To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Inflectional morphology.
Journal articles on the topic 'Inflectional morphology'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Inflectional morphology.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Damkor, Torkuma Tyonande, and Elizabeth Shimenenge Ugechi. "Progressive inflectional patterns in Tiv." Journal of Languages, Linguistics and Literary Studies 2, no. 3 (June 14, 2022): 89–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.57040/jllls.v2i3.217.
Full textAbstract:
The study entitled ‘Progressive inflectional patterns in Tiv’ is relevant because it complements the body of literature on Tiv inflection. Previously published papers on Tiv inflection at the disposal of the researchers do not treat progressive inflectional patterns in the language, let alone anchoring the study of progressive inflection in the Tiv language on Paradigm Function Morphology (PFM). Hence, the present study is designed to examine the progressive inflectional patterns in the Tiv language using the theoretical framework of Paradigm Function Morphology (PFM). The objectives of the study are to examine the progressive inflectional patterns featuring suffixation in the Tiv language and progressive inflectional patterns in the language featuring zero affixation. Since the study is designed to examine the progressive inflection in the Tiv language, the survey design was adopted. Data for the study were collected using semi-structured interviews and the researchers’ introspection. The study discovered that progressive inflectional patterns in the Tiv language are marked using suffixation and zero affixation respectively. The findings also show that progressive inflections are marked in the verbal roots so that such verbs can fit in with the syntactic structures in order to express ongoing activities or actions in the Tiv language.
2
ROTHOU, KYRIAKOULA M., and SUSANA PADELIADU. "Inflectional morphological awareness and word reading and reading comprehension in Greek." Applied Psycholinguistics 36, no. 4 (March 13, 2014): 1007–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0142716414000022.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThe study explored the contribution of two aspects of inflectional morphological awareness, verb inflection and noun–adjective inflection, to word reading and reading comprehension in the Greek language, which is an orthographically transparent language. Participants (120 first graders, 123 second graders, 126 third graders) were given two oral language experimental tasks of inflectional morphological awareness. Furthermore, phonological awareness, receptive vocabulary, expressive vocabulary, decoding, and reading comprehension were evaluated. It was revealed that noun–adjective inflectional morphology contributed significantly to decoding only in first grade, while verb inflectional morphology had a significant contribution to reading comprehension in third grade. It is interesting that inflectional morphological awareness did not predict reading skills for second graders. Phonological awareness was a firm predictor of word reading in all grades and made a unique contribution in Grades 2 and 3. Finally, in all grades, receptive vocabulary was a steady predictor of reading comprehension, whereas expressive vocabulary predicted only first-grade reading comprehension. It is suggested that inflectional morphological awareness may be an important predictor of early reading in a language with a shallow orthography and a rich morphology.
3
Matthews, Stephen, and Daniel Mario Abondolo. "Hungarian Inflectional Morphology." Language 66, no. 1 (March 1990): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/415294.
Full text
4
Sinha, Yash. "Hindi nominal suffixes are bimorphemic: A Distributed Morphology analysis." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 3, no. 1 (March 3, 2018): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v3i1.4301.
Full textAbstract:
This paper provides a Distributed Morphology (DM) analysis for Hindi nominal (noun and adjectival) inflection. Contra Singh & Sarma (2010), I argue that nominal suffixes contain two morphemes – a basic morpheme, and a restrictedly distributed additional morpheme. The presence of two different morphemes is especially evident when one compares noun and adjectival inflectional suffixes, which Singh & Sarma (2010) do not, since they only look at noun inflection. I also show that the so-called adjectival inflectional suffixes are not limited to adjectives, and may occur on nouns, provided the noun is not at the right edge of the noun phrase. On the other hand, the regular noun inflection is only limited to nouns at the right edge of the noun phrase. This is demonstrated using a type of coordinative compound found in Hindi. Then, I take the fact that nouns can take either the regular noun inflection or the so-called “adjectival” inflection as motivation for a unified analysis for both sets of suffixes. I demonstrate that after undoing certain phonological rules, the difference between the “adjectival” and regular noun inflectional suffixes can be summarized by saying that the additional morpheme only surfaces in the regular noun inflectional suffixes. Finally, I provide vocabulary entries and morphological operations that can capture the facts about the distribution of the various basic and additional morphemes.
5
LYYTINEN, PAULA, and HEIKKI LYYTINEN. "Growth and predictive relations of vocabulary and inflectional morphology in children with and without familial risk for dyslexia." Applied Psycholinguistics 25, no. 3 (June 2004): 397–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0142716404001183.
