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Journal articles on the topic 'Inflectional ending'
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1
Stachowski, Marek. "Terminy „sufiks” i „końcówka” w polskiej terminologii gramatycznej." LingVaria 13, no. 26 (2018): 277–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/lv.13.2018.26.18.
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The Terms “Suffix” and “Desinence” among Polish Grammatical TermsThe Polish grammatical tradition seems unique in that the strict limiting of the use of the term “desinence, ending” to inflection and that of “suffix” to word formation is observed. This author arguesagainst an obligatory status of that differentiation. His opinion is that both terms should interchangeablybe used because a special term for an inflectional suffix (= “ending”) generally only produces redundant syntagms as is, for instance, the case with “genitive ending” = “inflectional genitive suffix”. A special problem concerns the English suffix -ing that forms both inflectional forms (a beating boy) and gerunds (beating a boy) and cannot actually be classified as either “suffix” or “desinence” (the fact that the term “gerund” is used for both functions in modern grammars does not eliminate the distinctness of the functions).
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Somers, Katerina. "The Introduction and Extension of the -st Ending in Old High German." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 23, no. 2 (2011): 141–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542711000055.
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This article seeks to explain the synchronic variation found in the second person singular inflectional ending (attested both as -s and -st) in the Old High German Evangelienbuch, while at the same time pro-viding a diachronic account of the introduction and extension of the -st ending in German. In order to achieve these goals, in my analysis I rely on the notions of cliticization and formal analogy, arguing that the innovative and original endings correlate with different syntactic environments (V1/V2 versus Vfinal), on the one hand, and different formal shapes (is versus ôs/ês), on the other. After presenting an account of the development of -st in OHG, I draw conclusions regarding the broader question of how clitics become (part of) inflection, a discussion which in turn has implications for the theories scholars use to describe and explain language change, specifically that of grammaticalization.*
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Weitkamp, Linnéa. "Die Flexion der Indefinita jemand und niemand." Zeitschrift für germanistische Linguistik 49, no. 2 (2021): 209–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zgl-2021-2028.
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Abstract This article investigates the inflection of the German indefinite pronouns jemand and niemand in the accusative and dative. The pronouns are used both with inflectional suffix (jemanden/jemandem, niemanden/niemandem) and without (jemand, niemand) and are thus an example of current variation in contemporary German. The grammars take an unusually liberal stance and describe both forms as correct, partially even with preference to the uninflected form. A corpus study which examines conceptually written data of the DeReKo (German reference corpus) and conceptually oral data of the DECOW16B (German web corpus), shows that over 90 % of occurrences are inflected. But almost 10 % of uninflected forms show that these formations are no arbitrary errors either. To find out what influences the presence or absence of the inflectional ending, a binary logistic regression model was calculated. The following factors proved to be significant influencing factors for inflection: the degree of formality (DeReKo vs. DECOW16B), the lexeme (jemand vs. niemand), the case (acc vs. dat), government by preposition vs. government by verb and the following nominalized adjective (jemand anderen). With regard to the different inflectional suffixes, the frequent use of -en in the dative stood out in particular. Although this form is classified as erroneous in all grammars, almost 30 % of the dative occurrences in informal DECOW16B data are formed in this way.
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Wati, Novera, Bahagia Tarigan, and Yulianus Harefa. "The Ability of SMP N 2 Lubuk Pakam Students in using _s Inflectional Ending." Modality Journal: International Journal of Linguistics and Literature 1, no. 2 (2022): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.30983/mj.v1i2.4593.
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<p class="abstrak" align="center"><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p class="abstrak"><em>Penelitian ini berjudul “The Ability of SMPN 2 Lubuk Pakam Students in Using -s Inflectional Ending”. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui kemampuan siswa dalam menggunakan akhiran infleksional –s dan kesulitan yang dihadapi oleh siswa kelas dua SMPN 2 Lubuk Pakam. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian gabungan. Data diambil dari tes dan wawancara. Tes digunakan untuk mengukur kemampuan siswa dan wawancara digunakan untuk mengidentifikasi kesulitan siswa. Sumber data dalam penelitian ini adalah siswa kelas dua SMPN 2 Lubuk Pakam tahun ajaran 209/2020. Peneliti mengambil 0% dari populasi (29 siswa). Berdasarkan hasil analisis data, persentase siswa dengan jawaban yang benar adalah 60,06%. Artinya kempuan siswa kelas dua SMPN 2 Lubuk Pakam tergolong dalam kategori sedang. Kemampuan siswa dalam menggunakan –s Kata Benda Jamak memiliki persentase tertinggi (63%). Kemampuan siswa dalam –s Posesif memiliki persentase 56%. –s Orang Ketiga Tunggal memiliki persentase terendah (54%). Disimpulkan bahwa siswa kelas dua SMPN 2 Lubuk Pakam telah memahami akhiran –s dalam Kata Benda Jamak tetapi belum memahami akhiran –s dalam kata Posesif dan Orang Ketiga Tunggal. Penyebabnya dalah kurangnya pengetahuan tentang akhiran inflectional –s dan kosakata.</em></p><p class="abstrak"><strong><em>Kata Kunci:</em></strong><em> Akhiran Infleksional –s, Kesulitan siswa</em></p><p class="abstrak" align="center"><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p class="abstrak">The objectives of this study are to know the students’ ability in using –s inflectional endings and the difficulties faced by the students at the second year of SMPN 2 Lubuk Pakam. The method used in this research was mixed method. The data were taken from test and interview. Tes is used to measure students’ abilities and interview to identify students’ difficulties. The sources of data were the students at the second year of SMPN 2 Lubuk Pakam in the academic year 2019/2020. The researcher took 10% of the population (29 students). Based on the result of the data analysis, the percentage of the students’ correct answers was 60.06% and was classified as fair category. The student’s ability in –s plural nouns had the highest percentage (63%). The student’s ability in –s possessive had the percentage of 56%. The–s third person singular had the lowest percentage (54%). It can be concluded that the second year students of SMPN 2 Lubuk Pakam had understood –s plural nouns but did not comprehend –s possessive and –s third person singular yet. The causes were lacking knowledge of –s inflectional endings and vocabulary.</p><p class="abstrak"><strong>Keywords:</strong> -s Inflectional Endings, Students’ Difficulties</p>
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Merlo, Roberto. "“Stelele și lalelele”: saggio di micromonografia storico descrittiva di una classe flessiva della lingua romena (II)." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Philologia 66, no. 4 (2021): 271–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbphilo.2021.4.18.
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“Stelele și lalelele”: Micromonography of an Inflectional Class in the Romanian Language (II). This article is part of a series aimed at reconstructing the history, and discussing the current state of what has been considered, from a Romance perspective, a peculiarity of Romanian language: the existence of an inflectional class of feminine nouns ending in tonic vowel (in short: F√V́ Ø), which form the plural with the addition of the le morpheme. The present paper, the second in the series, discusses some morphological traits of F√V́ Ø on the basis of a lexicographical corpus of contemporary standard Romanian: division in subclasses, internal morphological structure of its members (primitive and derivatives nouns, in particular diminutives, internal formations), and morphological variability. Keywords: nominal morphology, Romance plural, Romanian language, Turkish loanwords, inflectional morphology.
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Del Tomba, Alessandro. "The origin of the Tocharian A plural ending -äṃ". Indo-European Linguistics 7, № 1 (2019): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22125892-00701004.
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Abstract The aim of the present article is to trace the origin and the evolution of the Tocharian A ending -äṃ, which is the plural marker of a closed class of nouns, whose Tocharian B counterparts are ranged under other inflectional classes. The results of this investigation are twofold: (1) not only is Tocharian A shown to have generally preserved the Proto-Indo-European situation better than Tocharian B, (2) but it is also argued that some members of this closed class are relevant from an Indo-European comparative perspective, since they have refunctionalised the n-form of the PIE *r/n-stems as a plural marker.
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van der Wouden, Ton. "Modal particle or emerging inflection?" Linguistics in the Netherlands 35 (December 3, 2018): 173–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/avt.00012.wou.
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Abstract Dutch has a construction consisting of a verbal part and something else: ′wɛrksə ‘enjoy your work’ (< werk ‘to work’), ′rujzə ‘enjoy your rowing’ (< roei ‘to row’). According to accepted wisdom, this ‘success imperative’, as it is known in the literature, consists of an imperative and a pronoun ze ‘them’. The paper challenges the standard analysis and investigates two alternatives: an imperative form plus a modal particle, and a verbal stem plus an inflectional ending.
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Joachimiak-Prażanowska, Joanna. "Północnokresowe cechy fleksyjne w polszczyźnie „Kuriera Wileńskiego” w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym." Acta Baltico-Slavica 39 (December 31, 2015): 90–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/abs.2015.002.
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Northern borderland inflectional features in the Polish language of Kurier Wileński in the interwar period This article presents Northern Borderland inflectional features functioning in the Polish language of a daily newspaper released in Vilnius county in the period of Interwar.Specific language facts concerning the scope of inflection, not corresponding with common Polish standards, in the Interwar period were excerpted from Kurier Wileński between 1924 and 1939.In this newspaper, 21 peculiar phenomena occurred which are classified by linguists examining earlier periods as characteristic features of the Northern Borderland inflection.The textual frequency of distinctive forms varied. Only six phenomena were significantly outstanding with their high frequency of occurrence: change of number (oklask), special inflectional endings of genitive case in nominal form (krzaku, gabineta), ending -a in nominative case of plural form (fakta), enclitic form mię, omission of the reflexive pronoun się in reflexive verbs (wymknąć), reflexive verbs functioning as passive verbs (wydają się obiady). These innovative changes are only changes of number and verbs without common się. The rest of features in the researched period were recessive in the general Polish language. All phenomena mentioned here occurred often (usually more often than in the analysed newspaper) in post-war Vilnius press.The analysis proved that inflection reflected in Kurier Wileński bears traits of regional variety of language. The situation observed in the examined newspaper is similar to the situation appearing in almost all post-war Vilnius press, however there are a few significant differences. Later Vilnius press was more saturated with inflectional originalities than the post-war Kurier Wileński and contained more variety of peculiar forms. Północnokresowe cechy fleksyjne w polszczyźnie „Kuriera Wileńskiego” w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym Artykuł przedstawia północnokresowe cechy fleksyjne, funkcjonujące w języku polskim gazety codziennej wydawanej na Wileńszczyźnie w okresie międzywojennym. Specyficzne fakty językowe z zakresu fleksji, niezgodne z normą ogólnopolską, obowiązującą w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym, wyekscerpowano z „Kuriera Wileńskiego” (dalej KW) z lat 1924–1939.W analizowanym czasopiśmie wystąpiło 21 swoistych zjawisk, zaliczanych przez badaczy wcześniejszych okresów do charakterystycznych właściwości fleksji kresowej.Frekwencja tekstowa form osobliwych była zróżnicowana. Dużą częstością wystąpień odznaczało się zaledwie 6 zjawisk: zmiany liczby (np. oklask), osobliwe końcówki dopełniacza lp. (np. krzaku, gabineta), końcówka -a w mianowniku lm. (np. fakta), postać enklityczna mię, pomijanie zwrotnego się (np. wymknąć), formy czasowników z zaimkiem zwrotnym „się” w funkcji strony biernej (np. Wydają się obiady). Innowacyjne są tu tylko zmiany liczby oraz czasowniki bez ogólnopolskiego się. Pozostałe cechy w badanym okresie były w ogólnej polszczyźnie recesywne. Wszystkie wymienione tu zjawiska występowały często (zazwyczaj częściej niż w analizowanym czasopiśmie) w powojennej prasie wileńskiej.Analiza wykazała, że fleksja odzwierciedlona w KW nosi pewne piętno regionalności. Stan zaobserwowany w badanej gazecie jest zbliżony do sytuacji stwierdzonej w wydawanej tuż po II wojnie światowej „Prawdzie Wileńskiej”, zarysowują się jednak znamienne różnice. Późniejsza prasa wileńska była znacznie bardziej nasycona osobliwościami fleksyjnymi niż międzywojenny KW. Odzwierciedliła się w niej znacznie większa rozmaitość form osobliwych.
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Baumann, Andreas, Christina Prömer, and Nikolaus Ritt. "Word form shapes are selected to be morphotactically indicative." Folia Linguistica 40, no. 1 (2019): 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flih-2019-0007.
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Abstract This paper explores the hypothesis that morphotactically ambiguous segment sequences should be dispreferred and selected against in the evolution of languages. We define morphotactically ambiguous sequences as sequences that can occur both within morphemes and across boundaries, such as final /nd/ or /mz/ in ModE, which occur in simple forms like wind or alms and in complex ones like sinned or seems. We test the hypothesis in two diachronic corpus studies of Middle and Early Modern English word forms ending in clusters of sonorants followed by /d/ or /t/ and /s/ or /z/. These clusters became highly frequent after the loss of unstressed vowels in final syllables and were highly ambiguous when they emerged. Our data show that the ambiguity of these final clusters was indeed reduced so that the distribution of the final clusters became increasingly skewed: clusters ending in voiceless coronals became significantly clearly indicative of simple forms, while clusters ending in voiced ones came to signal inflectional complexity more reliably.
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Petolicchio, Marco. "Some notes on split ergativity in Hittite." Linguistic Frontiers 2, no. 1 (2019): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/lf-2018-0014.
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AbstractThe Hittite grammar is characterized by a morphosyntactic split that affects the behaviour of the inflectional classes of Noun phrases (DPs). While a singular neuter transitive subject is marked by /-anza/suffix, commons DPs end with an /-š/mark. In addition, intransitive neuter subjects and neuter objects pattern in the same way, marked by /-ø/, while in commons the object role is marked by an /-n/ ending, which distinguishes it from the subjects. The aim of this paper is to investigate over a possible definition of split ergativity in the Hittite grammar.
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Stern, Nancy. "A functional account of grammatical number in English reflexive pronouns." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 1 (June 12, 2016): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v1i0.3724.
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Number morphology appears twice in English reflexive pronouns, first on the pronominal-possessive portion of the form, and second on the inflectional ending. Usually, the two number markings co-vary, but ‘crossed’ number forms like ourself and themself – and even myselves and herselves – are also attested. This paper argues that the two opportunities to signal number can be creatively exploited for communicative purposes, and are not controlled syntactically. The data and analysis presented provide support for a view of grammatical categories (even those commonly regarded as syntactically determined) as independent bearers of meaning.
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Afri, Evan, and Intan Maulina. "Analysis of Derivational and Inflectional Morpheme in Song's Lyrics of Adele Album." International Journal of English and Applied Linguistics (IJEAL) 1, no. 1 (2021): 32–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.47709/ijeal.v1i1.983.
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This research aims to find the derivative affixes and Inflection affixin "Song Adele Album". This study is a descriptive qualitative study. Researcher tries to find derived words, ending affixes and roots from words in Songs Adele Albums without using statistical calculations. In this study, the author used all words containing prefixes and suffixes as data. The data source is all parts of the word, which are the beginning of the song sung by Adele's album. The result of analyzing the data is that the derived affixes and affixes found in the song Adele album are -er, -en, -ing, -ly, -ment, -ness, -ness as suffixes, and the affixes are -d, -s, -ed, -ing, -es, -er, -est. From the conclusions of this study, the author suggests that in order to improve their vocabulary mastery, readers should apply derived words and affixes by decomposing words into roots and affixes, because they can get the structure of a word from a word , and also discover how words are constructed. By understanding the roots, readers can construct words themselves.
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Merlo, Roberto. "“Stelele și lalelele”: saggio di micromonografia storico descrittiva di una classe flessiva della lingua romena (I)." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Philologia 65, no. 4 (2020): 261–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbphilo.2020.4.16.
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“Stelele şi lalelele”: Essay of Micromonography of a Romanian Inflectional Class (I). This article is the first of a three-part study aimed at reconstructing the origin and the history of a sub-class of nouns that, from a Romance perspective, has been considered a distinctive feature of Romanian, as well as at bringing into discussion its current status. The object of the study is the sub-class of f nouns ending in the sg NA in stressed vowel, and with pl in -le. In this first part, the author lays out the matter, illustrating the distinctiveness of the morpheme f pl le with respect to Romance pl endings and describing the morphological traits of this class in contemporary Romanian as “radical theme” nouns, i.e. f nouns lacking a specific morpheme for sg NA (f√ ø). In preparation to the following two parts of the study, the author discusses here the Latin origin of f√ ø in Common Romanian, identifying the members of the sub-class directly inherited from Latin.
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Hancin-Bhatt, Barbara, and William Nagy. "Lexical transfer and second language morphological development." Applied Psycholinguistics 15, no. 3 (1994): 289–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0142716400065905.
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AbstractThis study investigates the development of two levels of morphological knowledge that contribute to Spanish-English bilingual students’ ability to recognize cognates: the ability to recognize a cognate stem within a suffixed English word, and knowledge of systematic relationships between Spanish and English suffixes (e.g., the fact that words ending in -ty in English often have a Spanish cognate ending in -dad). A total of 196 Latino bilingual students in 4th, 6th, and 8th grade were asked to give the Spanish equivalent for English words, some of which had derivational and inflectional suffixes. The results indicated that the students’ ability to translate cognates increased with age above and beyond any increase in their vocabulary knowledge in Spanish and English. There was also marked growth in the students’ knowledge of systematic relationships between Spanish and English suffixes. Students recognized cognate stems of suffixed words more easily than noncognate stems, suggesting that, in closely related languages such as Spanish and English, cross-language transfer may play a role, not just in recognizing individual words, but also in the learning of derivational morphology.
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Seo, Min-Jeong. "A Study on the Grammar Feature and Constraints of Korean Verb-inflectional ending - For macroscopic theory including microscopic explanations." Cogito 85 (June 30, 2018): 215–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.48115/cogito.2018.06.85.215.
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Luraghi, Silvia, Merlijn De Smit, and Iván Igartua. "Contact-induced change in the languages of Europe: The rise and development of partitive cases and determiners in Finnic and Basque." Linguistics 58, no. 3 (2020): 869–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2020-0083.
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AbstractThis paper explores the hypothesis of contact-induced change for the rise of the partitive case in Finnic languages and of the partitive case/determiner in Basque. On the basis of the well-established Indo-European partitive-genitive case and taking into account the lack of such a basis on the Uralic side, we argue that the partitive case in Finnic languages has arisen as a result of Balto-Slavic influence. Concerning the Basque partitive determiner, we likewise suggest a contact scenario (with Romance languages) as being responsible for the development of an entire system of determiners, including the definite and possibly the indefinite article as well as the partitive marker, which originates in an old ablative ending but crucially lacks the morphological properties characteristic of Basque inflectional markers.
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Petersen, Hjalmar P., and Renata Szczepaniak. "From genitive to linking element." Fróðskaparrit - Faroese Scientific Journal, no. 61 (July 19, 2015): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.18602/fsj.v0i61.18.
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<p>In contemporary Faroese, the genitive as verbal and prepositional case has been replaced by the dative or the accusative, e.g. <em>bíða eftir mær </em>‘wait for me-DAT’ or <em>bíða mær </em>‘wait me-DAT’ instead of <em>bíða mín </em>‘wait mine-GEN’, and frequently also <em>til hann </em>‘to him-ACC’ instead of <em>til hansara </em>‘to him-GEN’. Genitive attributes are no longer in use either. In contrast, the system of linking elements in Faroese compounds, originating from the genitive endings, e.g. <em>dag+s+verk </em>‘days work’ (cf. <em>dag-s </em>‘day-GEN.SG.’), is subject to continuous development. In this paper, we first discuss the unproductive status of the genitive case. Against the background of the declining genitive, we will then show how the linking elements dissociate functionally and formally from their inflectional (genitive) source. We argue that the contemporary linking system of Faroese comprises different stages of this development. An important stage of dissociation is the (development of) non-paradigmatic linking elements, i.e. linkers which are not homophonic with any inflectional ending of the noun, e.g. +<em>s</em>+ in <em>úthurð+s+lykil </em>‘outdoor-LE1-key’, but <em>úthurð-ar </em>‘outdoor-GEN.SG.’ The decline of the genitive case has played a decisive role in the recent formal development of the linking system. Our acceptance test with novel and non-sense compounds shows the ongoing formal dissociation of the paradigmatic linker +<em>ar</em>+ into non-paradigmatic +<em>a</em>+, where the latter is used more often in front of obstruents.</p><p>Keywords: historical genitive, linking elements, case loss, compounds, paradigmatic and non-paradigmatic linking elements, syntactic case.</p>
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Verhaert, Nina, Ellen Danckaert, and Dominiek Sandra. "The dual role of homophone dominance. Why homophone intrusions on regular verb forms so often go unnoticed." Mental Lexicon 11, no. 1 (2016): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ml.11.1.01ver.
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We investigated whether the effect of Homophone Dominance that has been reported for spelling errors on Dutch verb homophones (Sandra, Frisson, & Daems, 1999) also occurs in perception. This effect was indeed observed: participants in a proofreading experiment overlooked more homophone intrusions when the intruder was more dominant than the target form, irrespective of the inflectional ending. Participant groups whose grammatical awareness was better developed made fewer errors but also showed the effect of Homophone Dominance. The findings are explained in terms of a Computational and Similarity-Based Race model, in which a conscious and slow computational process in working memory, implementing the spelling rule, competes with an automatic and fast, frequency-sensitive process of lexical access. The presence of the effect in both spelling and reading explains why these errors on descriptively simple verb forms in Dutch are so persistent.
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Vezzosi, Letizia. "John his book vs. John's book : possession marking in English." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 15 (January 1, 2000): 168–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.15.2000.27.
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The unusual development of the PDE [present-day English] s-genitive can be historically motivated, if the 's form is supposed to be not a mere leftover of the Old English (henceforth OE) casemarking, but the outcome of the merging of two patterns: the inflectional genitive ending (levelled to -s) and the construction "John his book" (henceforth 'possessive-linked genitive') during the Middle and the Early Modem English phases.
 
 As my corpus analysis will show, the semantic and syntactic constraints ruling the occurrence of the 's pattern in the time interval of the rise of the 's-pattern (1400 - 1650) are the same ones as those ruling the occurrence of the possessive-linked genitive.
 
 This hypothesis is further confirmed by cross-language comparison (with the other West Germanic languages, especially Afrikaans).
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Beníšek, Michael. "Middle Indo-Aryan Ablative and Locative Markers in Romani." Indo-Iranian Journal 52, no. 4 (2009): 335–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/001972409x445951.
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AbstractThe paper inquires into the origin of Romani ablative and locative markers against the background of the Middle Indo-Aryan development. It shows that there are no overt reflexes of the old thematic locative ending -e in Romani, although several zero-marked adpositions and adverbs are reflexes of the forms in -e. The paper argues for the origin of Romani -e in the late MIA locative -ahim, and of Romani -al in the Śaurasenī ablative -ādo. A degree of adverbial productivity of both suffixes is also dealt with. Then the paper analyses the nominal locative and ablative markers -te and -tar respectively, which derive from postpositions. The initial consonant of both suffixes is proposed to reflect their common ancestor in the pronominal base t-, whereas the final segments -e and -ar are argued to be remnants of inflectional affixes related to -e and -al respectively.
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Gorbova, Elena V. "Imperfectivability of Russian prefixal perfectives: Regularity and peculiarities." Voprosy Jazykoznanija, no. 4 (2021): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/0373-658x.2021.4.91-130.
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The article provides the results of the study of the imperfectivability (the possibility of suffixal imperfectivation) of Russian prefixed verbs listed according to the Dictionary of the Russian Language. Each monosemic lexeme from the sample was aligned with its imperfective correlate (IPFV2) according to three sources: Yevgenieva’s dictionary, Russian National Corpus (ruscorpora.ru), Google and Yandex Search Engine Results pages (Runet). The results revealed that the average level of the imperfectivability of Russian prefixed verbs rounded to integers lies in the range of 77 % (according to the dictionary data) to 92 % (when taking into account unconventional IPFV2s encountered in RNC and the Russian-language Internet) according to maximal samples, while the minimal samples demonstrated a 80 % to 94 % average imperfectivability level. Thus, the suffixal imperfectivation meets the requirement of regularity of an inflectional category even on the level of a normative dictionary. Moreover, when the RNC and Runet data are also considered, the compliance with the regularity requirement becomes obvious. In addition to assessing the average level of imperfectivability, the paper describes suffixal imperfectivation of specialized subcategories of verbs within prefixal groups, such as denominatives, perfectives formed from perfective simplex stems, verbs ending in -i(zi)rovat’, morphologically marked Aktionsarten and verbs with the suffix -(a)nu-. The acquired results confirm descriptive adequacy of the two-component model of Russian aspect. According to this model, aspect is an inflectional category realized exclusively through suffixal imperfectivation and limited to prefixal verbs (the first component), while actionality is the foundation and explanation for imperfective (and, less frequently, perfective) functioning of simplex verbs (the second component).
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HARRIS, ALICE C., and JAN TERJE FAARLUND. "Trapped morphology." Journal of Linguistics 42, no. 2 (2006): 289–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226706003902.
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We argue that there is a diachronic process, distinct from phonological erosion, that results in the loss of inflectional morphology that is trapped when a clitic attaches to a host, becoming an affix. This is supported with attested examples from Mainland Scandinavian, Georgian, Spanish, and Greek, as well as shallow, well-accepted reconstructions from Slavic and Georgian. It is further supported by new reconstructions from Zoque (Mixe-Zoquean) and Andi (Northeast Caucasian). For example, in Old Norse the postposed article is a clitic, and there is a case ending between the noun stem and the article: hest-s=in-s ‘the horse (gen)’. The first s is trapped morphology, and it is subsequently lost: hest-en-s. Similarly, in pre-Georgian, the postposed article traps the ergative case marker, *-n: *k'ac-n=ma-n ‘the man (erg)’; it is subsequently lost: k'ac-man. We argue that the loss of trapped morphology is not sound change or another phonological process, but a morphological process.
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KEMP, NENAGH, PAUL MITCHELL, and PETER BRYANT. "Simple morphological spelling rules are not always used: Individual differences in children and adults." Applied Psycholinguistics 38, no. 5 (2017): 1071–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0142716417000042.
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ABSTRACTThe English spelling system has a variety of rules and exceptions, but both theoretical and empirical accounts have generally concluded that by about age 9 or 10, children master the morphological rule that regular plural nouns (e.g., socks) and third-person singular present verbs (e.g., lacks) are spelled with the inflectional ending –s. In three experiments, however, we found that when forced to rely exclusively on morphological cues, only a minority of primary school children, secondary school children, and even adults performed significantly above chance at choosing the appropriate spelling for novel words presented as inflected or uninflected nouns and verbs. Further, significantly above-chance performance was more common in adults who had attended school until age 18, compared to age 16. We conclude that many spellers, especially those who do not go on to tertiary education, never learn some simple morphological spelling rules, and instead rely on a store of individual word-specific spellings.
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Simonović, Marko, and Petra Mišmaš. "√ov Is in the Air." Linguistica 60, no. 1 (2020): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.60.1.83-102.
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In this paper we consider several instances of the Slovenian affix ov, which surfaces in many, apparently unrelated contexts. Here we focus on (i) ov in verbs, where it can act as an imperfectivizer or a verbalizer, (ii) ov found in possessive adjectives and kind adjectives derived from nouns, (iii) ov which precedes the adjectiviser (e)n in denominal adjectives, and (iv) ov in nominal declension (acting as a genitive case ending in dual and plural or as a dual/plural augment). Building on the observation that certain affixes function either as inflectional or as derivational (see Simonović and Arsenijević 2020), and working within a Distributed Morphology approach which postulates that derivational affixes should be analyzed as roots (e.g. Lowenstamm 2014), we argue for a single multifunctional ov. This ov is a potentially meaningless root that can take as a complement other roots (thus forming a “radical core”) or phrases, resulting in different structures and consequently different stress patterns and meanings, but can also act as an Elsewhere allomorph, whose insertion is guided by an interplay of phonological and morphological constraints.
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Varlokosta, Spyridoula, and Michaela Nerantzini. "Grammatical Gender in Specific Language Impairment: Evidence from Determiner-Noun Contexts in Greek." Psychology: the Journal of the Hellenic Psychological Society 20, no. 3 (2020): 338. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/psy_hps.23545.
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Τhe present study investigates whether Greek-speaking children with Specific Language Impairment (SLI) face difficulties in the acquisition of gender in determiner-noun contexts, as expressed via agreement οn the determiner. The results of an elicitation task with real and novel nouns showed that children with SLI (a) show difficulties primarily with masculine and feminine gender marking, and do not use prototypicality of the noun suffix, as typically developing children do, to mark the gender on the determiner in conditions with real nouns, and (b) do not use, with the same consistency as typically developing children do, the noun ending as a cue to mark the gender value on the determiner in conditions with novel nouns. It is argued that although grammatical gender is considered an intrinsic lexical property of the noun, it is not learned by children with SLI along with other lexical features of the noun. Moreover, when lexical information is not provided in the nouns, children with SLI cannot process morphology cues, such as the inflectional suffixes on the nouns, as consistently as typically developing children do.
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Marín Cervantes, Irene. "Drilling and color-coding systems: a comparative analysis of two pronunciation techniques to improve L2 learners production of the -(e)d inflectional ending." Revista de Filología y Lingüística de la Universidad de Costa Rica 34, no. 2 (2012): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/rfl.v34i2.1297.
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El presente estudio analiza la utilidad de la repetición y los códigos de colores para ayudar a un grupo de estudiantes avanzados de inglés a pronunciar el sufijo morfológico -(e)d en las formas verbales regulares del pasado y el participio pasado. Para el estudio, se eligieron tres profesores de ingeniería de la Universidad de Costa Rica. Los resultados indican que la identificación y la pronunciación de los alomorfos /t/ y /d/ presentan mayor dificultad que el alomorfo /Id/. La repetición fue efectiva para identificar las realizaciones de -(e)d; no obstante, ésta no promovió la autonomía de los estudiantes en la producción de los sonidos. El código de colores ayudó a los estudiantes a auto corregirse. Asimismo, el número de errores disminuyó cuando se utilizó dicha técnica. A pesar de las ventajas del código de colores, se concluye que es necesario practicar y reciclar ambas técnicas en la clase para promover el aprendizaje de una segunda lengua.
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Maciołek, Marcin. "O biegunie – językoznawczo (rozważania w kontekście tytułu powieści Olgi Tokarczuk Bieguni)." Postscriptum Polonistyczne 25, no. 1 (2020): 69–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/ps_p.2020.25.06.
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 The paper contains a historical linguistic analysis of the noun biegun. It was prompted by the inflectional form of the plural nominative bieguni, the title of one of Olga Tokarczuk’s novels, a form unusual from the point of view of the contemporary Polish grammatical system. Tokarczuk used the form ending in -i, typical of masculine personal nouns, while the word biegun is commonly known to be used nowadays only in meanings that do not refer to people. This is why the paper attempts to gain insight into the semantics of the lexeme biegun in the history of the Polish language. The research carried out made it possible to determine that the examined unit used to function in many personal meanings in the past, meanings that would eventually become obsolete with the gradual lexicalization of the word biegun and in relation the appearance of its derivational synonyms in the Polish language. Tokarczuk thus revived some of the old meanings of the word biegun referring to people, and at the same time brought out new, metaphorical meanings embedded in it in potentia – thus delexicalizing the examined unit.
 
 
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Indriðason, Þorsteinn G. "Á mörkum afleiðslu og samsetningar?: Um orðlíka seinni liði í íslensku." Orð og tunga 18 (June 1, 2016): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33112/ordogtunga.18.2.
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In Icelandic, numerous wordforms exist that are in many ways similar to independent words except that they can only occur as second parts of compounds, cf. -meti, -auðgiand -fari in fiskmeti ‘fish food’, hugmyndaauðgi ‘creativity’ and geimfari ‘astronaut’. These are so-called bound wordforms (see e.g. Dalton-Puffer and Plag 2000, Eiríkur Rögnvaldsson 1990, Kristín Bjarnadóttir 2005 and Þorsteinn G. Indriðason 2006). Other types of similar bound forms in Icelandic are -ynja, -kafur and -elda as in for-ynja’monster’, á-kafur’eager’ and al-elda’ablaze’, cf. Kristín Bjarnadóttir (2005:159), and many more exist. In this article, the focus is on discussing forms which have an -i in final position, where the -i can either be an inflectional ending or a derivational suffix. These compositions are sometimes called derivational compounds to distinguish them from regular compounds and other notions have been used (see e.g. Sigurður Konráðsson 1989 and Eiríkur Rögnvaldsson 1990).In this article three types of these word forms are discussed. Firstly, monosyllabic forms of weak male nouns with an -i ending in nominative singular, cf. launa-auki’fringe benefit’, ein-búi’hermit’, ör-eigi’proletarian’, geim-fari’astronaut’, sjálf-sali’slot machine’ and hjarta-þegi’heart recipient’. Secondly, bisyllabic strong neuter nouns with an -i as the second syllable. These forms have an -s ending in genitive singular, cf. til-brigði’variation’, harð-fenni’frozen snow’, ár-ferði’times’, stór-grýti’large rocks’, búr-hveli’sperm whale’, hjól-hýsi’trailer’ and smá-stirni’asteroid’. In these forms, i-umlaut variations occur, as in hvalur – hveli and hús – hýsi. Thirdly, bisyllabic forms of weak female nouns, cf. mann-auðgi’human enrichment’, ein-drægni’harmony’, mein-fýsi’malice’, eigin-girni’selfishness’, sam-heldni’solidarity’, þjóð-rækni’patriotism’ and skað-semi’harmfulness’. As with the neuter forms, i-umlaut variations occur, cf. fús – fýsi and samur – semi.Tests were carried out to determine the wordhood of these wordlike forms. The main result of the tests showed that these forms behave in some ways like words but in other ways like affixes. They were also compared to affixoids but several tests showed that they do not fit into that category. The study shows that these wordlike forms should be placed between compounding and derivation as semi-words.
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Pawlicki, Kamil. "Niejednoznaczność terminów „tematyczny” and „atematyczny” w językoznawstwie indoeuropejskim." Biuletyn Polskiego Towarzystwa Językoznawczego LXXVI, no. 76 (2020): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.6666.
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Polskie terminy tematyczny i atematyczny stosowane są do opisu fleksji nominalnej i werbalnej języka praindoeuropejskiego oraz starszych faz poszczególnych języków indoeuropejskich. W rozumieniu pierwszym termin atematyczny oznacza formacje, których morfem tematyczny jest morfemem zerowym, tzn. takie, w których po części leksykalnej następuje bezpośrednio końcówka fleksyjna, a termin tematyczny oznacza formacje, w których morfem tematyczny jest różny od zera. W rozumieniu drugim termin tematyczny oznacza formacje, które tuż przed końcówką mają samogłoskę tematyczną, którą rozumie się zazwyczaj jako pie. *-e/o- (niekiedy także jako *-ā-), a termin atematyczny oznacza formacje, które nie mają tej samogłoski. Część formacji jest atematyczna w obu rozumieniach (np. pie. *dóm(H)-Ø-s ‘dom’), część jednak jest atematyczna tylko w rozumieniu drugim, ale już nie w pierwszym (np. pie. *dóm(H)-u-s ‘dom’). Uzasadnienia rozumienia pierwszego szukać można w praindoeuropejskiej fleksji werbalnej, w której istnieje niewiele formacji mających morfem tematyczny inny niż *-e/o-. Uzasadnieniem rozumienia drugiego są różnice we fleksji formacji z morfemem *e/o- i bez niego. Dwuznaczność w rozumieniu terminów tematyczny i atematyczny możne być pośrednio spowodowana faktem, że oba terminy, z którymi się je wiąże – morfem tematyczny i samogłoska tematyczna – pochodzą od tego samego terminu temat; dwuznaczność jest mniejsza na przykład w języku angielskim, w którym analogiczne terminy pochodzą od dwóch różnych terminów podstawowych: stem (stąd ang. stem suffix) i theme (stąd ang. thematic vowel). Ambiguity of the terms thematic and athematic in Indo-European linguistics. Summary: The Polish terms tematyczny (‘thematic’) and atematyczny (‘athematic’) are used to describe nominal and verbal inflection of the Proto-Indo-European language and of the older phases of some individual Indo-European languages. In the first sense, the term atematyczny is used for formations whose stem morpheme is zero – that is, in which the lexical part is followed directly by the inflectional ending, while the term tematyczny is used for formations in which the stem morpheme is different from zero. In the second sense, the term tematyczny is used for formations that just before the ending have a thematic vowel, which is usually understood as PIE. *-e/o- (sometimes also as *-ā-), while the term atematyczny is used for formations that do not have this vowel. Some formations are thematic or athematic in both meanings (e.g. PIE. *dóm(H)-Ø-s ‘house’), and some are labelled as athematic only in the second meaning, but not in the first one (e.g. PIE. *dóm(H)-u-s ‘house’). Justifications for the first meaning can be found in Proto-Indo-European verbal inflection, in which there are few formations with a stem morpheme other than * -e/o-. Justifications for the second meaning are some differences in the inflection of formations with the *-e/o- morpheme and without it. The ambiguity in the understanding of the terms tematyczny and atematyczny in Polish may be indirectly due to the fact that both terms with which they are associated – morfem tematyczny (‘thematic morpheme’) and samogłoska tematyczna (‘thematic vowel’) – come from the same term temat ‘theme’; the ambiguity is less e.g. in English, where analogous terms come from two different basic terms: stem (hence stem suffix or stem morpheme) and theme (hence thematic vowel). Keywords: thematic, athematic, Proto-Indo-European, thematic vowel, stem morpheme
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Kazlauskienė, Asta, and Gailius Raškinis. "The Structure of Morphemes of Lithuanian Verbs." Respectus Philologicus 23, no. 28 (2013): 198–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/respectus.2013.23.28.17.
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The aim of this research was to establish and describe the most important phonemic patterns of Lithuanian verb morphemes. The investigation was based on a corpus of 30,000 verb types (verbs and their forms). All words in the corpus were stressed and phonetically transcribed. A computer program was developed to extract statistics out of this corpus. The results indicate that monosyllabic morphemes dominate in Lithuanian. They comprise 97%, 99%, 98%, and 97% of all verb roots, prefixes, derivational suffixes, and endings respectively. Inflectional suffixes and the reflexive affix are exclusively monosyllabic. Pronominal inflection endings are either disyllabic (97%) or trisyllabic. There is a high variety of vowelconsonant patterns among verbs: the verb root is represented by 91 patterns, prefixes by 8 patterns, derivational suffixes by 18 patterns, inflectional suffixes by 7 patterns, inflectional endings by 9 patterns, endings of pronominal participles by 7 patterns, and the reflexive affix by 3 different patterns. The consonant-vowel-consonant (CVC) pattern appeared to be the most frequent among verb roots (45%), the CV pattern was the most frequent among prefixes (59%), the VC pattern was the most frequent among derivational suffixes (46%), and V pattern was the most frequent among inflectional endings of Lithuanian verbs (76%). In many cases, the root of a verb contains both initial and final consonants (82%). Because of this and because of the tendency to avoid hiatus in Lithuanian, the root can be adjoined by vowel-final prefixes and vowel-initial suffixes or inflectional endings. This appears to be the case, as prefixes are mostly open (80%), and both derivational suffixes (90%) and all inflectional endings begin with vowels. Inflectional suffixes do not follow this regularity. Only one-third of them start with a vowel. The hypothesis that the phonemic structure of a verb root might determine the corresponding patterns of its adjoining affixes seems to be supported by this investigation.
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Adamczyk, Elżbieta, and Arjen P. Versloot. "Phonological constraints on morphology: Evidence from Old English nominal inflection." Folia Linguistica 40, no. 1 (2019): 153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flih-2019-0008.
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Abstract Studying the complex interaction between phonological and morphological developments involved in the extensive reorganisation of nominal inflection in early English, we focus, primarily, on new inflectional endings that emerged by analogy in etymologically suffix-less paradigm forms of r-stems and root nouns. We argue that the analogical changes were essentially reactive to phonological developments, and to a large extent predictable in statistical terms. Investigating correlations in corpus data, we identify the factors that affected the probability that new analogical endings were adopted. The predictors of the directions of analogical change that we show to be robust include the syllable structure of the root, the salience of inherited and analogical inflectional markers, as well as their absolute and relative frequencies.
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Revithiadou, Anthi, Kalomoira Nikolou, and Despina Papadopoulou. "Stress in the Absence of Morphological Conditioning: An Experimental Investigation of Stress in Greek Acronyms." Journal of Greek Linguistics 15, no. 2 (2015): 187–234. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15699846-01502003.
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Greek is a morphology-dependent stress system, where stress is lexically specified for a number of individual morphemes (e.g., roots and suffixes). In the absence of lexically encoded stress, a default stress emerges. Most theoretical analyses of Greek stress that assume antepenultimate stress to represent the default (e.g., Malikouti-Drachman & Drachman 1989; Ralli & Touratzidis 1992; Revithiadou 1999) are not independently confirmed by experimental studies (e.g., Protopapas et al. 2006; Apostolouda 2012; Topintzi & Kainada 2012; Revithiadou & Lengeris in press). Here, we explore the nature of the default stress in Greek with regard to acronyms, given their lack of overt morphology and fixed stress pattern, with a goal of exploring how stress patterns are shaped when morphological information (encapsulated in the inflectional ending) is suppressed. For this purpose, we conducted two production (reading aloud) experiments, which revealed, for our consultants, first, an almost complete lack of antepenultimate stress and, second, a split between penultimate and final stress dependent on acronym length, the type of the final segment and the syllable type of the penultimate syllable. We found two predominant correspondences: (a) consonant-final acronyms and end stress and (b) vowel-final acronyms and the inflected word the vowel represents, the effect being that stress patterns for acronyms are linked to the inflected words they represent only if enough morphonological information about the acronym’s segments is available to create familiarity effects. Otherwise, we find a tendency for speakers to prefer stress at stem edges.
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Sušinskienė, Solveiga, and Jolanta Vaskelienė. "On comparative study of deverbal nominalizations denoting process and result in Lithuanian and English." Valoda: nozīme un forma / Language: Meaning and Form 11 (2020): 159–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/vnf.11.10.
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Although the Lithuanian and English languages are bound within the family of IndoEuropean languages, the typological differences between the two languages lie in the system of inflectional and derivational morphology. The paper analyses the concept of nominalization and discusses the deverbal process and result nominalizations in Lithuanian and English. For the comparative qualitative and quantitative analysis, 965 equivalents of deverbal nouns have been selected from the “Parallel Corpus”. Out of them, 802 examples belong to the category of deverbal process nouns, whilst the category of deverbal result nouns includes 163 examples. From the point of view of morphology, in both languages nominalization is a word-formation process by which a noun is derived from a verb, adjective or another noun, or even other parts of speech, usually through suffixation and by adding the ending in the Lithuanian language. Two types of nominalization can be found across languages: lexical and syntactic. Lexical nominalization refers to the formation of deverbal nouns or nominal words derived from the verb or a nominal word, and syntactic nominalization refers to turning a clause into a noun phrase. In summary, the investigation of the derivational affixes of deverbal nouns in Lithuanian and their equivalents in English has revealed the following differences: in Lithuanian, the deverbal nominalizations – deverbal process nouns and deverbal result nouns – can be formed with 132 suffixes and 5 endings, whilst in English – with 10 suffixes and by employing the derivational strategy of conversion. Also, the analysis of the empirical material revealed that the suffix -imas/-ymas in Lithuanian prevails in forming deverbal process nouns (they make 73 per cent of all deverbal process nouns), while the suffix -inys is the most prolific in forming deverbal result nouns (they make 38 per cent of all deverbal result nouns). The English equivalents usually have the suffix -ion/-tion/-sion/-ation, quite many derivatives have the suffix -ing. It should be noted that deverbal nominalizations in the Lithuanian language often correlate with abstract and concrete nouns (non-derivatives) in the English language: 23 per cent of all derivatives in Lithuanian have more than one equivalent (derivative or non-derivative) in English.
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Valente, Simona. "le desinenze personali nella morfologia verbale delle carte cavensi (IX secolo)." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, no. 1-4 (2020): 305–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.27.
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Summary:This paper aims to examine some aspects of the verbal inflectional endings found in a corpus of 9th-century legal documents produced in the Lombard duchy of Salerno, in the South of Italy. Compared to nominal inflection, verbal inflection endings display a stronger continuity with the Latin of previous stages. Nevertheless, different types of innovations are observable. On the basis of data from present indicative and subjunctive, two of them will be analysed: 1) innovative forms explicable in terms of well-known morpho-phonological processes and showing convergence with the Romance outcomes 2) innovative variants, that can be interpreted in different ways, diverging both from previous stages of the Latin and from the Romance outcomes. To interpret both these kinds of variation, a crucial role is played by external factors such as the cultural level of the authors of the documents and their capability to conform to the traditional linguistic models.
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Akhmedova, Julia. "FEATURES OF DECLENSION UKRAINIAN FEMININE NAMES І DECLINATION OF FIRM GROUP". Research Bulletin Series Philological Sciences 1, № 193 (2021): 277–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.36550/2522-4077-2021-1-193-277-283.
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The article analyzes the inflectional paradigm of Ukrainian anthroponyms - feminine names, which are decimated according to the pattern of the I declination of a firm group because in the process of inflection Ukrainian anthroponyms show a number of case features to designate their feminine names that distinguish them from other nouns. It defines relevant factors for highlighting the morphological paradigms of the studied anthropolexems, such as the nominal type of declination; tribal affiliation (labelling category of feminine gender); attribution to the category of human beings; one-type accentuation (fixed emphasis on the basis, movable emphasis or on the basis of the singular and on inflection of the plural, or on the basis of the singular and parallel of the plural - on inflection (except genitive and accusative) and on the basis); the formation of complete paradigms; common endings in case forms; doublet forms in the accusative plural form (zero and -и); morphological phenomena that arise at the base of lexemes during inflection; the alternation of hard and soft phonemes, pharyngeal and lingual with soft tooth phonemes, vowel phoneme /о/ and /е/ with zero phoneme; it analyzes case inflections of masculine names of II declination of the firm group in the singular form (-а in the nominative case, -u in the genitive case, -і in the dative case, -у in the accusative case, -ою in the instrumental case, -і in the prepositional case, -о in the vocal case) and in the plural form (-и in the nominative case, zero in the genitive case, -ам in the dative case, zero (*-и) in the accusative case, -ами in the instrumental case, -ах in the prepositional case, -и in the vocative case); it describes the system of simple paradigmatic classes ofproper feminine names of I declination. The morphological paradigm of anthroponyms for the designation of proper masculine and feminine names requires a detailed study and systematic description, taking into account modern approaches.
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Kytö, Merja. "Third-person present singular verb inflection in early British and American English." Language Variation and Change 5, no. 2 (1993): 113–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394500001447.
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ABSTRACTThis study concentrates on the development of the third-person indicative present singular verb inflection in Early Modern British and American English. Within the framework of sociohistorical variation analysis, corpus-based comparisons focus on a number of extralinguistic and linguistic factors that have influenced the choice of the forms over successive periods of time. During the period studied, the main line of development is the replacement of the -th by the -s ending; the zero from is clearly in decline, as is the use of the -s and the -th endings in the third-person present plural inflection. The type of the verb (notably have and do vs. other verbs) and stem-final sounds play an important role in the choice of the form. The text type, the level of formality, and the sex of the author can also be seen to influence the distribution patterns. The -s ending had already been firmly established in everyday usage before the settlers left for the New World. Contrary to what has usually been attributed to the phenomenon of “colonial lag,” the rate of change was more rapid in the colonies than in the mother country.
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Hill, Eugen. "A case study in grammaticalized inflectional morphology." Diachronica 27, no. 3 (2010): 411–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.27.3.02hil.
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This paper deals with one of the oldest and most controversial problems in the historical morphology of the Germanic branch of Indo-European: the origin and historical development of the so-called ‘weak preterite’. In Germanic, the weak preterite is the only means of forming the preterite tense of a derived verb. In spite of two hundred years of research into the weak preterite and a large number of hypotheses concerning its origin, it is not even securely established how the inflectional endings of this formation should be reconstructed for the common prehistory of the attested Germanic languages. Traditionally the inflectional endings of the weak preterite are conceived of as reflecting free inflectional forms of the verb “do”, only recently having been grammaticalized as inflectional morphology for derived verbs. But it has never been possible to identify the inflectional forms in question satisfactorily within the paradigm of “do”. This paper reconsiders the evidence of the Germanic daughter languages by taking into account West Germanic irregularities previously neglected or viewed as irrelevant. It is shown that the West Germanic evidence provides a key to understanding the origin and the later developments of the weak preterite inflectional endings.
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Monteiro-Luperi, Telma Iacovino, and Debora Maria Befi-Lopes. "Performance of preschool children with normal language development in past tense task." CoDAS 26, no. 1 (2014): 46–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s2317-17822014000100007.
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The acquisition of tense inflection is a gradual process, and the children appear unaware of the significance of inflectional endings, without recognizing that there is a general rule for deriving one form from another. Purpose: To investigate the ability of past tense in children with normal language development (NLD). Methods: The subjects were 30 children with NLD, aged between 4 and 6 years. To evaluate the use of past tense, we developed a test composed of 30 regular and irregular verbs. The analysis of the answers considered the correct ones, the replacement, overregularization and errors. Results: The 4 years old children with NLD had worse performance than the children of 5 and 6 years in correct answers and total score. There was no difference between the numbers of replacement based on age. By the age of 4, we observed more tense inflection errors. The overregularization errors did not differ between age groups. By the age of 4, children had more regular than irregular verbs correct answers. Conclusion: The 4 years old children with NLD had worse performance than 5 and 6 years old children, because they are still improving the use of verbs in their productions. At this age, we observed tense inflection errors. The 5 and 6 years old children already master the skill of past tense and do not differenciate.
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Budassi, Marco, and Elisa Roma. "On the origin of the absolute vs. conjunct opposition in Insular Celtic." Indogermanische Forschungen 123, no. 1 (2018): 293–338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2018-0011.
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Abstract Despite more than a century of research, the origin of the Insular Celtic double system of verbal inflection is still debated. In this paper, we defend the thesis that the set of absolute endings originated by the agglutination of a subject clitic to the verb form. This clitic marked the declarative (vs. relative) use of verbs, since its distribution was complementary to that of the relative marker *yo. The present indicative as well as the preterite (in both the absolute and conjunct inflection) of one strong verb (berid‘bring’) and one weak verb (lécid‘leave’) are reconstructed according to this theory. For compound verb forms, the clitic ~ *yoalternation can be posited as well. The cases in which the distribution of initial mutations on the verb stem after preverbs does not follow the diachronic phonological rules of Old Irish (that is, there is no lenition after preverbs originally ending in a vowel) are accounted for from a synchronic standpoint. This “anomalous” behaviour can be explained by positing that a functionally relevant (morphological) system of mutations had replaced the previous phonology-based system.
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Mel’čuk, Igor. "The notion of inflection and the expression of nominal gender in Spanish." Studies in Language 37, no. 4 (2013): 736–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.37.4.02mel.
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The paper discusses the morphological status and the function of Spanish nominal endings -o and -a (ciel+o ‘sky’ vs. caj+a ‘box’); it is shown that both endings, plus the endings -e and -Ø, are inflectional suffixes that mark, however, not the values of an inflectional category (like nominal number or verbal tense), but the values of a feature of the syntactics of the noun — the nominal gender. The ‘nominal gender’ is defined as a cluster concept based on eight properties; it is a particular case of ‘agreement class’ opposed to ‘noun class.’ Some particularities of Spanish nominal gender are examined: its interaction with diminutive suffixes, gender conversion, and its “non-prototypical” character (a parallel is drawn between Spanish nominal genders and noun classes in Fula).
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Wąsińska, Kinga. "Cyfrowe narzędzia w dydaktyce akademickiej. Badania diachroniczne polskiej fleksji z użyciem systemu Chronofleks." Forum Lingwistyczne, no. 7 (November 21, 2020): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/fl.2020.07.12.
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This paper describes the possibilities of the diachronic description of Polish inflection by the Chronofleks system and using it in academic didactics of historical linguistics classes. In new didactic seems necessary to use solutions based on new technologies that use students’ digital skills. Therefore, the observations carried out were to check the extent to which Chronofleks is helpful both in verifying the information available in academic textbooks and in the independent acquisition of knowledge by students. Three grammar issues were selected for research: Kopczyński’s rules, distribution of historic singular endings of male nouns, and ending frequency of the first person plural of verbs. The tests showed that a student can successfully learn the morphology of old Polish using the Chronofleks tool. In addition, Chronofleks allows you to implement a self-study teaching model.
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DĄBROWSKA, EWA. "Productivity and beyond: mastering the Polish genitive inflection." Journal of Child Language 32, no. 1 (2005): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000904006609.
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This study charts the development of the genitive masculine inflection, one of the most irregular parts of the Polish case-marking system. 72 Polish children aged from 2;3 to 10;8 participated in a nonce word production experiment testing their ability to supply the genitive form and their sensitivity to the semantic factors determining the choice of ending. Results indicate that productivity, or the ability to supply the inflected form of some nonce words, emerges early: 78% of the two-year-olds were able to inflect at least one test item. However, mastery, or the ability to consistently supply the correct ending, takes considerably longer to develop, and adultlike levels of provision are not reached until about age 10;0.
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Ogorodnikova, Lydia, and Yulia Ryndina. "Negative constructions with “Hem” (no) influencing the choice of the genitive form of nouns." SHS Web of Conferences 69 (2019): 00086. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20196900086.
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The article presents a further study of the genitive case variant inflection distribution in inanimate masculine nouns, found in fiction and journalistic texts of the second half of the 18th century. The focus is on the double negation in impersonal-predicative constructions with the word “no”. The relevance of the study is due to the persistent ambiguity of the choice of the genitive case form of words. The novelty is due to the literary sources created during the norm-establishing phase of the Russian literary language development. The article describes forms of the genitive case that have existed in the Russian language for a long time. The authors interpret the mechanism for choosing the genitive case by the authors of fiction and journalistic texts. The authors argue that a negative construct as a syntactic factor has little effect on the choice of the genitive case. The article discusses results of the comparative analysis of noun forms with A- and y-endings. In all types of negative constructions, the A-ending predominates, whereas the y-ending is observed in adverbial constructions and emphatic negations. A classification of structural types of negative sentences with genitive forms was developed.
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Fichtner, Edward G. "Noun Modifier Inflection in German: A Morphological System in Flux." American Journal of Germanic Linguistics and Literatures 2, no. 1 (1990): 23–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1040820700000366.
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ABSTRACTTraditionally, noun modifiers in German fall into two classes, the so-called der- and ein-words, and descriptive or attributive adjectives. In the noun phrase, members of these word classes are inflected by the addition of one or another of two sets of endings, i.e., the primary, strong, or pronominal endings, or the secondary, weak, or nominal endings, in highly predictable combinations. In the data collected by Ljungerud (1955), however, sequences of endings in noun phrases containing nine modifiers occur with noticeable departures from the norm, i.e., folgend, sämtlich, ander-, einig-, viel-, manch-, welch-, irgendwelch-, and solch-. It is concluded that the anomalous sequences of endings in phrases containing these modifers are motivated by the growing association of certain sequences of endings with the feature +/-Generality as a component of the meaning of the noun phrase as a whole.
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Čičirkaitė, Ramunė. "Social meaning of Vilnius vowel lengthening. The research of pupils’ subconscious attitudes." Taikomoji kalbotyra, no. 6 (November 7, 2015): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/tk.2014.17487.
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It is not enough just to describe the distribution of linguistic variants in a speech community in order to explain language variation and change in apparent time, it is important to examine what attitudes language users have towards them as well as social meanings attributed to them. To date the social meaning of vowel lengthening as a relevant feature of Vilnius speech has, however, not been studied. In February–March in 2014 speaker evaluation experiment was conducted in two socially and ethnically unmarked schools with Lithuanian as the language of instruction. The schools were ranked in the middle position in the rating of city schools; all of them were located in two socially unmarked boroughs of Vilnius. The experiment aimed at determining the social meanings that vowel lengthening acquires among Vilnius city pupils. A total of 231 senior (9–10) class pupils took part in the study. The experiment has confirmed the hypothesis that vowel lengthening in Vilnius speech is not evaluated ambiguously and has more than one social meaning. It is the articulatory context, in the other words – the cluster of other pronunciation features of a speaker (or stimuli type) that is decisive in which of the meanings is actualized. It has also showed a clear hierarchization of the stimuli types which reveal natural variability of short vowel lengthening in the speech community of Vilnius: 1) Kam+GalLT, 2) Neu, 3) Kam and 4) Kam+GalSL. The study has revealed that if vowel lengthening in the stem of the word and in the inflectional ending occurs in the articulatory context of the speakers of Lithuanian origin, it is perceived as a marker of high social status, power, high professional competence of the speaker as well as representing businessman profession, a speaker who could work as a newsreader, hold leadership positions. Personal traits like „educated“, „wealthy“, „successful“, „managing“, „youthful“, „urban“ and „having a good job“ have mostly been assigned to the latter types of speakers with statistically significant difference. If vowel lengthening occurs in the articulatory context of the speakers of Slavic origin, it is recognized as Slavic and associated with low social status, linked to services and working-class occupations. In addition, all the mentioned personal traits to this type of stimuli have been assigned most rarely by the pupils. Only the stem lengthening articulatory context has been linked to the category of provinciality and this stimuli type representing speakers have been mostly considered to be suitable for service occupations.
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Pitavy, Jean-Christophe. ""Tell me, Socrates ..."." Tense and Aspect 12 (December 31, 1998): 149–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bjl.12.09pit.
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Abstract. This paper reports on a research in progress on the aspectual opposition between two major stems of verbal inflection in Ancient Greek: Present and Aorist. By studying a corpus of forms taken from Plato's philosophical dialogues, we try to elucidate the relationship between the choice of an aspectual stem and the meaning of the verb in the situation of utterance. Our selected items are verbal forms used to invite the addressee to speak. The Invitation to speak is a connection between two consecutive utterance situations; it pragmatically implies a specific way of causing the addressee to act. Through a detailed analysis of the part played by non-inflectional person markers (stressed pronouns as opposed to simple endings), connective particles and adverbials, it appears that Aorist is used when the agent seems to be presented as opposed to another one and the process is presented as interrupted, whereas Present is used in the case of continuation or resumption of the speech process. Focus is preferably put on one of the actants, to mark the opposition and newness of the Aorist process, whereas putting the emphasis on a continuing process requires the Present stem.
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Gerritsen, Marinel. "Deflection in Flemish between the 13th and 20th centuries: An interplay between analogical and articulatory factors." Language Variation and Change 4, no. 1 (1992): 15–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394500000648.
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ABSTRACTThis article deals with the linguistic embedding, transition, and actuation of the obliteration of the gerund ending -e in the West Flemish dialect of Bruges between the 13th and 20th centuries. The following factors appear to have played a part in the change: syllable structure of the verb, nasalization of the last consonant of the stem, and frequency of the verb. The study shows that deflection (loss of inflections) started in the 14th century and is almost complete today. There are strong indications that the obliteration of the gerund ending was originally caused by analogical factors, but that articulatory factors played a leading role in the ensuing centuries. The areal spread of the linguistic factors that condition the occurrence of the gerund ending in the dialects in the region around Bruges nowadays suggests that the diachronic development in Bruges is not idiosyncratic for Bruges but holds for a much larger area.
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Dubasava, Anzhalika. "Acquisition of Noun Inflection in Lithuanian as a Foreign Language: a Qualitative Study." Respectus Philologicus, no. 37(42) (April 20, 2020): 62–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/respectus.2020.37.42.39.
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The aim of the research was to investigate how native speakers of Russian, which is a highly complex inflectional language, cope with the acquisition of the similar by structure and complexity Lithuanian language. The subjects were adults of different age and education who learned Lithuanian in Belarus. I analyse errors related to the acquisition of noun case. The errors are divided into formal (acquisition of endings) and conceptual ones (choice of the appropriate case). I shortly compare my results with the results of similar research conducted in Lithuania where the subjects were native speakers of different languages.The results of the study show that similar errors are typical for native speakers of different languages irrespective of their morphological complexity. A complex inflectional system of a native language is not necessarily beneficial, but it seems to give some advantages for the acquisition of semantic (not syntactic) cases.
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Brissaud, Catherine, and Jean-Pierre Chevrot. "The late acquisition of a major difficulty of French inflectional orthography: The homophonic /E/ verbal endings." Writing Systems Research 3, no. 2 (2011): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wsr/wsr003.
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Rimkutė, Erika, and Jūratė Raižytė. "Morphological adapting of loanwords in Lithuanian." Lietuvių kalba, no. 4 (October 25, 2010): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lk.2010.22861.
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The paper sets out to examine the Lithuanian loanwords whose morphological adaptation so far has not been complete; their inflection still poses quite a few problems, e.g. avokado, ateljė etc. The investigation focuses on new loanwords, e.g. indigas, ekstazis, sušis. It also includes some older loanwords, e.g. alibi, solfedžio; in actual usage they fluctuate between fully inflected and uninflected forms.New loanwords refer to words which came into actual Lithuanian usage after the restoration of Lithuania's independence. The tendencies of inflecting loanwords in contemporary Lithuanian have been investigated on the basis of a survey.The results of the survey suggest that some loanwords with unstressed endings are mostly used in their inflected forms; they have been given preference by ca 89.89 per cent of the respondents. Other loanwords (e.g. gospelas, spagečiai, bikinis) are equally frequent in their inflected and uninflected forms. The third group of loanwords (e.g. alibi, bingo, chaki, ledi, maestro) are mostly used in their uninflected forms; they have been chosen by 86.89 per cent of the respondents.The results of the survey have shown that in actual usage uninflected loanwords with the stressed ending -ė prevail (e.g. atašė, dekoltė, esė, turnė, želė); they have been given preference by 88.82 per cent of the respondents. However, in contemporary Lithuanian all of these loanwords have morphologically adapted variants.