brown, Robert. "Adopting a 'high road’ employee reward strategy improves workplace productivity and wellbeing." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för hälsa och välfärd, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-45302.

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Recent research suggests that democratising the workplace is an effective way of improving productivity and wellbeing. But few studies have focussed on how to democratise the workplace. This study aims to explore how organisations can democratise the workplace via employee reward strategy, and how this impacts productivity and wellbeing. I hypothesised that a ‘high road strategy’ to employee reward – maximising value rather than minimising cost – would be the most effective way of improving workplace productivity and wellbeing. I also hypothesised that reward strategies in the Nordic countries, which tend to resemble a high road strategy, would be more effective than reward strategies in the UK. I used quantitative analyses on the European Company Survey 2019 data set, exploring different components of a high road reward strategy as predictors of productivity and wellbeing. My results suggested that a high road strategy to employee reward does improve workplace productivity and wellbeing. The strategy consists of maximising employee representative influence (via frequent meetings with management) and reward system comprehensiveness (via emphasis on pay based on company performance); it does not require broad collective bargaining coverage. Nordic reward strategies were more effective than UK strategies: perhaps due to Nordic two-tier bargaining systems facilitating employee representative influence and an emphasis on pay based on company performance. Future research should explore other ways of maximising employee representative influence, as well as other components of a high road reward strategy.

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Haro, García José Luis. "Ecologismo y democracia en la unidad de producción: Una reconstrucción crítica desde la Teoría Política Verde." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/650417.

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El objeto de análisis de la presente tesis doctoral son las propuestas ecologistas a favor de la democratización de las empresas. Una democratización que generalmente ha sido considerada como deseable pero que no ha sido desarrollada en detalle por parte de aquellos autores adscritos a lo que aquí se caracteriza como ecologismo emancipador; lo que ha resultado generalmente en un abordaje incompleto de la cuestión. Nuestra investigación analiza la argumentación ecologista mediante la comparación de sus propuestas autogestionarias con aquellas procedentes de otras familias ideológicas. También se confronta esta argumentación con la literatura académica que evalúa el funcionamiento tanto de las empresas democráticas existentes –generalmente cooperativas de producción– como de los modelos de participación instrumental que se aplican en las empresas de gestión no democrática. La estrategia de investigación diferencia las dimensiones normativa e instrumental de estas propuestas y presenta tres niveles de análisis interrelacionados: la persona trabajadora en su puesto de trabajo, la unidad de producción y, por último, el sistema económico en el que estas empresas operan. De este análisis se derivan algunas cuestiones. En primer lugar, se constatan las similitudes de las propuestas ecologistas con aquellas procedentes de otras ideologías, a la vez que emergen diferencias relevantes. Diferencias que están relacionadas con la adscripción del ecologismo a las tesis de la democracia participativa, deliberativa y discursiva y con la existencia de elementos normativos, ontológicos y epistemológicos que distancian al ecologismo del resto de ideologías. También se constata la necesidad de abordar expresamente la dimensión normativa, en muchas ocasiones obviada, al destacarse como un aspecto que ha de permitir evaluar si las diferentes medidas propuestas contribuyen a la consecución del modelo de sociedad deseado. En este sentido, se realiza una aportación específica para la construcción y evaluación de esta dimensión normativa en torno a la articulación de los valores de sostenibilidad y autonomía en el ámbito de la unidad de producción. Paralelamente, se llama la atención sobre el resultado del análisis de la argumentación instrumental y se demuestra que la democratización de las unidades de producción por si misma no puede garantizar muchos de los impactos que se le suponen sin la concurrencia de otras reformas paralelas, principalmente de las instituciones estructurantes del sistema económico, en línea con las tesis de la Democracia Económica. Por último, y de acuerdo con los resultados del conjunto de la investigación, se señalan aquellos elementos que se considera que contribuyen a mejorar la fundamentación de las propuestas de democratización de las unidades de producción, en el marco tanto de la teoría política verde como del propio activismo ecologista.
L’objecte d’anàlisi de la present tesi doctoral són les propostes ecologistes a favor de la democratització de les empreses. Una democratització que generalment ha estat considerada com a desitjable però que no ha estat desenvolupada en detall per part dels autors adscrits al que aquí es caracteritza com a ecologisme emancipador; el que generalment ha comportat un tractament incomplert d’aquesta qüestió. La nostra recerca analitza l’argumentació ecologista mitjançant la comparació de les seves propostes autogestionàries amb aquelles provinents d’altres famílies ideològiques. També es confronta aquesta argumentació amb la literatura acadèmica que avalua el funcionament tant de les empreses democràtiques existents –generalment, cooperatives de producció– com dels models de participació instrumental que s’apliquen a les empreses de gestió no democràtica. L’estratègia de recerca diferencia les dimensions normativa i instrumental i presenta tres nivells d’anàlisi interrelacionats: la persona treballadora en el seu lloc de treball, la unitat de producció i, per últim, el sistema econòmic en el que aquestes empreses operen. D’aquesta anàlisi se’n deriven algunes qüestions. En primer lloc, es constaten les similituds de les propostes ecologistes amb aquelles provinents d’altre famílies ideològiques, a la vegada que emergeixen diferències rellevants. Diferències que es relacionen amb l’adscripció de l’ecologisme a les tesis de la democràcia participativa, deliberativa i discursiva i amb l’existència d’elements normatius, ontològics i epistemològics que distancien l’ecologisme de la resta d’ideologies. També es constata la necessitat d’abordar expressament la dimensió normativa, en moltes ocasions obviada, en considerar-se que és un element que ajuda a avaluar si les mesures proposades contribueixen a la consecució del model de societat desitjat. En aquest sentit, es realitza una aportació específica per a la construcció i avaluació d’aquesta dimensió normativa entorn a l’articulació dels valors de sostenibilitat i autonomia en l’àmbit de la unitat de producció. Paral·lelament, es crida l’atenció sobre el resultat de l’anàlisi de l’argumentació instrumental i es demostra que la democratització de les unitats de producció en si mateixa no pot garantir molts dels impactes que se li suposen sense la concurrència d’altres reformes paral·leles, principalment de les institucions estructurants del sistema econòmic, en línia amb les tesis de la Democràcia Econòmica. Per últim, i d’acord amb els resultats del conjunt de la recerca, s’identifiquen aquells elements que es considera que contribueixen a millorar la fonamentació de les propostes de democratització de les unitats de producció, en el marc tant de la Teoria política verda com del propi activisme ecologista.
The object of analysis of the present doctoral thesis focused on the environmentalist proposals in favour of the democratization of companies. Workplace Democracy has generally been considered desirable by many authors attached to what here is included under the analytical category of Emancipatory Environmentalism. Nevertheless, these approaches have not been developed in detail, resulting in an incomplete approach to the issue. Our research analyses environmentalist proposals on self-management by means of their comparison with these ones developed by other ideological families. Thus, we confront these proposals with both the academic literature that evaluates the operation of existing democratic companies -generally production cooperatives- and the models of instrumental participation that are actually applied in non- democratic companies. The research strategy distinguishes between normative and instrumental dimensions of these proposals and shows three levels of interrelated analysis: the worker in his job, the production unit and, finally, the economic system in which these companies operate. From this analysis some relevant issues are derived. In first place, similarities between the classical proposals on workplace democracy and the environmentalist ones are verified, while some differences emerge as well. Differences that are related, on the one hand, to the ascription of environmentalism to the participatory, deliberative and discursive democracy perspectives and, on the other, to the existence of normative, ontological and epistemological elements that distance Environmentalism from the ideologies of Modernity. The analysis shows also the need to expressly address the normative dimension, which is often overlooked, as a relevant aspect to evaluate the different proposals according to their contribution to the desirable model of society. In this sense, a specific contribution is made for the construction of this normative dimension through the articulation of the values of sustainability and autonomy within the production unit. At the same time, attention is called to the results of our analysis of the instrumental argumentation and it is shown that democratization of the production units by itself cannot guarantee many of the impacts that are assumed without the concurrence of other parallel reforms. Consequently, a transformation of the main institutions of the economic system would be necessary, in line with the proposals of Economic Democracy. Finally, and according to the results of our research as a whole, we identify those elements that are considered to improve the rationale of the environmentalist proposals for the democratization of production units, within the framework of both Green Political Theory and environmental activism itself.

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Friberg, Anna. "Demokrati bortom politiken : En begreppshistorisk analys av demokratibegreppet inom Sveriges socialdemokratiska arbetareparti 1919–1939." Doctoral thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Avdelningen för humaniora, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-17674.

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This dissertation analyzes the concept of democracy as it was used in the official rhetoric of the Swedish SocialDemocratic Party (SAP ) between 1919 and 1939. Theoretically, the dissertation relies on German Begriffsgeschichte, as put forward by Reinhart Koselleck, and Michael Freeden’s theory of ideologies. Together, by supplementing each other, these theories offer a perspective in which concepts are thought of as structures that are under contestation and change due to socio-political circumstances. However, the formulation of this change takes place in relation to the linguistic praxis of each time-period, and renegotiates the relative constraints of established relations between concepts in language. The analysis shows that the profound changes in society provided impetus for a continuous renegotiation of meanings, allowing concepts to retain their explanatory power under changing circumstances, at the same time the SAP needed new ways to express what kind of society the party strived to realize. The SAP had been one of the leading forces in the struggle for universal suffrage, and when the bill, giving universal suffrage to men andwomen, was passed in the Parliament 1919 this meant a temporary cessation to a long and intensive political debate. However, the SAP did not consider the introduction of suffrage reform as the end of full societal democratization. Rather than seeing the reform as a terminal point, the SAP saw it as the starting point for the struggle for full democracy. The SAP did not limit itself to only one concept of democracy but instead used a number of composite concepts, such as political democracy and economic democracy. The use of composite concepts can be understood as a changing temporalization of democracy. Since parliamentarism and suffrage were seen as central components in democracy, the realization of these institutions meant that the concept of democracy lost its future dimension. Thus, the usage of composite concepts should be seen as a re-temporalization of democracy. The composite concepts pointed forward in time, toward political goals that the SAP envisaged realizing in the future. Concepts should not be thought of as having cores but rather, as suggested by Freeden, ineliminable features. An ineliminable feature is not of logical nature but has a strong cultural adjacency. By analyzing the ineliminable components of the concepts of democracy that the SAP used, it is possible to discuss whether the composite concepts should be understood as subsets of a whole or as separate concepts. The analysis shows that the composite concepts that the SAP used during the first half of the 1920s shared a number of ineliminable features, but that the commonality of these features started to disintegrate during the latter half of the decade, leading to a rather diversive concept of democracy. During the 1930s the disintegration ceased as the party was faced with new circumstances, for example the growing threat of international war and national clashes between different social groups. There has always been a close relation between language and society. However, the relationship does not follow a simple and clear-cut logic but a complex mixture of various factors at different levels, both within language itself and of society. When society develops, language also has to change if the ongoing process is to be understood. As this study shows, new circumstances require new argumentsand thus revised concepts.

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Guimarães, Valeska Nahas. "Novas tecnologias de produção de base microeletronica e democracia industrial : estudo comparativo de casos na industria mecanica de Santa Catarina." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 1995. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/76267.

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Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro Tecnologico
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Gwaindepi, Abel. "The developmental state, social policy and social compacts: a comparative policy analysis of the South African case." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013278.

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The history of economic thought is ‘flooded’ with neo-classical accounts despite the fact that neoclassical economics did not occupy history alone. This has caused the discourses on ‘lost alternatives’ to be relegated as the deterministic ‘straight line’ neo-classical historical discourses are elevated. Globally hegemonic neo-classical discourse aided this phenomenon as it served to subordinate any counterhegemonic local discursive processes towards alternatives. This study is premised on the theme of non-neoclassical ‘lost alternatives’ using the post-apartheid South Africa as a case study. Emerging from the apartheid regime, the impetus towards non-neoclassical redistributive policies was strong in South Africa but this did not gain traction as the ANC’s ‘growth through redistribution’ was replaced by globally hegemonic discourse which favoured ‘redistribution through growth’. This thesis postulates the idea of two waves of ‘internal’ discursive formations; capturing the transition to democracy up to 1996 as the first wave and the period from 2005 to about 2009 as the second wave. The developmental state paradigm (DSP) emerged as the central heterodox paradigm with ideas such as industrial policy, welfare, and social dialogue/compacts being main elements. The DSP was expressly chosen in the early 1990s, the first period of strong internal discursive formation, but faded as neo-classical policies, epitomised through GEAR, dominated the policy space. The DSP discourse gained vitality in the second wave of internal discursive formation (2005-2009) and it was associated with the subsequent Zuma’s administration. The study illustrates that the DSP has failed to be fully developed into a practical framework but remained only at rhetorical level with the phrase ‘developmental state’ inserted into government policy documents and documents of ANC as a ruling party. The thesis further illustrates that the DSP fared well ideologically because of its inclination to the ideology of ‘developmentalism’ tended to trump any socialist inclined policies such as a generous welfare regime. The thesis rebuts the notion of the DSP in South Africa which has only been amorphously developed with the phrase ‘developmental state’ becoming a mere buzzword. The thesis argues that the DSP in the 21st century is much more complex and the growing ‘tertiarisation’ of the economy makes the Social Democratic Paradigm SDP’s capability centric approach much more relevant for South Africa. The study goes further to argue that a (SDP) is much more suitable alternative for addressing South African colonial/apartheid legacies and consolidation of democracy.

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Weinehammar, Paula. "Olof Palme och löntagarfonder : En studie om rörelsesocialism och statssocialism i den svenska arbetarrörelsen." Thesis, Örebro University, Örebro University, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-1649.

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The purpose of this essay is to examine wage-earners' investment funds from the ideological point of view. Were they in any way an integrated part of social democratical democratic socialism and reformism? I emphasize Olof Palme´s ideological idea of democratic socialism and reformism, and how he handled the issue. How did the question of these funds correspondent with the basic ideological points of view, and what was the standpoint of Palme in this issue.

My method is built upon a deep study and analyses of SAP board of party and the standing committees protocol in the light of Olof Palme´s and SAP's ideology. I even use information from literature, inquiries and dissertations. I will mainly focus on Palme´s standpoint during this time.

There are the tree question areas and answers in this essay. There is an obvious tension between the two poles of labour movement, the state socialism represented by the social democratic party with a social outlook from above and the movement socialism, represented by the trade union movement with view from below. How did the wage-earners' investment funds stand to this traditional tension? How did Olof Palme remain to it? The answers to these questions are, that Olof Palme was very aware of this tension and he warned the trade union to be too radical. The proposal had a more reformistic formation when it was transmitted from the movement socialistic pole to the state socialistic pole.

How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in democratic socialism? The proposal of the wage-earners' investment funds meant that the function socialistic line, which traditionally was brought by the social democracy, now was changed to the line of ownership. Was it Palmes intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds, to be more an a large public sector? The final proposition was a compromise and had lost its radical characteristics. It was never Olof Palme’s intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds.

How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in the reformistic point of view? Were they system changing or system preserving, or both? The answer to this in this essay is, that the origin proposal was radical and system changing. The final proposal was both system preserving and system changing.

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Robison, David J. "Mobile Privatization and the Metaphors of Mobile Industries." Passagen Verlag, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2787.

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McBride, Anne. "Re-shaping trade union democracy : developing effective representation for women in UNISON." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1997. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3677/.

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The under-representation of women and over-representation of men in trade unions raises questions as to why it occurs, its consequences for women and how it can be overcome. This thesis engages with these questions. It indicates the dominant ideologies and institutions which underpin the dominant male model of trade unions and discusses strategies designed to change the 'rules of the game'. The creation of UNISON on 1st July 1993 provides a research site in which to study the extent to which trade union democracy can be deliberately re-shaped so as to reflect the interests of women. UNISON represents 1.3 million workers within the public service sector, two-thirds of whom are women. It has been the express intention of UNISON to achieve gender democracy through empowering its women members to participate in its representative structures. In particular, the adoption of three key principles in the rule book: proportionality for women, fair representation at all levels and self-organisation for four disadvantaged groups, is intended to have a significant impact on the nature of women's involvement in the union. This thesis contains extensive case study material collected within UNISON over a two year period, ending November 1995. It reveals the opportunities which the three rule book commitments provide for effective representation by women in UNISON. By excluding men so that women can take the majority of representative positions, proportionality and fair representation change the predominant values and beliefs of trade union democracy. By providing opportunities for women to determine their own agenda, in the absence of men, self-organisation challenges the ideology that union strength is based on unity and common interests. However, the dominant model of trade unionism is not being re-shaped without tension or resistance. This thesis argues that ideologies and institutions remain which prevent women's access to representative structures being translated into the discussion of women's concerns in UNISON's decision making arena. VII

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Pearson, Ian. "Power and participation in a general union : patterns of organisation and democracy in three GMB regions." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1987. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3635/.

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This study is about the organisation and government of the General Municipal and Boilermakers' from 1970 to 1985. Its focus is, as far as is known, unique in that it concentrates primarily on government at the regional level, examining the GMB's Birmingham, Liverpool and Northern regions. Rather than focusing explicitly on the policy issues related to recent legislation, it analyses the wider issues of power and participation relevant to the debate on union democracy. The thesis adopts an eclectic approach to union democracy, synthesising previous approaches within the framework of the vertical and horizontal dispersion of decision making developed by Undy et al, which is given a prescriptive dimension. The regional focus, and secondary focuses on intervening variables within the framework, are principally examined through conducting structured interviews with members and officers at all levels of the union. The research work is divided into four chapters, which follow chapters reviewing the literature and presenting the research focus, and giving an historical overview of the union up until the research period commences. The first examines the national level changes since 1970 and membership participation in the national political system. The other three chapters have a specific regional focus analysing regional variations in membership growth and participation at the local level; the locus of regional power and variations in participation in regional government; and membership participation in collective bargaining. The research contributes to knowledge of trade union government at the regional level; an almost completely explored and, it is argued, an important area which requires further research. It demonstrates the significant extent of regional variations within a single union and shows how these have led to markedly different levels of membership participation in decision making structures in the three regions. It shows that the commonly held view that GMB regional secretaries are barons of their own area is misplaced, noting constraints which prevent oligarchic domination of regions. It also highlights the pervasive, but long since neglected, influence of union constitutional provisions as a factor affecting union democracy. Finally, it suggests that the eclectic framework could be usefully adopted by future contributions to union democracy research.

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Gómez, B. de Castro Ramiro. "La producción cinematográfica española : de la transición a la democracia, 1976-1986 /." Bilbao : Mensajero, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb355005458.

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Texte remanié de: Tesis doct.--Facultad de ciencias de la información--Madrid--Universidad complutense, 1987. Titre de soutenance : Evolución de la producción cinematográfica española (con especial estudio al período 1975-1985).

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Espina, Alvaro González Márquez Felipe. "Empleo, democracia y relaciones industriales en España : de la industrialización al mercado único /." Madrid : Ministerio de trabajo y seguridad social, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb375319712.

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Branco, Luis Fernando Migliari. "Industriais brasileiros entre o autoritarismo e a democracia: a transição para a Nova República (1974-1988)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-19122016-113522/.

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A presente dissertação tem como proposta analisar a participação do empresariado industrial nacional no processo de transição política da ditadura civil-militar (1964-1985) para a Nova República (1985-atual). De forma mais precisa, a pesquisa procura elaborar um pensamento crítico a respeito da capacidade de articulação dessa fração da classe burguesa nas suas relações com o Estado para garantir os seus interesses políticos e econômicos. Nesse aspecto, a dissertação estabelece como essas relações se desenvolveram sob uma perspectiva histórica - ao longo do processo de industrialização do país - para, em seguida, analisar a sua reorganização no período de transição política, compreendido entre 1974, com o início da Abertura política, e 1988, quando a Constituição da Sexta República foi promulgada. As análises elaboradas se apoiam numa leitura bibliográfica que discute a formação do setor industrial a partir das especificidades do desenvolvimento econômico do Brasil, considerando a sua condição periférica no capitalismo; e do levantamento de fontes bibliográficas e de documentos produzidos pelo setor e por periódicos, que possibilitam uma avaliação mais detida sobre o papel desempenhado pelos industriais durante o período de transição política. Assim, a dissertação tem como objetivo caracterizar os interesses e os posicionamentos tomados pelo empresariado industrial nacional durante esse processo, de modo a dimensionar a sua influência para o fim da ditadura e para a conformação da Nova República. Como estudo de caso, a dissertação se propõe a aprofundar o debate sobre a atuação dos industriais na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte (1987-1988), com a intenção de destacar a relevância histórica desse momento para a afirmação do seu poder nos rumos econômicos e políticos do país.
This dissertation proposal is to analyze the participation of the national industrial business in the political transition process of civil-military dictatorship (1964-1985) to the New Republic (1985-present). More precisely, the research seeks to develop a critical thinking about the articulation capacity of this fraction of the bourgeois class in its relations with the State to guarantee their political and economic interests. In this respect, the dissertation establishes how these relations have developed from a historical perspective - during the country\'s industrialization process - to then analyze its reorganization in the political transition period, from 1974, with the beginning of the \"Opening policy \", and 1988, when the constitution of the Sixth Republic was enacted. Elaborate analysis rely on a literature reading that discusses the formation of the industrial sector from the specifics of economic development from Brazil, considering its peripheral condition in capitalism; and bibliographical sources survey and documents produced by the industry and journals that provide a more detailed assessment of the role played by industry during the period of political transition. Thus, the thesis aims to characterize the interests and positions taken by the national industrial business during this process in order to measure their influence to the end of the dictatorship and the conformation of the New Republic. As a case study, the thesis objective is to deepen the debate on the role of industry in the National Constituent Assembly (1987-1988), with the intention of highlight the historical importance of this moment for their power statement in the economic and political direction of the country.

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Bengtsson, Berit. "Kampen mot § 23 : Facklig makt vid anställning och avsked i Sverige före 1940." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Economic History, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-6318.

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The aim of this thesis is to use a power perspective to describe the workers’ struggle for co-determination in the Swedish labour market during the period 1890–1939. The study explores how trade unions in general attempted to limit article 23, which asserted employers’ control over hiring and dismissal. At the same time the study clarifies differences in union power between various groups of workers. The prevalent historical view regarding the distribution of power in the labour market is thus questioned.

The study shows that workers were not powerless before the Saltsjöbaden agreement in 1938. In certain areas workers, through their unions, already at the beginning of the 20th century had fairly good possibilities of influencing both hiring and dismissal. Collective agreements that were entered into before the defeat of the workers in the great conflict in the Swedish labour market in 1909, as well as collective agreements signed during the 1920s and 1930s, can make both the Saltsjöbaden agreement and present-day regulations look “hostile to workers”. In collective agreements workers achieved considerable limitations of employers’ arbitrary freedom to hire and dismiss workers. Certain unions could control their labour market efficiently by means of a labour exchange of their own. The development, however, varied over time and between different trade unions. Business cycles generally influenced how much power unions could exert. Access to power resources and other conditions varied between different workers’ groups. While some attained considerable power over hiring and dismissal, others had no possibilities of taking part in decision-making.

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Alayza, Mujica María Rosa. "La formación del espacio público y sus efectos en la democracia peruana." Doctoral thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12404/16884.

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Las movilizaciones populares se identifican más por su resistencia que por sus argumentos o influencia en la opinión pública. Este estudio operativiza el concepto del Espacio Público (Habermas 1995) aplicando una propuesta metodológica original que analiza la emergencia de los argumentos de públicos débiles movilizados por los derechos de consulta, que activan desigualmente la dimensión deliberativa de la democracia al formar espacios públicos. Estos emergen con diferentes alcances (locales, nacionales, regionales y globales) y contenidos (cívico y político) en Tambogrande (2001-2003) y Bagua (2007- 2009); donde los públicos débiles y sus aliados superando obstáculos hacen eco en autoridades, redes internacionales y audiencias. En tensión con la politica de apertura a las empresas extractivas que no toma en cuenta a las poblaciones locales, ocurre que ellas se autorepresentan defendiendo sus territorios y modos de vida. En Tambogrande bajo la alianza pro agro de campesinos y ciudadanos piuranos que identifican a la minería como politica limeña. En Bagua los indígenas impactan nacional y globalmente conectando con ciudadanos diversos que los incorporan en sus imaginarios, reconociendo su vínculo cultural con el territorio. Siendo reacio a las consultas, el Estado no actúa monoliticamente habiendo en su interior posturas a favor. Luego de la consulta popular en Tambogrande el gobierno cancela su sustento legal y en Bagua se promulga la ley de consulta previa, pero al aplicarse administrativamente se facilita la instalación de las empresas extractivas, quedando pendiente el reconocimiento de los indígenas amazónicos como minorías con derechos colectivos, según el convenio 169 OIT.
Tesis

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Rudelle, Marilyne. "« Carte blanche » et « lignes jaunes » : les humoristes d’actualité en travailleurs de la critique." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BORD0089.

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Cette thèse étudie comment la critique humoristique de l'actualité dans les médiasaudiovisuels de masse français est devenue un genre médiatique à part entière. Le travail« sérieux », « invisible », aux finalités « visibles », parfois surexposées, des « humoristesd'actualité », s'inspirant de la tradition des bouffons d'antan, revisite quotidiennement lesmises en récit journalistiques en les décalant, par « déboîtement ». Le croisement de troisspécialités sociologiques (des médias, du travail et de la critique), le recours à des entretienssemi-directifs (n=43) et à des corpus médiatiques conséquents (presse écrite et séquencesaudiovisuelles) permettent de décrire des trajectoires, des statuts, des savoirs-faire et des rôlesconstitutifs d'une expérience artistique et professionnelle. En interaction avec leurs deuxprincipales sources d'inspiration (professionnels de la politique et journalistes), les humoristesd'actualité produisent une critique réflexive, contestataire ou dénonciatrice. Cette critiquespécifique, méthode de dévoilement aux règles implicites et explicites, constitue une « carteblanche » pour aller le plus loin possible, malgré les risques (pressions, licenciements, procès,etc.), les polémiques régulières, les tentatives de construction de « lignes jaunes »(philosophique, politique, journalistique), et les controverses à la visibilité parfois maximale(affaire Strauss-Kahn), qui pèsent plus ou moins sur la définition des normes du travail(censure, autocensure, etc.). L'imagination créatrice des humoristes d'actualité participepleinement du processus de « publicisation critique » de la démocratie, et teste son idéal deliberté d'expression
This thesis explores how the news humorous critic in the French audiovisual mass media hasbecome a media genre in its own right. The "serious", "invisible" work, made for "visible"ends, sometimes overexposed, of these "news humorists" who are inspired by the tradition ofjesters of old, regularly revisits journalistic narratives, and shifting them by "pulling-out"(déboîtement). The crossing of three sociological literatures (media, work and criticism),semi-structured interviews (n = 43) and a substantial media corpus (print media andaudiovisual sequences) allows us to describe the trajectories, statutes, know-how andconstituent roles of an artistic and professional experience. Interacting with their two mainsources of inspiration (elected officials and journalists), news humorists are producing a criticthat can be reflexive, protestive or reprobative. This specific critic, unveiling method, withimplicit and explicit rules, constitutes a "carte blanche" to go as far as possible, despite therisks (pressures, layoffs, lawsuits, etc.), regular polemics, attempts to set "yellow lines"(philosophical, political, journalistic), and controversies with high visibility (the Strauss-Kahncase), all of this weighing more or less on the definition of work standards (censorship, selfcensorship,etc.). The creative imagination of news humorists then fully participates in theprocess of "critical publicisation" of democracy, and tests its ideal of freedom of expression

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35

Freitas, Ana Luísa Teixeira de. "Análise da eficiência dos deputados da Assembleia da República." Master's thesis, Universidade de Aveiro, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10773/13886.

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Mestrado em Economia
crise vivida atualmente em Portugal tem gerado um descontentamento e perda de confiança por parte dos cidadãos. Esta realidade, leva a questionar a eficiência dos órgãos políticos assim como os seus atores, nomeadamente, os deputados. A avaliação do desempenho é um instrumento indispensável para as organizações melhorarem a produtividade e a eficiência nas tomadas de decisões. É nesta temática que se insere o presente estudo, que visa avaliar a performance dos deputados da Assembleia da República, através do Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA). O DEA, uma técnica não paramétrica muito popular para a avaliação da eficiência, é utilizada, em primeira análise, para medir o desempenho de 226 deputados da Assembleia da República durante o ano de 2012. A abordagem considerada neste estudo adota dois outputs (intervenções e esclarecimentos) e quatro inputs (anos de escolaridade, presenças, comissões e mandatos). Foi assumido o modelo para a maximização dos outputs. Devido ao facto de cada partido ter um número de deputados bastante diferente, refletiu-se no comportamento dos mesmos. Conclui-se que os partidos com menor número de deputados na Assembleia da República são os mais eficientes.
The current crisis experienced in Portugal has generated discontent, electoral instability and loss of confidence by citizens. This fact leads to question the efficiency of the political bodies as well as their stakeholders, including parliamentarians. Benchmarking is essential for organizations to improve productivity and efficiency in decision making before a democracy. It is this theme that fits the present study, we aimed to evaluate the performance of Members of Parliament through Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA). The DEA, a very popular non-parametric technique for the evaluation of efficiency used in the first instance, to measure the performance of 226 deputies of the Assembly of the Republic during the year of 2012. Approach considered in this study adopts two outputs (interventions and clarifications) and four inputs (years of schooling, attendance, fees and mandates) .The model assumed was for maximizing the outputs. Because each party has a number of different deputies, was reflected in their behavior. It follows that parties with less dispersion in Parliament are the most efficient.

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Landau, Gallaye-Joachim. "Les impacts de la démocratisation sur un secteur culturel : le cinéma sud-africain post-apartheid." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012BOR40020/document.

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Cette thèse met en avant, d’une part, les bouleversements qui parcourent le secteur cinématographique en Afrique du Sud depuis 1994 : volontés d’autonomie esthétique et économique, recherches de voix authentiques, formation d’une nouvelle famille de cinéastes.D’autre part, cette recherche révèle le rôle de l’État Sud-Africain dans la définition de la fonction du cinéma au sein de la démocratie contemporaine : Organes spécialisés de l’État, politiques publiques, idéologies, relations avec les professionnels du secteur
This thesis highlights on one hand, changes that run through the film industry in South Africa since 1994 : wills of aesthetic autonomy and economic, research of authentic voices, growth of a new family of filmmakers. Moreover, this research reveals the role of government in the South African definition of the function of cinema in the contemporary democracy: specialized organs of the State, public policies, ideologies, relationships with industry professionals

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37

Fraser, Henry. "Copyright and culture : a qualitative theory." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cd4e645a-7e45-4309-bc68-e115e1fa306d.

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Copyright is conventionally justified as an incentive to produce and disseminate works of authorship. We can justify and theorise copyright more richly, not least because empirical evidence does not support the incentive narrative. Rather than focussing on quantitative matters such as the number of works incentivised and produced, we should consider copyright's qualitative influence on culture. A threshold objection to such an approach is the risk of cultural paternalism. This objection can be overcome. Rather than specifying paternalistic standards of merit for works, we can target the conditions under which their creation and consumption takes place. I argue, firstly, that we should adopt the following high-level principles: (i) that the conditions of creation and consumption of works should be conducive to democratic deliberation (democracy) and (ii) that they should facilitate the development of human capabilities (autonomy). Secondly, I propose that we pursue three mid-level objectives, which are helpful indicia of democracy and autonomy: - a fair and wide distribution of communicative and cultural power (inclusiveness); - diversity in the content and perspectives available to the public (diversity); and - conditions that permit authors and users of works to engage rigorously with the conventions of the media in which they operate (rigour). It is often said that copyright obstructs important qualitative objectives, like freedom of expression, and that we could better pursue these goals by weakening copyright and relying on non-proprietary alternatives. My approach produces a more optimistic, but also more complicated, view of copyright. While copyright's qualitative influence is not optimal, reductions in the strength and scope of copyright sometimes produces conditions and incentive structures that are worse for inclusiveness, diversity and rigour than stronger copyright. For example, both attention and wealth are highly concentrated in networked information economies driven by free sharing of content, and this is bad for diversity or inclusiveness. Online business models, based on surveillance of users' consumption of free works, are corrosive of autonomy and democracy. Merely removing copyright-based restrictions on the sharing of works is not a panacea for copyright's ills. A qualitative theory such as mine equips us to better understand and calibrate more richly the trade-offs involved in copyright policy decisions, and encourages us to treat copyright as part of a broader, qualitatively-oriented information and cultural policy.

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38

Kernani, Samir. "Risques psychosociaux & démocratie organisationnelle : un observatoire pour l'Algérie." Thesis, Paris, CNAM, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016CNAM1070/document.

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Ces dernières années, l'Algérie a amorcé un plan national ambitieux en matière de construction de logements tous types confondus. À titre d'exemple, 1,6 millions de logements sont inscrits pour réalisation dans le programme quinquennal 2015-2019. Néanmoins, et en raison du manque de main d'œuvre qualifiée, les entreprises chargées de construire ces logements ont fait appel à une main d'œuvre venue de l'étranger : la Chine, le Japon, l'Espagne, l'Égypte, etc. Devant cette situation, il a été constaté que le secteur du BTP algérien représente actuellement environ le tiers des accidents du travail et des maladies professionnelles à l'échelle nationale. Cependant, aucune indication n'est fournie sur la question de l'émergence des risques psychosociaux dus à l'organisation du travail de cette filière globalisée avec importation de mains d’œuvre. C'est la raison pour laquelle une réflexion a été initiée en ce sens, dont la réalisation d'une thèse de doctorat en France sur ces questions. Cette thèse consiste donc à acquérir les théories sur les risques psychosociaux et celles des organisations. Pour ce faire, j’ai volontairement mis l'accent sur l'historique de ces risques en Europe et surtout en France, sur la mise en agenda de l'émergence des RPS, particulièrement via l'affaire des suicides et tentatives de suicide chez France Télécom fortement médiatisée et relayée syndicalement. Pour creuser sur cette question, nous avons posé deux hypothèses d'aggravation des RPS. En premier lieu, les RPS s'aggraveraient par déséquilibre entre régulation de contrôle (managériale) trop élevée, et régulation autonome (par les employés qui organisent leur activité de la façon qui semble la mieux indiquée) en référence à la théorie de J.D. Reynaud. En deuxième lieu, les RPS s'aggraveraient par déficit de démocratie organisationnelle de forme participative, ce qui complète la première hypothèse. Cela étant dit, nous soulignons que le chapitre que nous avons consacré à l'épistémologie (les six schèmes d'intelligibilité de J.M. Berthelot qui ont été repris, amendés et opérationnalisés par Pascale De Rozario dans le cadre de l'étude du phénomène du suicide) nous a permis de faire l'inventaire des théories dédiées aux RPS et de les évaluer au regard du modèle implicite (non dit) qu'elles portent sur les relations entre organisation et individu. Il faut également souligner que nous avons opté pour une approche constructiviste, objet du dernier chapitre de la thèse. En commençant d'abord par une approche « top-down » ; nous avons utilisée notre revue de littérature théorique (J.D. Reynaud, Marie-Hélène Bacqué, Yves Sintomer et autres auteurs) pour la confronter à une revue pratique et managériale de 4 observatoires (observatoires analysés au regard des contenus sur les RPS diffusés et des manières dont ils diffusent, interprètent, explicitent les rapports entre RPS, organisation et régulation managériale de l'activité) et puis nous avons suivi une approche « bottom-up ». Et c'est à ce moment-là que nous avons fait du constructivisme. Ce dernier chapitre représente notre proposition théorique, méthodologique et opérationnelle une fois de retour en Algérie pour amorcer une politique publique nationale de sensibilisation, de gestion et de prévention des RPS, notamment au travers la mise en œuvre d'un observatoire des RPS adapté au secteur du BTP
These last years, Algeria began an ambitious national plan on housing construction of all types. For example, 1,6 million homes are registered for realization under the five-year period 2015-2019. However and due to lack of skilled labor, companies in charge to build these homes used a workforce from abroad: China, Japan, Spain, Egypt, etc. In front of this situation, it was noticed that the sector of building and public works currently represents about a third of occupational accidents and professional diseases at national scale. However, no indication is provided on the question of emergence of psychosocial risks due to the organization of work. This is why a study was initiated in this direction, of whom the realization of a doctoral thesis in France. This thesis thus consists in acquiring theories on psychosocial risks and those of organizations. To do this, it was necessary in particular to put the accent on history of these risks in Europe and especially in France, the agenda setting on the emergence of psychosocial risks, particularly via the case of suicides and suicide attempts at France Télécom. In this wake and dig on this question, we put two hypotheses of worsening of psychosocial risks. Firstly, psychosocial risks aggravate by imbalance between regulation of control (managerial) too high, and autonomous regulation (by workers who organize their activity of the way which seems the best indicated) in reference to the theory of J.D. Reynaud. In the second place, psychosocial risks aggravate by deficit of organizational democracy of participative form, which joins and completes the first hypothesis. That being said, we indicate that the chapter that we devoted to epistemology (six schemes of intelligibility of J.M. Berthelot, which were taken, amended and operationalized by Pascale De Rozario within the framework of the study of the phenomenon of suicide) allowed us to make the inventory of theories dedicated to psychosocial risks and to evaluate them taking into consideration model which they carry on the relation between organization and individual.It should also be noted that we opted for a constructivist approach, object of the last chapter of the thesis. While starting initially with a top-down approach; we took our review of theoretical literature (J.D. Reynaud, Marie-Hélène Bacqué, Yves Sintomer and others authors) and we confronted it with a practical and managerial review of 4 observatories (observatories analyzed with regard to the contents on diffused psychosocial risks and in the manners of which they diffuse, interpret, clarify the reports between psychosocial risks, organization and managerial regulation of the activity) and then we followed a bottom-up approach. And It's at this moment there that we made constructivism. This last chapter represents our theoretical, methodological and operational proposal once return in Algeria to initiate a national public policy of sensitizing, management and prevention of psychosocial risks, in particular with through the implementation of an observatory of psychosocial risks adapted to the sector of building and public works

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39

Marín, García Juan Antonio. "La gestión participativa en las grandes empresas industriales españolas: grado de uso, resultados obtenidos y comparación internacional." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Politècnica de València, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10251/5845.

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Durante los últimos cincuenta años se ha publicado una gran cantidad de trabajos relacionados con el fenómeno de la participación. Asimismo, un buen número de empresas ha optado por poner en marcha procedimientos que facilitan la participación de los operarios. Hemos dedicado la primera parte de nuestro trabajo a presentar la terminología que vamos a utilizar en esta tesis e identificar los procedimientos más habituales en las empresas. Empezamos por aquellos que permiten a los operarios influir en las decisiones, en este grupo aparecen programas relacionados tanto con la gestión participativa como a la democracia industrial o al cooperativismo. Posteriormente, exponemos las alternativas para llevar a cabo la participación económica, diferenciando las que están relacionadas con el capital y las que se asocian al valor añadido. Asimismo, hacemos una estimación del grado de uso de estos procedimientos. En el capítulo con el que cerramos nuestro trabajo de revisión teórica, nos dedicamos a identificar qué resultados se pueden obtener con la intervención de los operarios en la toma de decisiones. En la parte dedicada al análisis de los datos obtenidos en nuestro trabajo de campo, empezamos describiendo los programas de participación que utilizan las empresas españolas. Después, exponemos los resultados que se obtienen al ponerlos en marcha. Para ello, empleamos medidas subjetivas y medidas objetivas. En el siguiente apartado, resumimos los datos sobre la tendencia que presenta la participación de cara al futuro y el tipo de transformaciones internas que tienen lugar cuando se utiliza. Una vez completado lo anterior, nos ocupamos de comprobar la relación que existe entre los programas de participación y determinadas características de la empresa, con el objetivo de identificar las situaciones en las que es más probable encontrar empresas participativas. Por último, compararemos la situación española con la de las grandes empresas estadounidenses.
Marín García, JA. (2001). La gestión participativa en las grandes empresas industriales españolas: grado de uso, resultados obtenidos y comparación internacional [Tesis doctoral no publicada]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/5845
Palancia

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40

Kinuthia, Wanyee. "“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of Canada." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/30170.

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This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.

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41

Mahoney, J. T. "Industrial democracy and employee participation in Australia /." 1987. http://adt.lib.utas.edu.au/public/adt-TU20051012.112200.

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42

Mahony, JT. "Industrial democracy and employee participation in Australia." Thesis, 1988. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/216/1/01Front.pdf.

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This paper on industrial democracy and employee participation aims at reaching a conclusion on the likely future of these concepts in this country over say, the next decade. An integral part of this aim will be some observations on what might be the most appropriate form(s) which will serve the wide-ranging interests of the protagonists and what strategy options might be available to encourage and facilitate an expansion of participative practices. The approach adopted relies on a search of the extant literature including research findings and reviews, theoretical analyses, documented experiences and comments and observations by a wide range of writers on the subject. From these sources a background of historical and current expectations, attitudes and activities is built up to provide the basis for the conclusions which this paper aims to make. Worker alienation in industry has been debated since Karl Marx wrote of the plight of workers under industrial capitalism. Alienation exists and can be identified when 'workers are unable to control their immediate work processes, to develop a sense of'purpose and function which connects their job to the overall organisation of production, to belong to integrated industrial communities and when they.fai1 to become involved in the activity of work as a mode of personal self-expression'.Alienation is characterised by powerlessness, meaninglessness, isolation and selfestrangement. The concept of alienation is still of importance throughout the world today and seems to be reduced significantly by the introduction of participative practices directly involving the worker. There is an impressive array of research findings which show consistently that satisfaction in work is enhanced by a genuine increase in workers' decision-making power. Since the days of the industrial revolution few ideas have persisted and been pursued from a multitude of directions as some form of democracy in the arena of industrial labour. Clearly, the concept is one of long standing and there are a number of compelling reasons why it should be addressed by contemporary society. In general, the case for industrial democracy and worker participation rests on a number of arguments which may be classified as the political, moral and economic arguments. The political argument relates to the need to extend democracy from the political to the industrial arena and this can be achieved by allowing workers to have a greater say in decision making at work. The moral argument is about the need to provide for the personal development and satisfaction of individual worker. The several tenets of democracy, viz., freedom of expression, access to information, participation and equality, must be the prerogative of everyone if we are to have a truly democratic society. These principles must extend into every facet of life, not least of all, the workplace. Efforts to improve the quality of worklife must be regarded as a social issue because it impacts on the lives of such a large proportion of the population. The moral argument is of such fundamental importance and has such far reaching implications for society that the case for industrial democracy and participation conceivably could be justified on this ground alone. Finally, the economic argument relates to the belief that participation will improve productivity and industrial relations. One of the prime reasons advanced is that participation fosters a more cooperative attitude between workers and management which raises productivity by reducing industrial stoppages. It can be argued that this concept of using participation to improve productivity looks upon the worker as a special kind of factor of production and whose special characteristics must be taken into account if effectiveness is to be maximised. This contrasts with the view that democracy is a right of the worker. The continuing debate suggests that there are some basic human problems of industrial organisation for which various concepts of industrial democracy and participation are seen as possible solutions. In essence, the debate indicates that the fundamental concerns relate to the sharing of power between workers and management; effective co-operation between all members of an enterprise in the interests of efficiency and effectiveness and/or industrial harmony; and the personal fulfillment of the members of the enterprise. There is adequate justification for the debate to be continued and intensified in this country. Certainly, in recent years there has been renewed interest in the subject brought about largely by the need for improved competitiveness and efficiency and by the demands of a better educated and organised workforce for greater involvement in those aspects which impact upon their worklife. The relevance of this paper is thus will established. The subject is approached by firstly examining in Chapter 2 definitions, forms and levels of implementation of participation. Understanding the concepts involved is of greater importance than lengthy definitional debates but clarification of the meanings of the terms 'industrial democracy' and 'employee participation' does facilitate further discussion. Along with these considerations the chapter also examines the primary forms of participation and whether there is any relationship between the form of participation practised and the level within the enterprise at which this occurs. Chapter 3 analyses three models of participation in use in development, implementation and effectiveness of such schemes and to ascertain what lessons these hold for the development of participatory schemes in Australia. Three European schemes have been selected, viz., joint consultation, co-determination and worker management, as they represent quite a broad spectrum of participatory processes. Contemporary Australian developments are examined in Chapter 4 to determine the form, content and thrust of the activities undertaken, the current state of progress including the attitudes of the principal parties and whether there has been any shift in direction and/or emphasis since the early 1970's.. Chapter 5 then provides information about specific Australian experiences with the European models of participation dealt with in Chapter 3 together with the effectiveness of these models in the Australian industrial environment. It seems that the way ahead in Australia will be predicated on the basis of factors such as the attitudes and actions of governments, employers and unions; the experiences of the last decade or so and the barriers to an expansion of democracy in the workplace. Chapter 6 examines these factors to determine the likely future of the democratisation of work and the strategy options available to encourage and facilitate an expansion of participatory practices.

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43

Mahony, JT. "Industrial democracy and employee participation in Australia." 1988. http://eprints.utas.edu.au/216.

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This paper on industrial democracy and employee participation aims at reaching a conclusion on the likely future of these concepts in this country over say, the next decade. An integral part of this aim will be some observations on what might be the most appropriate form(s) which will serve the wide-ranging interests of the protagonists and what strategy options might be available to encourage and facilitate an expansion of participative practices. The approach adopted relies on a search of the extant literature including research findings and reviews, theoretical analyses, documented experiences and comments and observations by a wide range of writers on the subject. From these sources a background of historical and current expectations, attitudes and activities is built up to provide the basis for the conclusions which this paper aims to make. Worker alienation in industry has been debated since Karl Marx wrote of the plight of workers under industrial capitalism. Alienation exists and can be identified when 'workers are unable to control their immediate work processes, to develop a sense of'purpose and function which connects their job to the overall organisation of production, to belong to integrated industrial communities and when they.fai1 to become involved in the activity of work as a mode of personal self-expression'.Alienation is characterised by powerlessness, meaninglessness, isolation and selfestrangement. The concept of alienation is still of importance throughout the world today and seems to be reduced significantly by the introduction of participative practices directly involving the worker. There is an impressive array of research findings which show consistently that satisfaction in work is enhanced by a genuine increase in workers' decision-making power. Since the days of the industrial revolution few ideas have persisted and been pursued from a multitude of directions as some form of democracy in the arena of industrial labour. Clearly, the concept is one of long standing and there are a number of compelling reasons why it should be addressed by contemporary society. In general, the case for industrial democracy and worker participation rests on a number of arguments which may be classified as the political, moral and economic arguments. The political argument relates to the need to extend democracy from the political to the industrial arena and this can be achieved by allowing workers to have a greater say in decision making at work. The moral argument is about the need to provide for the personal development and satisfaction of individual worker. The several tenets of democracy, viz., freedom of expression, access to information, participation and equality, must be the prerogative of everyone if we are to have a truly democratic society. These principles must extend into every facet of life, not least of all, the workplace. Efforts to improve the quality of worklife must be regarded as a social issue because it impacts on the lives of such a large proportion of the population. The moral argument is of such fundamental importance and has such far reaching implications for society that the case for industrial democracy and participation conceivably could be justified on this ground alone. Finally, the economic argument relates to the belief that participation will improve productivity and industrial relations. One of the prime reasons advanced is that participation fosters a more cooperative attitude between workers and management which raises productivity by reducing industrial stoppages. It can be argued that this concept of using participation to improve productivity looks upon the worker as a special kind of factor of production and whose special characteristics must be taken into account if effectiveness is to be maximised. This contrasts with the view that democracy is a right of the worker. The continuing debate suggests that there are some basic human problems of industrial organisation for which various concepts of industrial democracy and participation are seen as possible solutions. In essence, the debate indicates that the fundamental concerns relate to the sharing of power between workers and management; effective co-operation between all members of an enterprise in the interests of efficiency and effectiveness and/or industrial harmony; and the personal fulfillment of the members of the enterprise. There is adequate justification for the debate to be continued and intensified in this country. Certainly, in recent years there has been renewed interest in the subject brought about largely by the need for improved competitiveness and efficiency and by the demands of a better educated and organised workforce for greater involvement in those aspects which impact upon their worklife. The relevance of this paper is thus will established. The subject is approached by firstly examining in Chapter 2 definitions, forms and levels of implementation of participation. Understanding the concepts involved is of greater importance than lengthy definitional debates but clarification of the meanings of the terms 'industrial democracy' and 'employee participation' does facilitate further discussion. Along with these considerations the chapter also examines the primary forms of participation and whether there is any relationship between the form of participation practised and the level within the enterprise at which this occurs. Chapter 3 analyses three models of participation in use in development, implementation and effectiveness of such schemes and to ascertain what lessons these hold for the development of participatory schemes in Australia. Three European schemes have been selected, viz., joint consultation, co-determination and worker management, as they represent quite a broad spectrum of participatory processes. Contemporary Australian developments are examined in Chapter 4 to determine the form, content and thrust of the activities undertaken, the current state of progress including the attitudes of the principal parties and whether there has been any shift in direction and/or emphasis since the early 1970's.. Chapter 5 then provides information about specific Australian experiences with the European models of participation dealt with in Chapter 3 together with the effectiveness of these models in the Australian industrial environment. It seems that the way ahead in Australia will be predicated on the basis of factors such as the attitudes and actions of governments, employers and unions; the experiences of the last decade or so and the barriers to an expansion of democracy in the workplace. Chapter 6 examines these factors to determine the likely future of the democratisation of work and the strategy options available to encourage and facilitate an expansion of participatory practices.

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44

Fish, Karen. "Union educational strategies for employment and industrial democracy." Thesis, 1985. http://spectrum.library.concordia.ca/5492/1/ML23129.pdf.

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45

Meekers, Lisa. "The need for workplace democracy within the context of South Africa's developing political democracy." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/6325.

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This research undertakes a theoretical investigation of concepts related to industrial democracy and examines the need for workplace democracy within South Africa's dynamic contemporary context. It looks at the history of labour relations in South Africa as well as current labour relations and new legalisation in order to identify relevant change that has occurred that may facilitate the realisation of a democratic working environment. Labour relations in South Africa have always been conflictual and currently, during South Africa's transition to democracy, they continue to pose many challenges. This dissertation examines these challenges and investigates ways and means of achieving successful and sustainable transformation within the workplace that reflects the broader ideals of an improved quality of life anticipated by a political democracy.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1998.

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46

Chou, Yi-Ying, and 周怡瑛. "Industrial Democracy and Its Prospect in Taiwan: A Corporate Governance Perspective." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/9u9wdw.

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碩士
國立臺灣大學
財務金融學研究所
105
From a stakeholder theory point of view, every company needs to corporate with a wide range of partners in order to create value. During the process of sustainable value creation, the degree of trust between company and stakeholders plays an indispensable role. On the one hand, workers view the company as trustworthy when two-way information-sharing channels are in place. It is a mutually beneficial arrangement where workers will be able to voice their concerns and have first-hand operational knowledge conveyed to the core of decision-making process. On the other hand, industrial democracy strengthens internal controls due to workers’ relatively longer commitment to the company. Currently in Taiwan, the said mechanism exists mainly in companies that are or were state-owned. In light of its potential benefits and case studies on German industrial democracy, this article concludes: (a) Taiwanese government should have a laser focus on certain types of companies that industrial democracy can be most advantageous to, (b) companies should provide comprehensive trainings for labor representatives, and (c) unions should have employee directors elected directly by employees and put clear segregation of duties in place, both of which avoid intents of industrial democracy being compromised.

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47

Lin, Jhong-Yi, and 林忠毅. "Risk Communication and Environmental Democracy—The Case of Yi-lan Science Industrial Park." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/91985374230637434066.

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碩士
世新大學
行政管理學研究所(含博、碩專班)
95
Science industrial park can bring bloom and development, but the environmental risk also brings the secret worries to people. Today, risk conscious rises, to build a two- way risk communication will be the solution of the representation due to environmental risk policy. In addition, the environment democracy emphasized that when government formulation environment policy, lets the stakeholders participate in the decision-making process formulation as far as possible. Because of the idea conforms to the deliberative democratic stream, perhaps this consensus conference may treat as a risk communication tool which possesses the spirit of consultative democracy. In view of government officials, experts, as well as community representatives to explore the patterns of risk communication and the role of consensus conference by interviews. The interviews also helps find the reason of risk communication failure and to draw up solutions. The research findings show that the causes of risk communication failure are the unsuited channels of government, backward risk message of government; lacked for dissemination and regardless of conclusion cause the consensus conference did not work in risk communication. To solve above problems, it is suggested to advance parti-colored communication channels, in sure communication targets and subjects, bring message to light as soon as possible, co-optation opinions of local people, building a institutional channel for risk communication; it possibly becomes the risk communication tool which full of environmental democracy if consensus conference could reinforce it’s representatives of citizen panel, legal force of conclusion report.

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48

Gall, Gregor. "Statutory Union Recognition Provisions as Stimulants to Employer Anti-Unionism in Three Anglo-Saxon Countries." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5979.

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No
This article examines why employer opposition is stimulated by the introduction of statutory union recognition provisions in Britain, Ireland and the US. It examines the impact of the provisions for encouraging union organizing, which in turn stimulates employer anti-unionism, which then negates the intention of the provisions.

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49

Wilson, Carol Marie. "The arsenal of democracy drops a stitch : WWII industrial mobilization and the Real Silk Hosiery Mills of Indianapolis, Indiana." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4664.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
Conventional interpretations of WWII hold that the war brought the United States out of the Great Depression and laid the path for future economic prosperity. However, this was not the case for all businesses and industries. During WWII, unprecedented production output was required of U.S. industries to supply the great “Arsenal of Democracy.” Industrial mobilization required the creation of new agencies and commissions to manage the nation’s resources. These organizations created policies that deeply impacted U.S. industries involved in war production. Policies governing such areas as the allocation of raw materials, transportation of finished goods, and distribution of war contracts created challenges for businesses that often resulted in lost productivity and in some cases, loss of profitability. Government regulation of the labor force and labor problems such as labor shortages, high absenteeism and turnover rates, and labor disputes presented further challenges for businesses navigating the wartime economy. Most studies of WWII industrial mobilization have focused on large corporations in high priority industries, such as the aircraft, petroleum, or steel industries, which achieved great success during the war. This thesis presents a case study of The Real Silk Hosiery Mills of Indianapolis, Indiana, a company that is representative of small and mid-sized companies that produced lower priority goods. The study demonstrates that the policies created by the military and civilian wartime agencies favored large corporations and had a negative affect on some businesses like Real Silk. As such,the economic boost associated with the war did not occur across the board.

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50

Thering, Timothy B. "Government of the workers, by the workers, for the workers the Columbia Conserve Company and experiment in industrial democracy, 1917-1935 /." 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/29003658.html.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1993.
Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 144-151).

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Industrial democracy'

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