Full textAbstract:
The growth and predictive relations of early vocabulary and inflectional morphology were examined in children with (N=107) and without (N=93) familial risk for dyslexia. Children's receptive and expressive vocabulary and inflectional morphological skills were assessed longitudinally at 2, 2.5, 3.5, and 5 years by using a parent report tool (the MacArthur Communicative Development Inventory), measures from a spontaneous speech sample, and standardized tests. Children with and without familial risk for dyslexia did not differ from each other, either in expressive vocabulary or in composite scores of inflectional morphology at the age of 2 years. However, language skills indicated increasing group differences with age. Inflectional morphology showed differing predictive patterns for the at-risk group and their controls. Proficiency of inflections at 2 years significantly predicted 5-year-olds' language skills in the at-risk group. In contrast, for their age-matched controls inflections were not a significant predictor until the age of 3.5 years. Our findings suggest that children from families with dyslexia risk status and low inflectional skills at an early age are at higher risk for impairments in subsequent language development than are their age-matched controls.
6
Auclair-Ouellet, Noémie, Pauline Pythoud, Monica Koenig-Bruhin, and Marion Fossard. "Inflectional Morphology in Fluent Aphasia: A Case Study in a Highly Inflected Language." Language and Speech 62, no. 2 (March 26, 2018): 250–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0023830918765897.
Full textAbstract:
Inflectional morphology difficulties are typically reported in non-fluent aphasia with agrammatism, but a growing number of studies show that they can also be present in fluent aphasia. In agrammatism, morphological difficulties are conceived as the consequence of impaired phonological encoding and would affect regular verbs more than irregular verbs. However, studies show that inflectional morphology difficulties concern both regular and irregular verbs, and that their origin could be more conceptual/semantic in nature. Additionally, studies report more pronounced impairments for the processing of the past tense compared to other tenses. The goal of this study was to characterize the impairment of inflectional morphology in fluent aphasia. RY, a 69-year-old man with chronic fluent aphasia completed a short neuropsychological and language battery and three experimental tasks of inflectional morphology. The tasks assessed the capacity to select the correct inflected form of a verb based on time information, to access the time information included in an inflectional morpheme, and to produce verbs with tense inflection. His performance was compared to a group of five adults without language impairments. Results showed that RY had difficulties selecting the correct inflected form of a verb, accessing time information transmitted by inflectional morphemes, and producing inflected verbs. His difficulties affected both regular and irregular verbs, and verbs in the present, past, and future tenses. The performance also shows the influence of processing limitations over the production and comprehension of inflectional morphology. More studies of inflectional morphology in fluent aphasia are needed to understand the origin of difficulties.
7
Shaul, David Leedom. "Teguima (Opata) Inflectional Morphology." International Journal of American Linguistics 56, no. 4 (October 1990): 561–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466175.
Full text
8
Van Den Bussche, H. "Proto-romance inflectional morphology." Lingua 66, no. 2-3 (July 1985): 225–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0024-3841(85)90336-5.
Full text
9
Mansfield, John. "Intersecting formatives and inflectional predictability: How do speakers and learners predict the correct form of Murrinhpatha verbs?" Word Structure 9, no. 2 (October 2016): 183–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/word.2016.0093.
Full textAbstract:
This article investigates the phenomenon of inflection by intersecting formatives, that is to say, where an exponence is encoded by a combination of independently distributed phonological increments. Formative independence is defined in terms of conditional entropy. The verb inflection system of Murrinhpatha, an Aboriginal language of northern Australia, is analysed as a particularly complex example of intersecting formatives, and in general we can say that inflectional exponence in this language is highly irregular or unpredictable. Recent information-theoretic approaches to morphology provide us with methods for formalising and measuring the unpredictability of Murrinhpatha verb inflection. We add a distinct formalism that models the probability of correct inflectional prediction given incomplete knowledge of the inflectional paradigms in the language. We argue that this is a particularly relevant model for Murrinhpatha speaker/learners, because the language has a small, closed class of finite verb lexemes, most of which have their own idiosyncratic inflectional paradigm. There are not productively applied inflectional classes. In this model of inflectional predictability, intersecting formatives are in some cases the only chance a learner/speaker has of predicting the correct form.
10
Schriefers, H., A. Friederici, and P. Graetz. "Inflectional and Derivational Morphology in the Mental Lexicon: Symmetries and Asymmetries in Repetition Priming." Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology Section A 44, no. 2 (February 1992): 373–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02724989243000073.
Full textAbstract:
Using a repetition priming paradigm, the interrelations between morphologically related words in the mental lexicon were examined in two experiments. In contrast to most previous studies, in which morphologically complex words occur as primes and stems as targets, derivationally and inflectionally complex forms were fully crossed in prime–target pairs. Experiment 1 showed asymmetries in the pattern of priming effects between different inflectional forms of German adjectives. Such asymmetries are problematic for any theory that assumes that all members of an inflectional paradigm share one entry in the mental lexicon. Experiment 2 contrasted derivational and inflectional variants of the same stems used in Experiment 1. Once again, there were same clear asymmetries in the pattern of priming effects. The implications of these results for models of lexical organization of inflectional and derivational morphology are discussed.
11
Goad, Heather, Lydia White, and Jeffrey Steele. "Missing Inflection in L2 Acquisition: Defective Syntax or LI-Constrained Prosodic Representations?" Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 48, no. 3-4 (December 2003): 243–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100000669.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIt is proposed that failure to consistently produce inflectional morphology by Mandarin-speaking learners of English is due to properties of the LI prosodic phonology which are transferred into the interlanguage grammar. While English requires inflection to be adjoined to the Prosodic Word, Mandarin does not permit this structure. Inflection in Mandarin is instead incorporated into the PWd of the stem to which it attaches. It is shown that Mandarin speakers fall into two groups in their treatment of English inflectional morphology. One group of learners is sensitive to the need for a unified analysis of inflection. They recognize that English does not permit a stem-internal analysis of this morphology, but as their grammars do not permit adjunction, inflection is deleted across-the-board. For the other group, inflection surfaces variably, for those stimuli where the shape of the stem enables it to be incorporated into the PWd, as in the L1.
12
Bubenik, Vit. "Inflectional Morphology and Clitics in Functional Grammar." Diachronica 10, no. 2 (January 1, 1993): 165–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.10.2.02bub.
Full textAbstract:
SUMMARY The Theory of Functional Grammar (S. C. Dik 1989) does not recognize explicitly the INFLECTIONAL type in addition to the FREE PRONOUN, CLITIC and APPOSITIONAL types. On the basis of data from a number of IE and non-IE languages, this paper presents cogent evidence for its recognition. It is argued that the CLITIC type is insufficient to cover data of both agglutinative and inflectional languages, or, from the point of typology based on pronominal elements, to distinguish between referring to participants in discourse by means of pronominal clitics vs. personal affixes which are not synchronically analyz-able as clitics. The distribution of individual features characterizing the four types is examined in considerable detail: e.g., the interference with tense/aspect is a typical phenomenon in the FREE PRONOUN and INFLECTIONAL types as opposed to the other two; the INFLECTIONAL type has the highest number of pronominal sets and only in this type do the pronouns develop adjectival characteristics. In the diachronic section various shifts from the FREE PRONOUN to the CLITIC to the INFLECTIONAL or APPOSITIONAL type in the history of individual languages are examined, and it is shown that the degree of flexivity may vary from one to another language, or even within one language from one to another morphological category. RÉSUMÉ La théorie de la grammaire fonctionnelle (S.C. Dik 1989) ne reconnaît pas explicitement l'existence du type INFLECTIONNEL en plus des types PRONOM LIBRE, CLITIQUE et APPOSITIONNEL. Basé sur l'analyse de données de plu-sieures langues indo-européennes et non-indo-européennes, cet article présente une argumentation en faveur de la reconnaissance d'une catégorie INFLEC-TIONNELLE. On soutient que la catégorie CLITIQUE est nettement insuffisante pour recouvrir les données tant des langues agglutinatives que des langues inflectionnelles; en plus, du point de vue d'une typologie basée sur les éléments pronominaux, la catégorie CLITIQUE ne distingue pas les actants marqués par les pronoms clitiques de ceux marqués par les désinences personelles du verbe, qui ne sont pas synchroniquement analysables comme des clitiques. La distribution des traits individuels qui caracterisent les quatre types est examinée en détail: par exemple, l'interférence entre le temps et l'aspect est un phénomène typique des types PRONOM LIBRE et INFLECTIONNEL mais non des deux autres; le type INFLECTIONNEL possède le plus grand nombre de séries pronominales et c'est seulement dans ce type-ci ou les pronoms développent des caractéristiques adjectivales. Dans la partie diachronique de l'article, de diverses transitions du type PRONOM LIBRE au type CLITIQUE et ensuite au type INFLECTIONNEL ou APPOSITIONNEL dans l'histoire de certaines langues sont examinées d'une langue à l'autre mais aussi dans les catégories morphologiques d'une seule et même langue. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Die Theorie der 'Funktionellen Grammatik' (S. C. Dik 1989) erkennt nicht ausdrücklich den FLEKTIVEN Typus zuzüglich der FREIFÜRWORT-, KLITIK-und APPOSITIONELLEN Typen an. Aufgrund von Material aus verschiedenen indo-europäischen und nicht-indo-europäischen Sprachen bietet dieser Aufsatz zwingenden Beweis für seine Anerkennung. Es wird festgestellt, daB der bloße KLITIK-Typus nicht genügt, die Daten sowohl agglutinierender als auch flek-tierender Sprachen um zubedecken. Aus der Hinsicht der auf die pronominalen Elemente gegründeten Typologie, kann er nicht zwischen Hinweis auf die Dis-kursteilnehmer mittels pronominaler Klitika im Gegensatz zu pronominalen Affixen, die synchronisch nicht als Klitika analysierbar sind, unterscheiden. Die Verteilung einzelner Merkmale, die für diese vier Typen charakteristisch sind, wird hier im Detail untersucht; z.B. die Interferenz Tempus/Aspekt ist ein typisches Phänomen im FREIFÜRWORT- und FLEKTIVEN Typus gegenüber den zwei anderen; der FLEKTIVE Typus besitzt die höchste Anzahl von Fürwort-reihen und nur in diesem Typus entwickeln die Fürworte adjektivische Merkmale. Im diachronischen Teil dieses Aufsatzes werden verschiedene Verschie-bungen vom FREIFÜRWORT- zum KLITIK- zum FLEKTIVEN oder APPOSITIONELLEN Typus in der Geschichte einzelner Sprachen untersucht. Es wird nach-gewiesen, daB die Stufe der Flexivität nicht nur von einer zur anderen Sprache sondern sogar innerhalb einer Sprache von einer zur anderen morphologischen Kategorie variieren kann.
13
Shuhama, Yuji. "Clause-sensitivity of Inflectional Morphology in L2 English." Asian Journal of University Education 17, no. 3 (August 1, 2021): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24191/ajue.v17i3.14519.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: The Interface Hypothesis (Sorace, 2000) developed in line with the Minimalist theory of grammar (Chomsky, 1995 et seq.) supports the view of L2 acquisition that syntactic properties are acquired early while the acquisition of interface properties is delayed. One of the interface properties is inflectional morphology on English verbs, which involves subject-verb agreement at the syntax-morphology interface. Previous studies have revealed that for learners of L2 English, acquiring third person singular -s is harder than regular past -ed due to the absence of meaningless morphemes in L1. However, one question has been disregarded: Where in a clause are these morphemes inserted more successfully? Given that subordinate clauses are more complex than main clauses, this study examines the clause-sensitivity of L2 inflectional morphology. 44 Japanese university students learning English as L2 were asked to complete a grammaticality judgment test and write an essay about a specified topic. The learners’ inflection pattern was surveyed through the test scores and text analysis of the essays. Results show that -s tends to be omitted regardless of clause types, but -ed is omitted more frequently in complement clauses than main clauses. These are due to negative L1 transfer on L2 inflectional morphology and our findings imply the importance of clauses as meaningful units in L2 grammar instructions.
Keywords: Clause-sensitivity, Inflectional morphology, L2 grammar instructions, The Interface Hypothesis.
14
Pounder, Amanda. "Inflection and the Paradigm in German Nouns." American Journal of Germanic Linguistics and Literatures 8, no. 2 (1996): 219–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1040820700001852.
Full textAbstract:
The paper presents an analysis of noun inflection in Modern Standard German within a process framework. Familiar issues in the description of German inflectional morphology are discussed, such as analysis of weak nouns and of plural formation, and the establishment of inflectional classes, as well as broader theoretical issues such as postulation of identity relations (“zeros”). The elements of a process morphology are elaborated, including some that deviate from well-known models, such as recognition of a dynamic morphological component distinct from the static lexicon, expression of morphological semantics in the morphological component, and formalization of the notion of a paradigm. The paradigm is claimed to be an essential morphological structure, dynamic in nature, responsible for organization of the inflectional system and ensuring, in cooperation with operations applied to stems, correct sequencing and selection of these inflectional operations. It is also concluded that the inflectional class, derivative of the paradigm, may be a useful construct in some languages (including German), but is not a necessary one for all inflecting languages.
15
Gobena, Wakweya. "Inflectional morphology in Mecha Oromo." Journal of Languages and Culture 8, no. 8 (August 31, 2017): 110–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/jlc2016.0395.
Full text
16
Sereno, Joan A., and Allard Jongman. "Processing of English inflectional morphology." Memory & Cognition 25, no. 4 (July 1997): 425–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3758/bf03201119.
Full text
17
Roseline I. C. Alerechi and Ethelbert Emmanuel Kari. "Verb Inflectional Morphology in Ikwere." Studies in Linguistics ll, no. 48 (July 2018): 79–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.17002/sil..48.201807.79.
Full text
18
Baayen, R. Harald, Yu-Ying Chuang, and James P. Blevins. "Inflectional morphology with linear mappings." Mental Lexicon 13, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 230–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ml.18010.baa.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This methodological study provides a step-by-step introduction to a computational implementation of word and paradigm morphology using linear mappings between vector spaces for form and meaning. Taking as starting point the linear regression model, the main concepts underlying linear mappings are introduced and illustrated with R code. It is then shown how vector spaces can be set up for Latin verb conjugations, using 672 inflected variants of two verbs each from the four main conjugation classes. It turns out that mappings from form to meaning (comprehension), and from meaning to form (production) can be carried out loss-free. This study concludes with a demonstration that when the graph of triphones, the units that underlie the form space, is mapped onto a 2-dimensional space with a self-organising algorithm from physics (graphopt), morphological functions show topological clustering, even though morphemic units do not play any role whatsoever in the model. It follows, first, that evidence for morphemes emerging from experimental studies using, for instance, fMRI, to localize morphemes in the brain, does not guarantee the existence of morphemes in the brain, and second, that potential topological organization of morphological form in the cortex may depend to a high degree on the morphological system of a language.
19
Slabakova, Roumyana. "How is inflectional morphology learned?" EUROSLA Yearbook 9 (July 30, 2009): 56–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eurosla.9.05sla.
Full textAbstract:
This article considers recent explanations of variability in the second language (L2) comprehension of inflectional morphology. The predictions of five accounts are spelled out: the emergentist account, the Feature Assembly Hypothesis, the Contextual Complexity Hypothesis, the Morphological Underspecification Hypothesis and the Combinatorial Variability Hypothesis. These predictions are checked against the results of an experimental study on the L2 acquisition of inflectional morphology (based on an extension of Slabakova and Gajdos 2008). English-native learners of German at beginning and intermediate proficiency levels took a multiple-choice test where they had to supply appropriate missing subjects. The predictions of the Morphological Underspecification Hypothesis and the Combinatorial Variability Hypothesis were largely supported by the experimental findings. It is argued that only accounts looking at mental representation of lexical features adequately explain L2 morphological variability.
20
Luke, Steven G., and Kiel Christianson. "Predicting inflectional morphology from context." Language, Cognition and Neuroscience 30, no. 6 (February 10, 2015): 735–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23273798.2015.1009918.
Full text
21
Creider, Chet, and Richard Hudson. "Inflectional morphology in Word Grammar." Lingua 107, no. 3-4 (April 1999): 163–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0024-3841(98)00027-8.
Full text
22
Laudanna, Alessandro, William Badecker, and Alfonso Caramazza. "Processing inflectional and derivational morphology." Journal of Memory and Language 31, no. 3 (June 1992): 333–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0749-596x(92)90017-r.
Full text
23
Levinson, Dmitry. "Polarity Sensitivity in Inflectional Morphology." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 32, no. 1 (October 17, 2006): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v32i1.3458.
Full text
24
Caramazza, Alfonso, Alessandro Laudanna, and Cristina Romani. "Lexical access and inflectional morphology." Cognition 28, no. 3 (April 1988): 297–332. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0010-0277(88)90017-0.
Full text
25
Anderson, Stephen R. "Disjunctive ordering in inflectional morphology." Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 4, no. 1 (February 1986): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00136262.
Full text
26
MÜLLER, STEFAN. "Solving the bracketing paradox: an analysis of the morphology of German particle verbs." Journal of Linguistics 39, no. 2 (July 2003): 275–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226703002032.
Full textAbstract:
Inflectional affixes are sensitive to morphological properties of the stems of the verbs they attach to. Therefore it is reasonable to assume that the inflectional material is combined with both the verbal stem of simplex verbs and the verbal stem of particle verbs. It has been argued that this leads to a bracketing paradox in the case of particle verbs since the semantic contribution of the inflectional information scopes over the complete particle verb. I will discuss nominalizations and adjective derivation, which are also problematic because of various bracketing paradoxes. I will suggest a solution to these paradoxes that assumes that inflectional and derivational prefixes and suffixes always attach to a form of a stem that already contains the information about a possible particle, but without containing a phonological realization of the particle. As is motivated by syntactic properties of particle verbs, the particle is treated as a dependent of the verb. The particle is combined with its head after inflection and derivation. With such an approach no special mechanisms for the analysis of particle verbs are necessary.
27
Gor, Kira, Anna Chrabaszcz, and Svetlana Cook. "Early and late learners decompose inflected nouns, but can they tell which ones are inflected correctly?" Journal of Second Language Studies 1, no. 1 (May 7, 2018): 106–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jsls.17021.gor.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract An auditory lexical decision task tests morphological decomposition and sensitivity to violations in inflection in late second language learners, early learners (heritage speakers), and native speakers of Russian. Two datasets compared reaction times and error rates to real Russian inflected nouns and nonce nouns. Two parameters of real nouns were manipulated: case (the nominative, or the oblique case), and inflection (overt or zero). Nonce nouns had (a) real stems and inflections combined in an illegal way (lemoning), and (b) inflected nonce stems (lemosing). Results suggest that heritage and late learners process inflectional morphology; however, their processing of inflected words is unreliable: they are willing to accept words with incongruent inflections. While no major differences were found in the processing patterns of early and late learners, a developmental trajectory was observed in both groups of learners: their sensitivity to violations in inflection improved with proficiency.
28
Vaknin-Nussbaum, Vered, and Joseph Shimron. "Hebrew plural inflection." Mental Lexicon 6, no. 2 (August 3, 2011): 197–244. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ml.6.2.01vak.
Full textAbstract:
Research on several Indo-European languages attests to notable difficulties in inflecting irregular nouns and verbs. In these languages morphological and phonological factors are often intertwined in a way that obscures the source of the problem. Hebrew by contrast allows isolation of morphological and phonological factors in nominal inflection. Three experiments demonstrated that as in Indo-European languages, nominal inflection of Hebrew irregular nouns is slower than that of regular nouns and involves more errors. The occurrence of phonological alterations to the noun’s stem with the inflection is an additional source of irregularity, which also taxes the inflectional process in reaction time and error rate. The empirical results underline the power of the default automatic suffixation process as the main obstacle to irregular inflection. A theoretical contribution of this study is an interpretation of the irregularity effect based on a morphological analysis that views Hebrew as having a linear rather than a non-linear morphology. The stem–suffix match is suggested as the dominant factor affecting the inflectional process, responsible for the difficulties in irregular inflections. It is argued that in Hebrew, the differences between inflecting regular and irregular nouns can be easily and adequately explained as resulting from a mismatch between a stem and an affix.
29
KIRKICI, BILAL, and HARALD CLAHSEN. "Inflection and derivation in native and non-native language processing: Masked priming experiments on Turkish." Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 16, no. 4 (November 27, 2012): 776–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1366728912000648.
Full textAbstract:
Much previous experimental research on morphological processing has focused on surface and meaning-level properties of morphologically complex words, without paying much attention to the morphological differences between inflectional and derivational processes. Realization-based theories of morphology, for example, assume specific morpholexical representations for derived words that distinguish them from the products of inflectional or paradigmatic processes. The present study reports results from a series of masked priming experiments investigating the processing of inflectional and derivational phenomena in native (L1) and non-native (L2) speakers in a non-Indo-European language, Turkish. We specifically compared regular (Aorist) verb inflection with deadjectival nominalization, both of which are highly frequent, productive and transparent in Turkish. The experiments demonstrated different priming patterns for inflection and derivation, specifically within the L2 group. Implications of these findings are discussed both for accounts of L2 morphological processing and for the controversial linguistic distinction between inflection and derivation.
30
Adamczyk, Elżbieta, and Arjen P. Versloot. "Phonological constraints on morphology: Evidence from Old English nominal inflection." