Academic literature on the topic 'Inflectional ending'

The Terms “Suffix” and “Desinence” among Polish Grammatical TermsThe Polish grammatical tradition seems unique in that the strict limiting of the use of the term “desinence, ending” to inflection and that of “suffix” to word formation is observed. This author arguesagainst an obligatory status of that differentiation. His opinion is that both terms should interchangeablybe used because a special term for an inflectional suffix (= “ending”) generally only produces redundant syntagms as is, for instance, the case with “genitive ending” = “inflectional genitive suffix”. A special problem concerns the English suffix -ing that forms both inflectional forms (a beating boy) and gerunds (beating a boy) and cannot actually be classified as either “suffix” or “desinence” (the fact that the term “gerund” is used for both functions in modern grammars does not eliminate the distinctness of the functions).

This article seeks to explain the synchronic variation found in the second person singular inflectional ending (attested both as -s and -st) in the Old High German Evangelienbuch, while at the same time pro-viding a diachronic account of the introduction and extension of the -st ending in German. In order to achieve these goals, in my analysis I rely on the notions of cliticization and formal analogy, arguing that the innovative and original endings correlate with different syntactic environments (V1/V2 versus Vfinal), on the one hand, and different formal shapes (is versus ôs/ês), on the other. After presenting an account of the development of -st in OHG, I draw conclusions regarding the broader question of how clitics become (part of) inflection, a discussion which in turn has implications for the theories scholars use to describe and explain language change, specifically that of grammaticalization.*

Abstract This article investigates the inflection of the German indefinite pronouns jemand and niemand in the accusative and dative. The pronouns are used both with inflectional suffix (jemanden/jemandem, niemanden/niemandem) and without (jemand, niemand) and are thus an example of current variation in contemporary German. The grammars take an unusually liberal stance and describe both forms as correct, partially even with preference to the uninflected form. A corpus study which examines conceptually written data of the DeReKo (German reference corpus) and conceptually oral data of the DECOW16B (German web corpus), shows that over 90 % of occurrences are inflected. But almost 10 % of uninflected forms show that these formations are no arbitrary errors either. To find out what influences the presence or absence of the inflectional ending, a binary logistic regression model was calculated. The following factors proved to be significant influencing factors for inflection: the degree of formality (DeReKo vs. DECOW16B), the lexeme (jemand vs. niemand), the case (acc vs. dat), government by preposition vs. government by verb and the following nominalized adjective (jemand anderen). With regard to the different inflectional suffixes, the frequent use of -en in the dative stood out in particular. Although this form is classified as erroneous in all grammars, almost 30 % of the dative occurrences in informal DECOW16B data are formed in this way.

<p class="abstrak" align="center"><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p class="abstrak"><em>Penelitian ini berjudul “The Ability of SMPN 2 Lubuk Pakam Students in Using -s Inflectional Ending”. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui kemampuan siswa dalam menggunakan akhiran infleksional –s dan kesulitan yang dihadapi oleh siswa kelas dua SMPN 2 Lubuk Pakam. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian gabungan. Data diambil dari tes dan wawancara. Tes digunakan untuk mengukur kemampuan siswa dan wawancara digunakan untuk mengidentifikasi kesulitan siswa. Sumber data dalam penelitian ini adalah siswa kelas dua SMPN 2 Lubuk Pakam tahun ajaran 209/2020. Peneliti mengambil 0% dari populasi (29 siswa). Berdasarkan hasil analisis data, persentase siswa dengan jawaban yang benar adalah 60,06%. Artinya kempuan siswa kelas dua SMPN 2 Lubuk Pakam tergolong dalam kategori sedang. Kemampuan siswa dalam menggunakan –s Kata Benda Jamak memiliki persentase tertinggi (63%). Kemampuan siswa dalam –s Posesif memiliki persentase 56%. –s Orang Ketiga Tunggal memiliki persentase terendah (54%). Disimpulkan bahwa siswa kelas dua SMPN 2 Lubuk Pakam telah memahami akhiran –s dalam Kata Benda Jamak tetapi belum memahami akhiran –s dalam kata Posesif dan Orang Ketiga Tunggal. Penyebabnya dalah kurangnya pengetahuan tentang akhiran inflectional –s dan kosakata.</em></p><p class="abstrak"><strong><em>Kata Kunci:</em></strong><em> Akhiran Infleksional –s, Kesulitan siswa</em></p><p class="abstrak" align="center"><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p class="abstrak">The objectives of this study are to know the students’ ability in using –s inflectional endings and the difficulties faced by the students at the second year of SMPN 2 Lubuk Pakam. The method used in this research was mixed method. The data were taken from test and interview. Tes is used to measure students’ abilities and interview to identify students’ difficulties. The sources of data were the students at the second year of SMPN 2 Lubuk Pakam in the academic year 2019/2020. The researcher took 10% of the population (29 students). Based on the result of the data analysis, the percentage of the students’ correct answers was 60.06% and was classified as fair category. The student’s ability in –s plural nouns had the highest percentage (63%). The student’s ability in –s possessive had the percentage of 56%. The–s third person singular had the lowest percentage (54%). It can be concluded that the second year students of SMPN 2 Lubuk Pakam had understood –s plural nouns but did not comprehend –s possessive and –s third person singular yet. The causes were lacking knowledge of –s inflectional endings and vocabulary.</p><p class="abstrak"><strong>Keywords:</strong> -s Inflectional Endings, Students’ Difficulties</p>

“Stelele și lalelele”: Micromonography of an Inflectional Class in the Romanian Language (II). This article is part of a series aimed at reconstructing the history, and discussing the current state of what has been considered, from a Romance perspective, a peculiarity of Romanian language: the existence of an inflectional class of feminine nouns ending in tonic vowel (in short: F√V́ Ø), which form the plural with the addition of the le morpheme. The present paper, the second in the series, discusses some morphological traits of F√V́ Ø on the basis of a lexicographical corpus of contemporary standard Romanian: division in subclasses, internal morphological structure of its members (primitive and derivatives nouns, in particular diminutives, internal formations), and morphological variability. Keywords: nominal morphology, Romance plural, Romanian language, Turkish loanwords, inflectional morphology.

Abstract The aim of the present article is to trace the origin and the evolution of the Tocharian A ending -äṃ, which is the plural marker of a closed class of nouns, whose Tocharian B counterparts are ranged under other inflectional classes. The results of this investigation are twofold: (1) not only is Tocharian A shown to have generally preserved the Proto-Indo-European situation better than Tocharian B, (2) but it is also argued that some members of this closed class are relevant from an Indo-European comparative perspective, since they have refunctionalised the n-form of the PIE *r/n-stems as a plural marker.

Abstract Dutch has a construction consisting of a verbal part and something else: ′wɛrksə ‘enjoy your work’ (< werk ‘to work’), ′rujzə ‘enjoy your rowing’ (< roei ‘to row’). According to accepted wisdom, this ‘success imperative’, as it is known in the literature, consists of an imperative and a pronoun ze ‘them’. The paper challenges the standard analysis and investigates two alternatives: an imperative form plus a modal particle, and a verbal stem plus an inflectional ending.

Northern borderland inflectional features in the Polish language of Kurier Wileński in the interwar period This article presents Northern Borderland inflectional features functioning in the Polish language of a daily newspaper released in Vilnius county in the period of Interwar.Specific language facts concerning the scope of inflection, not corresponding with common Polish standards, in the Interwar period were excerpted from Kurier Wileński between 1924 and 1939.In this newspaper, 21 peculiar phenomena occurred which are classified by linguists examining earlier periods as characteristic features of the Northern Borderland inflection.The textual frequency of distinctive forms varied. Only six phenomena were signifi­cantly outstanding with their high frequency of occurrence: change of number (oklask), special inflectional endings of genitive case in nominal form (krzaku, gabineta), ending -a in nominative case of plural form (fakta), enclitic form mię, omission of the reflexive pronoun się in reflexive verbs (wymknąć), reflexive verbs functioning as passive verbs (wydają się obiady). These innovative changes are only changes of number and verbs without common się. The rest of features in the researched period were recessive in the general Polish language. All phenomena mentioned here occurred often (usually more often than in the analysed newspaper) in post-war Vilnius press.The analysis proved that inflection reflected in Kurier Wileński bears traits of regional variety of language. The situation observed in the examined newspaper is similar to the situation appearing in almost all post-war Vilnius press, however there are a few significant differences. Later Vilnius press was more saturated with inflectional originalities than the post-war Kurier Wileński and contained more variety of peculiar forms. Północnokresowe cechy fleksyjne w polszczyźnie „Kuriera Wileńskiego” w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym Artykuł przedstawia północnokresowe cechy fleksyjne, funkcjonujące w języku polskim gazety codziennej wydawanej na Wileńszczyźnie w okresie międzywojennym. Specyficzne fakty językowe z zakresu fleksji, niezgodne z normą ogólnopolską, obowiązującą w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym, wyekscerpowano z „Kuriera Wileńskiego” (dalej KW) z lat 1924–1939.W analizowanym czasopiśmie wystąpiło 21 swoistych zjawisk, zaliczanych przez badaczy wcześniejszych okresów do charakterystycznych właściwości fleksji kresowej.Frekwencja tekstowa form osobliwych była zróżnicowana. Dużą częstością wystąpień odznaczało się zaledwie 6 zjawisk: zmiany liczby (np. oklask), osobliwe końcówki dopełniacza lp. (np. krzaku, gabineta), końcówka -a w mianowniku lm. (np. fakta), postać enklityczna mię, pomijanie zwrotnego się (np. wymknąć), formy czasowników z zaimkiem zwrotnym „się” w funkcji strony biernej (np. Wydają się obiady). Innowacyjne są tu tylko zmiany liczby oraz czasowniki bez ogólnopolskiego się. Pozostałe cechy w badanym okresie były w ogólnej polszczyźnie recesywne. Wszystkie wymienione tu zjawiska występowały często (zazwyczaj częściej niż w analizowanym czasopiśmie) w powojennej prasie wileńskiej.Analiza wykazała, że fleksja odzwierciedlona w KW nosi pewne piętno regionalności. Stan zaobserwowany w badanej gazecie jest zbliżony do sytuacji stwierdzonej w wydawanej tuż po II wojnie światowej „Prawdzie Wileńskiej”, zarysowują się jednak znamienne różnice. Późniejsza prasa wileńska była znacznie bardziej nasycona osobliwościami fleksyjnymi niż międzywojenny KW. Odzwierciedliła się w niej znacznie większa rozmaitość form osobliwych.

Abstract This paper explores the hypothesis that morphotactically ambiguous segment sequences should be dispreferred and selected against in the evolution of languages. We define morphotactically ambiguous sequences as sequences that can occur both within morphemes and across boundaries, such as final /nd/ or /mz/ in ModE, which occur in simple forms like wind or alms and in complex ones like sinned or seems. We test the hypothesis in two diachronic corpus studies of Middle and Early Modern English word forms ending in clusters of sonorants followed by /d/ or /t/ and /s/ or /z/. These clusters became highly frequent after the loss of unstressed vowels in final syllables and were highly ambiguous when they emerged. Our data show that the ambiguity of these final clusters was indeed reduced so that the distribution of the final clusters became increasingly skewed: clusters ending in voiceless coronals became significantly clearly indicative of simple forms, while clusters ending in voiced ones came to signal inflectional complexity more reliably.

AbstractThe Hittite grammar is characterized by a morphosyntactic split that affects the behaviour of the inflectional classes of Noun phrases (DPs). While a singular neuter transitive subject is marked by /-anza/suffix, commons DPs end with an /-š/mark. In addition, intransitive neuter subjects and neuter objects pattern in the same way, marked by /-ø/, while in commons the object role is marked by an /-n/ ending, which distinguishes it from the subjects. The aim of this paper is to investigate over a possible definition of split ergativity in the Hittite grammar.