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Journal articles on the topic 'Infinitival construction'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2025

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1

Speyer, Augustin. "AcI and control infinitives: How different are they?" Journal of Historical Linguistics 5, no. 1 (2015): 41–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhl.5.1.02spe.

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In German, there are two infinitive constructions for complement infinitives, the accusativus cum infinitivo (AcI) and the object control infinitive construction (OCIC). Both constructions have nearly identical structures, where the logical subject of the infinitive is a distinct constituent from the rest of the infinitival clause, although in Modern German they show differences in form: the AcI is coherent and governs the bare infinitive, while the OCIC is incoherent and governs the zu-infinitive. It can be shown that these differences only developed over time and are reflexes of semantic dif

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2

Rys, Kathy, and Albert Oosterhof. "Fragment answers with infinitives in a Flemish dialect." Linguistics in the Netherlands 33 (December 14, 2016): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/avt.33.07rys.

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Abstract This paper is devoted to a construction in a specific Flemish dialect, in which infinitives are used in fragment answers in contexts where this would be unacceptable in other varieties. Questions such as Waar is mijn boek? ‘Where is my book?’ can be answered with constructions such as Op tafel liggen ‘lay.INF on the table’. We apply an analysis in terms of ellipsis to these infinitival constructions. However, we find fragment answers with infinitives in contexts where the assumption of ellipsis is problematic, since there is no plausible underlying structure available. We show that th

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3

Bylinina, Lisa. "Degree Infinitival Clauses." Semantics and Linguistic Theory 23 (August 24, 2013): 394. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/salt.v23i0.2660.

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I discuss the structure and semantic composition of the so-called "Attributive-with-Infinitive" construction -- a construction that contains a positive gradable adjective in the attributive position, and a gapped infinitival clause. Studying the way the adjective combines with the infinitival clause will suggest a new type of an infinitival clause -- a degree interval-denoting one. The analysis will have consequences for the nature of a positive morpheme.

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Lemish, Nataliya Ye, Yuliia V. Kravtsova, and Tetiana S. Tolcheyeva. "ENGLISH PREDICATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS: STRUCTURE AND TYPES." Scientific Journal of National Pedagogical Dragomanov University. Series 9. Current Trends in Language Development, no. 23 (July 17, 2022): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31392/npu-nc.series9.2022.23.03.

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This paper deals with the typology of predicative constructions in the English language based on their structure. It provides a theoretical overview of the existing standpoints as for the above mentioned language phenomenon, specifying the structure of the English predicative constructions, and determining their types. Any predicative construction consists of two parts – nominal + verbal. Between the two parts of the predicative construction there is a secondary predicative relation, i.e. the relation similar to that as the subject and the predicate have. The predicative construction may be us

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Gentens, Caroline, and Juhani Rudanko. "The Great Complement Shift and the role of understood subjects: The case of fearful." Folia Linguistica 53, no. 1 (2019): 51–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flin-2019-2004.

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Abstract This article reports on a corpus-based study of diachronic change and constructional competition in the system of English complementation, with a focus on variation in non-finite complements of the adjective fearful. Fearful occurs with prepositional (of -ing) subject-controlled gerunds and with to-infinitives, which can further be distinguished into subject extraposition, subject control, and tough-constructions. Recent decades show a drastic decline of the to-infinitival patterns, concomitant to the loss of one of the senses of fearful. We examine the diachronic distribution and com

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6

Mikulskas, Rolandas. "Sisteminis požiūris į lietuvių kalbos inceptyvines konstrukcijas su bendratimi." Lietuvių kalba 18 (December 21, 2023): 27–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lk.2023.18.3.

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The article deals with inceptive constructions in Lithuanian in a systemic way. In the article a thorough overview of eighteen Lithuanian verbs taking infinitives as their complements is given. They are (given in the preterital form): pradėjo, ėmė (‘started’; ‘began’); puolė, šoko, metėsi (orig. ‘rushed at, to’; ‘jum- ped forward’); suskato, suskubo, sukruto, subruzdo, sujudo (orig. ‘stirred’; ‘moved’; ‘bustled up’); prapliupo, pratrūko (orig. ‘burst’; ‘broke open’; ‘gushed’; ‘spouted’), pasiuto and (synonymous with it) pašėlo (orig. ‘went mad’; ‘got furious’); leidosi, pasileido (orig. ‘let,

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Przepiórkowski, Adam, and Agnieszka Patejuk. "Predicative Adverbs and Adjectives with Infinitival Subjects. A Corpus Investigation." Studies in Polish Linguistics 15, no. 3 (2020): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.20.006.12978.

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The aim of this paper is to compare two Polish predicative constructions with infinitival subjects, namely those with predicative adverbs and those with predicative adjectives. The latter construction, of the form “predicative adjective + copula + infinitival subject”, has hardly been noticed in Polish literature on predication, copulas, or infinitival subjects. On the basis of corpus data, mainly from the National Corpus of Polish, we demonstrate that this construction is much rarer than the analogous construction with predicative adverbs. We also show that roughly the same predicates may be

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Grimm, Scott. "empirical view on raising to subject." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 52 (January 1, 2010): 83–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.52.2010.384.

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This paper employs empirical methods to examine verbs such as seem, for which the traditional raising to subject analysis relates pairs of sentences which differ by taking an infinitival or sentential complement. A corpus-driven investigation of the verbs seem and appear demonstrates that information structure and evidentiality both play a determinate role in the choice between infinitival or sentential complementation. The second half of the paper builds upon the corpus results and examines the implications for the standard claims concerning these constructions. First, pairs of sentences rela

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9

Andrade, Aroldo Leal de. "Construções causativas no português antigo e clássico: O scrambling e a emergência da marcação de caso excepcional." Revista de Estudos da Linguagem 23, no. 1 (2015): 7–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2237-2083.23.1.7-58.

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Resumo: Este texto tem um duplo objetivo: apresentar um quadro da variação e mudança envolvendo diferentes construções causativas no português antigo e clássico, a partir de um estudo baseado em corpus; e apresentar uma análise para a emergência da construção de marcação de caso excepcional no complemento de verbos causativos. Proponho, num quadro minimalista, que o licenciamento do causado na posição entre os verbos causativo e infinitivo surge a partir da reanálise de uma posição A’ na periferia do sintagma infinitivo, resultante de uma operação de scrambling. Até o final do português antigo

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VanDyne, Katie, and Jonathan E. MacDonald. "Control in Romanian and Se constructions." Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics 10, no. 2 (2024): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.260.

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In this paper, we account for different patterns found in complement clauses of se constructions in Romanian and Spanish. In Romanian, a se construction cannot host an infinitival complement, an apparently controlled clause, whereas in Spanish a se construction can. However, when an additional se is added to the complement clause (a “double se construction”), the Romanian structure becomes grammatical, while the Spanish equivalent becomes ungrammatical. The Romanian patterns have been previously argued in Giurgea & Cotfas (2021) to be cases of control, with a failed agreement relation forc

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11

Tsedryk, Egor. "Infinitival clauses with dative subjects: goal-oriented directedness in space and time." Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics 59, no. 4 (2023): 757–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2022-1066.

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Abstract Infinitival clauses are known to represent a caseless domain for the subject. Nevertheless, Russian is often cited as an exception to this property. It has a so-called “dative-infinitive construction” (DIC), in which an overt subject appears in dative case. Dative morphology also appears in certain control environments, resurfacing on a semi-predicate, which has been taken as evidence of case presence on PRO. This paper scrutinizes various types of DIC and proposes their unified analysis, relying on two theoretical tools: the framework of Distributed Morphology and the Universal Spine

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Danylenko, Andrii. "Do the parallels meet?" Belgian Journal of Linguistics 33 (December 31, 2019): 150–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bjl.00026.dan.

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Abstract The paper is concerned with the origin and the development of the Accusative with Infinitive (AcI) construction in Slavic. Looking into the areal-typological, diachronic, and socio-typological parameters of the AcI construction, the author introduces new Slavic dialectal and comparative material and reconstructs the developmental cline of this construction along two parallel pathways of grammaticalization of the second accusative complement in Proto-Indo-European. The grammaticalization of infinitival complementation, typical primarily of those Slavic varieties which acquired secondar

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13

Hoekstra, Eric. "On the Origin and Development of an Embedded v-Initial Construction in Frisian." Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 77, no. 1-2 (2017): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-12340071.

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Frisian features an embedded v-First construction, which is semantically equivalent to an infinitival clause. The construction comes in two varieties. The coordinated variety involves a clause functioning as a second clause of a coordination in the scope of a modal verb. It used to feature an infinitival verb until it started to appear in the 18th century with (unambiguously) imperative verbs. The subordinated variety involves a clause functioning as a verbal argument. It developed out of the coordinated variety in the 18th century. The grammatical properties of both varieties of this construc

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14

Brown, Esther, and Javier Rivas. "Bringing Purported Black Sheep into the Fold: Galician Inflected Infinitives and Puerto Rican Spanish Pre-Verbal Infinitival Subject Pronouns." Languages 4, no. 2 (2019): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages4020040.

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This work reports the results of quantitative, variationist analyses of two typologically unusual constructions in order to explore the grammatical conditioning of subject expression in non-finite clauses. Both constructions, Galician inflected infinitives and (Puerto Rican) Spanish preposed, nominative infinitival subjects, have not been widely studied. As a result, variable expression/omission of subject marking in these constructions is not yet fully understood. Using corpora of oral data, we extract 732 examples of infinitives in purpose clauses (headed by para) and employ a logistic mixed

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15

WITTEK, ANGELIKA, and MICHAEL TOMASELLO. "German children's productivity with tense morphology: the Perfekt (present perfect)." Journal of Child Language 29, no. 3 (2002): 567–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000902005147.

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Two nonce-word studies examined German-speaking children's productivity with the Perfekt (present perfect) from 2;6 to 3;6. The German Perfekt consists of the past participle of the main verb and an inflected form of an auxiliary (either haben ‘have’ or sein ‘be’). In Study 1, nonce verbs were either introduced in the infinitival form, and children (seventy-two children, aged 2;6 to 3;6) were tested on their ability to produce the Perfekt, or introduced in the Perfekt, and children were tested on their ability to produce the infinitive. In Study 2 twenty-four children aged 3;6 were given the p

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16

FLEISHER, NICHOLAS. "Attributive adjectives, infinitival relatives, and the semantics of inappropriateness." Journal of Linguistics 47, no. 2 (2011): 341–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226710000393.

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I investigate the syntax and semantics of a previously unexamined English adjective construction, exemplified by sentences like Middlemarch is a long book to assign. The construction, which I call the nominal attributive-with-infinitive construction (nominal AIC), is of interest for the semantics of gradability and modality. I argue that the major interpretive characteristic of the nominal AIC – the interpretation of inappropriateness associated with it – arises from the interaction between the positive degree operator associated with the gradable adjective and the modality of the infinitival

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17

Sitaridou, Ioanna. "The Romeyka infinitive." Diachronica 31, no. 1 (2014): 23–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.31.1.02sit.

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One Pontic Greek variety, Romeyka of Of, Turkey, today preserves a robust infinitive usage. Comparing the current infinitival distribution in Romeyka with previous stages of Greek, I argue that: (a) the Romeyka infinitive has roots in Ancient Greek due to preservation of the construction prin “before” with infinitive, which remains extremely productive, but which did not survive in other varieties into early medieval times and is only found as a learned construction in ‘high’ registers of the Medieval Greek record; (b) neither the survival of the plain and personal infinitive, nor the emergenc

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DOUGLAS, JAMIE. "Control into infinitival relatives." English Language and Linguistics 23, no. 2 (2018): 469–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674318000011.

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This article focuses on a novel English construction involving control and infinitival relatives. Examples such as this is John's book to read have a head noun (book) modified by an infinitival relative clause (to read) and a prenominal possessor (John's). I argue that there is a control relation between the prenominal possessor and the PRO subject of the infinitival relative. I show that this control relation bears the structural hallmarks of obligatory control whilst at the same time permitting PRO to be interpreted as arbitrary. I discuss these empirical facts in the context of a syntactic,

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19

Duffley, Patrick J., and Jean-François Joubert. "The Gerund and the Infinitive with the Verbs intend, mean, propose and their Close Synonyms." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 44, no. 3 (1999): 251–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100017321.

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AbstractThis article investigates gerundive and infinitival constructions with the verbs intend, mean, propose and their close synonyms with respect to the abstract categories of “tense” and “control”. Concerning “tense”, the gerundive construction with these verbs constitutes counterevidence to the common claim that the -ing form denotes simultaneity or temporal overlap: the explanation proposed shows that the latter does not correspond to any of the usual aspectual categories found in the linguistic literature. With respect to “control”, an explanation is offered for the tighter constraints

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20

Melnikova, Anna. "Structural Ambiguities of Russian Dative Infinitival Constructions." Journal of Slavic Linguistics 30, no. 3 (2022): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2022.a923069.

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abstract: This paper addresses the issue of control and raising properties in Russian dative modal constructions with the overt modal element of obligation/necessity nužno 'need'. Using traditional syntactic tests to distinguish raising from control (Davies and Dubinsky 2008), I show that the subject of the lower clause under nužno can be either an overt DP (raising) or PRO controlled by the matrix subject, confirming the correlation between structural selection and interpretive possibilities. Similar to English ambiguous verbs (e.g., begin, threaten ), the modal element nužno can participate

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Ogata, Kozué. "L’analyse des constructions du verbe venir avec l’infinitif." Lingvisticæ Investigationes. International Journal of Linguistics and Language Resources 26, no. 2 (2004): 297–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.26.2.09oga.

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Summary The object of this paper is to explore the constructions of the French verb venir with a infinitival complement, through the analysis of a large corpus. We conclude that differences between verbs and auxiliaries are a matter of degree. Contrary to the cases of the movement verb venir (Table 2 in M. Gross, 1975, ex. Pierre est venu voir Marie), the subject, in some constructions of «venir + infinitive» is an inanimate noun. We propose to distinguish, among the constructions mentioned above, the aspectual use of venir (ex. Cet incident est venu compliquer encore la question). This use of

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SAG, IVAN A. "English relative clause constructions." Journal of Linguistics 33, no. 2 (1997): 431–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002222679700652x.

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This paper sketches a grammar of English relative clause constructions (including infinitival and reduced relatives) based on the notions of construction type and type constraints. Generalizations about dependency relations and clausal functions are factored into distinct dimensions contributing constraints to specific construction types in a multiple inheritance type hierarchy. The grammar presented here provides an account of extraction, pied piping and relative clause ‘stacking’ without appeal to transformational operations, transderivational competition, or invisible (‘empty’) categories o

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Wurmbrand, Susi. "Tense and Aspect in English Infinitives." Linguistic Inquiry 45, no. 3 (2014): 403–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00161.

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This article investigates the temporal and aspectual composition of infinitival complementation structures in English. I show that previous classifications of tense in infinitives are insufficient in that they do not cover the entire spectrum of infinitival constructions in English. Using the distribution of nongeneric, nonstative, episodic interpretations as a main characteristic, I show that infinitival constructions fall into three classes: future irrealis infinitives, which allow episodic interpretations with bare VPs; simultaneous infinitives that do not allow episodic interpretations; an

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Fiéis, Alexandra, and Ana Madeira. "Controlo e infinitivos flexionados em português L2." Revista da Associação Portuguesa de Linguística, no. 7 (November 30, 2020): 176–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.26334/2183-9077/rapln7ano2020a11.

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It is known that knowledge of the interpretative properties of the standard inflected infinitive develops late both in L1 and L2 acquisition, and that subject control with most verbs is acquired early in L1. In this study we focus on a context which has not been addressed so far, and investigate how the interpretation of the null subjects of inflected infinitival complements of subject control verbs develops in the interlanguage of Englishand Spanish-speaking learners of L2 European Portuguese. We applied a selection task to intermediate and advanced learners in order to understand whether the

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Füreder, Birgit, Dirk Köning, and Monika Messner. "Sind Sie noch bei der Arbeit oder schon am Arbeiten? Regionale Spielarten von Progressivität im Deutschen." Linguistik Online 117, no. 5 (2022): 63–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.13092/lo.117.9048.

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Progressivity in German can be expressed not only by lexical means but also by various periphrastic structures, e. g. the am-periphrasis, the prepositions bei and in combined with nominalized infinitives or the periphrastic infinitival construction with the auxiliary verb tun. However, the use of these structures can vary considerably from region to region, especially in oral communication, often also in connection with significant diastratic, diaphasic and diamesic variation. This paper investigates native speaker judgments of different progressive markers in German (i. e. am-periphrasis, bei

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You, Eunjung. "Phase Cancellation in Infinitival Clause of Spanish Control Verb Construction." Estudios Hispánicos 96 (September 30, 2020): 103–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21811/eh.96.103.

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Ziegeler, Debra. "Semantic determinism and the grammaticalisation of have to in English." Journal of Historical Pragmatics 11, no. 1 (2010): 32–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhp.11.1.02zie.

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The traditionally held view that grammaticalisation should be a semantically-motivated process (as discussed, for example, in Hopper and Traugott 2003: 75, summarising Bybee 1985; Bybee and Dahl 1989; Heine, Claudi and Hünnemeyer 1991; Heine et al. 1993; and Heine and Kuteva 2002) has not been without its critics. One particular area of study, so far for the most part unchallenged, is Fischer’s (1994, 1997, 2007) treatment of the grammaticalising periphrastic modal of obligation, have to, in English. She provides a syntactically-led grammaticalisation account in which it is believed that the

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28

Zhamaletdinova, Elmira. "The trajectory of the “Možno ja X?” construction: variation in speech acts of request in contemporary Russian." Russian Linguistics 46, no. 2 (2022): 133–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11185-022-09265-6.

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AbstractI explore the ongoing language change in which the impersonal modal word možno ‘can, be possible’ takes a personal clause (možno + nom) as its complement instead of the Experiencer in the Dative case (možno + dat) and the infinitival clause in the speech act of request in Contemporary Russian. The corpus-based evidence reveals that the construction možno + dat is gradually being replaced by možno + nom. I discuss various syntactic and pragmatic factors such as verb class, aspect, transitivity and politeness strategies that motivate the choice of a specific modal construction. Methods o

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29

Benedetti, Marina. "Ditransitive ‘teach’ and the status of the Theme “argument”(?)." Journal of Greek Linguistics 20, no. 2 (2020): 153–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02002003.

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Abstract This paper offers new insights into the much-debated topic of double accusatives, taking διδάσκειν as a case study. By focussing on the different syntactic and semantic properties of the two accusatives in expressions such as διδάσκω σε σωφροσύνην ‘I teach you moderation’, it is shown that the mere reference to distinct semantic roles (Recipient vs Theme) does not provide a satisfactory account of some crucial properties of these constructions. As emerges from textual evidence, the so-called “Theme” may alternate with an infinitival complement (e.g. διδάσκω σε σωφρονεῖν ‘I teach you (

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Zwart, C. Jan-Wouter. "Easy to (re)analyse." Linguistics in the Netherlands 29 (November 2, 2012): 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/avt.29.12zwa.

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Within minimalism, we may assume derivations to involve subderivations, connected by the interface components dealing with sound and meaning (layered derivations). If so, complex adjectival constructions involving predicates like tough/easy (as in John is easy to please) receive a natural account in terms of reanalysis taking place at these interface components, turning a complex adjectival construction into a simplex adjective which can be merged in predicative or attributive position in the next derivation layer. Arguments against reanalysis address earlier, more complicated conceptions of r

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Weisser, Philipp. "Implicational Complement Coordination and beyond: Towards a coherent theory of asymmetric coordination in German." Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft 38, no. 1 (2019): 81–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zfs-2019-0003.

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Abstract A certain class of predicates in German optionally allows for their complement clause to appear as coordinated with the matrix clause rather than embedded into it. This construction, which I will call Implicational Complement Coordination, exhibits all the hallmark properties of Asymmetric Coordination: Despite technically being in a conjunct position, the clause in question behaves like a subordinate clause with respect to asymmetric binding, asymmetric scope of negation and adverbs as well as asymmetric extraction. Based on the detailed description of the phenomenon by Reis (1993),

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Hoekstra, Jarich. "Beyond Do-Support and Tun-Periphrasis: The Case of Finite Verb Doubling in Karrharde North Frisian." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 28, no. 4 (2016): 317–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542716000155.

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All West Germanic languages possess periphrastic verb constructions in which a finite dummy auxiliary ‘do’ combines with an infinitival thematic verb (compare do-support in English and tun-periphrasis in German). In Frisian, periphrastic verb constructions are not very common. It is all the more surprising, therefore, to find a general periphrastic verb construction in Karrharde North Frisian that seems to go beyond the typology of these constructions in West Germanic to some extent: The construction is rather unconstrained, it features a mysterious dummy auxiliary wer- and, most strikingly, b

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Cavalcante, Silvia Regina De Oliveira. "Uso de se com infinitivo do português clássico ao português europeu e brasileiro modernos (The usage of se in infinitival clauses from Classical to European and Brazilian Portuguese)." Estudos da Língua(gem) 8, no. 1 (2010): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22481/el.v8i1.1115.

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Este artigo traz uma análise diacrônica das construções com SE e verbo no infinitivo associando-a a mudanças paramétricas que ocorreram ao longo da história do português: as mudanças na posição do sujeito e no tipo de SE. O fenômeno, que foi considerado típico de uma gramática brasileira, é na verdade uma construção da gramática do Português Clássico (séculos 16 e 17). As diferenças encontradas entre o comportamento do fenômeno no Português Clássico, Português Europeu (a partir do século 18) e Português Brasileiro (textos de autores brasileiros nascidos a partir do século 19) foram analisadas

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Мацелите, Виктория. "О природе и некоторых особеннocтях целевых конструкций с инфинитивом (на материале современного английского языка)". Kalbotyra 37, № 3 (1987): 95–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/knygotyra.1987.22201.

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The paper focuses on the problem of the semantic relations of purpose and cause in the infinitival construction expressing purpose and also on some peculiarities of their use with conjunctions. The data obtained suggest that the conjunction in order is used mainly to avoid ambiguity, whereas the conjunction so as differs from the conjunction in order in meaning.

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Tuhai, Oleksandra. "Subject Control Infinitive Constructions in Early Modern English." World Journal of English Language 12, no. 1 (2022): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/wjel.v12n1p367.

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This study aims to analyze and describe infinitive sentences with verbs of volition such as desire, wish, want, hope, intend, promise, determine, command in Early Modern English within a generative framework. It is argued that the infinitival clauses have a thematic subject PRO controlled by the matrix subject. It is proved that complex sentences with infinitive complements of matrix predicates of volition obtain subject control function. The findings show syntactic peculiarities of infinitive complementation of monotransitive verbs of volition as subject control infinitive constructions in th

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Caers, Wim, and Sune Gregersen. "Wat mutt, dat mutt* : ‘Independent’ modals in West Germanic vernaculars." Nederlandse Taalkunde 24, no. 3 (2019): 399–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/nedtaa2019.3.005.caer.

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Abstract The squib investigates the dialectal distribution of the Dutch construction type het kan/mag/moet, lit. ‘it can/may/must’, where a modal verb occurs ‘independently’ with an eventive subject and no infinitival complement. The construction is shown to be widely attested not only in traditional dialects of Dutch, but also in Frisian, Low German, and Afrikaans. We suggest that the construction, which does not occur in standard German or English, is an areal feature shared by the West Germanic vernaculars of northwestern Germany and the Low Countries, including the South African ‘side bran

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Fortuin, Egbert. "Deconstructing a verbal illusion: The ‘No X is too Y to Z’ construction and the rhetoric of negation." Cognitive Linguistics 25, no. 2 (2014): 249–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cog-2014-0014.

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AbstractThe sentence No head injury is too trivial to be ignored is often presented as a verbal illusion. According to the standard view, this sentence, which seems perfectly acceptable at first sight, is in fact logically incorrect. It is usually assumed that sentences such as these are produced as the result of negation overload, but get a coherent interpretation because of shallow processing, and because of pragmatic factors, which overrule semantics and syntax. In this paper it is argued that this analysis is incorrect and that No head injury is too trivial to be ignored can be seen as an

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Rakhman, D. M. "Argument and Adjunct Purpose Constructions in Hill Mari." NSU Vestnik. Series: Linguistics and Intercultural Communication 19, no. 2 (2021): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7935-2021-19-2-19-35.

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In this study the author suggests a new systemic model of purpose constructions in Hill Mari - a Finno-Ugric language, spoken by approximately 30 000 people living mostly in Mari El Republic, located in Volga river basin. (Here and thereafter (if the opposite is not stated overtly) the term “purpose clause” or “purpose construction” is used in its traditional wide sense and should not be confused with “Purpose clauses” opposed to “Rationale clauses” in R. A. Faraci’s terms (1974).) There are two core strategies of marking the embedded predicate which can be used in contexts denoting purpose in

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Costea, Ștefania. "When Moldovan meets Russian." Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics 9, no. 2 (2023): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.201.

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This article offers an analysis of Moldovan complex predicates, focusing on the differences between structures with aspectuals and modals. It is shown that, under the influence of Russian, a minor pattern found in old Moldovan, whereby aspectuals and embedded infinitives instantiate a monoclausal construction, was generalized. As a consequence, pronominal clitics became free to raise to the matrix aspectual predicate, since they were no longer blocked by phasal (CP) barriers. Conversely, modal predicates, which select in both Russian and Moldovan full CP-complements, do not display clitic-clim

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Kytö, Merja, and Suzanne Romaine. "“We had like to have been killed by thunder & lightning”." Journal of Historical Pragmatics 6, no. 1 (2005): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhp.6.1.02kyt.

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This article discusses the semantic and pragmatic history of a grammatical construction consisting of a form of Be/Have + like followed by an infinitival verb form, which became obsolete in Standard English in the nineteenth century, but still survives in some regional varieties of British and American English, e.g. she liketa had a heart attack. It provides an example of a grammatical category that Kuteva (1998) has called “action narrowly averted” (ANA or avertive) with the meaning ‘on the verge of V-ing, but did not V’. Using a corpus of texts covering the last six centuries, we document th

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Di Caro, Vincenzo Nicolò, and Luca Molinari. "Inchoativity and mirativity in Italo-Romance and Balkan Slavic verbal periphrases." Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics 10, no. 3 (2024): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.333.

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This paper investigates the properties of GO and TAKE used as functional verbs to express the beginning of an action or a state (inchoativity) or a sense of surprise, wonder, astonishment, or regret (mirativity) as found in a group of multiple verb constructions, in a macro-comparative perspective. Multiple Agreement Constructions (V1+mi/mu/da/če+V2[+finite]) and Pseudo-Coordination (V1+‘and’+V2[+finite]) are considered in Italo-Romance (Italian and Sicilian) and Balkan Slavic (Bulgarian), together with the Italo-Romance Infinitival Construction (V1+a+V2[-finite]), drawing from novel fieldwork

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Gries, Stefan Th, and Stefanie Wulff. "Psycholinguistic and corpus-linguistic evidence for L2 constructions." Annual Review of Cognitive Linguistics 7 (November 16, 2009): 163–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/arcl.7.07gri.

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In Construction Grammar, highly frequent syntactic configurations are assumed to be stored as symbolic units in the mental lexicon alongside words. Considering the example of gerund and infinitival complement constructions in English (She tried rocking the baby vs. She tried to rock the baby), this study combines corpus-linguistic and experimental evidence to investigate the question whether these patterns are also stored as constructions by German foreign language learners of English. In a corpus analysis based on 3,343 instances of the two constructions from the British component of the Inte

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Gronemeyer, Claire. "On deriving complex polysemy: the grammaticalization of get." English Language and Linguistics 3, no. 1 (1999): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674399000118.

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This paper examines the polysemy in the English verb get, which can denote possession, movement, causation, obligation, and change of state among other senses. The analysis builds on a decomposition of get (based on the Benveniste/Freeze/Kayne analysis of possessive constructions) into [ingressive + ‘be’ + preposition]; this lexical entry allows the current polysemy to be derived from a number of reanalyses within different syntactic contexts. Using diachronic data, I show that possession leads to movement as well as stative uses (possession and obligation), movement develops into the causativ

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Rawoens, Gudrun, and Thomas Egan. "Distinguishing causative and permissive readings of the Swedish verb låta." Functions of Language 20, no. 1 (2013): 64–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/fol.20.1.03raw.

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In this paper an account is given of the semantics of the Present-day Swedish verb låta ‘let’ in constructions with an infinitival complement. It is generally assumed that the verb låta in this construction type can encode either causation or permission. From a synchronic perspective, the relationship between the two meanings has been described by some scholars as inclusive, whereas others have adduced possible criteria for distinguishing between them. Using corpus data, it is shown that the two semantic categories can be disentangled by means of a number of syntactic and semantic criteria, th

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Landau, Idan. "(Un)interpretable Neg in Comp." Linguistic Inquiry 33, no. 3 (2002): 465–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438902760168572.

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This article explores the possibility that the distinction between interpretable (valued) and uninterpretable (unvalued) features has grammatical manifestations beyond its role in feature checking. I argue that both selection and lexical insertion are sensitive to this distinction; thus, a head may determine not only which features its complement must bear but also whether they should be interpretableor not. Empirical consequences are explored in Hebrew, where infinitival complements to negative verbs (‘refrain’, ‘prevent’) display a number of surprising syntax-semanticscorrelations.Those are

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Hartmann, Stefan. "What drives morphological change?" Morphology and its interfaces 37, no. 2 (2014): 275–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.37.2.06har.

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This paper investigates the role of syntactic, semantic, and lexical factors in the diachronic development of German nominalization patterns. Drawing on an extensive corpus analysis of Early New High German and New High German texts, it is shown that (a) deverbal nominals in the suffix -ung tend to develop more reified meaning variants, which is reflected in the syntactic patterns in which the word-formation products preferentially occur, and (b) infinitival nominalization becomes more productive and is established as the new default word-formation pattern deriving nouns from verbs. These cons

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Prokopowicz, Mariusz Izydor. "The Ancient Egyptian Second Infinitive? ‘iw + subject + r + infinitive’ Interpreted Through the Biblical Infinitive Absolute and the Polish Second Infinitive." Studies in Ancient Art and Civilisation 18 (December 30, 2014): 259–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/saac.18.2014.18.16.

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Infinitives and infinitival constructions seem to be a kind of conceptualization embedded in a language with a ‘genus’ different to that of other grammatical forms. But why did human cognition invent infinitives and their associated constructions? On an ontological level, infinitives indicate intentionality that is pro-modal and timeless future-situationoriented (Prokopowicz 2012). Timeless future orientation expresses accomplishment or achievement, which are different states of perfectivity. If verbal finished forms direct our attention to the complexity of events, which we can for instance c

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Sivonen, Jari. "The Finnish abstract motion construction mennä V-mA-An [go V-inf-ill] ‘do something unwished’." Review of Cognitive Linguistics 14, no. 2 (2016): 247–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rcl.14.2.01siv.

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This paper addresses the usage, development and motivation of the Finnish mennä V-mA-An [go V-inf-ill] construction. In this construction, the literal motion sense of ‘going’ has been grammaticalized to evoke an affective meaning: the activity expressed in the construction’s infinitival element is considered as unwished (e.g. Johtaja-t men-i-vät lakkautta-ma-an ohjelma-n [manager- pl.nom go-pst-3pl shut.down-inf-ill show-acc] ‘Managers shut down the show [though they should not have]’). This paper uncovers the different ways the construction is used (for example, projecting the disapproving st

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Heil, Jeanne, and Luis López. "Acquisition without evidence: English infinitives and poverty of stimulus in adult second language acquisition." Second Language Research 36, no. 4 (2019): 415–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658319850611.

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This article provides a Poverty of Stimulus argument for the participation of a dedicated linguistic module in second language acquisition. We study the second language (L2) acquisition of a subset of English infinitive complements that exhibit the following properties: (a) they present an intricate web of grammatical constraints while (b) they are highly infrequent in corpora, (c) they lack visible features that would make them salient, and (d) they are communicatively superfluous. We report on an experiment testing the knowledge of some infinitival constructions by near-native adult first la

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Marsac, Fabrice. "Pour une analyse syntaxique des constructions infinitives régies par un verbe de perception en adéquation avec leurs propriétés sémantico-logiques et cognitives." Scolia 23, no. 1 (2008): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/scoli.2008.1119.

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Ce travail porte sur les constructions infinitives du français régies par un verbe de perception et s’inscrit au carrefour des approches sémantico-logique, cognitive et syntaxique. D’un côté, l’analyse syntaxique indique que le sujet interprétatif de l’infinitif fonctionne comme le complément d’objet direct du verbe recteur, l’infinitif occupant ainsi dans la complémentation de ce verbe une position non prévue par son schéma actanciel. D’un autre côté, l’analyse sémantico-logique montre que la construction infinitive forme une proposition constituant l’argument final du prédicat principal. Fac

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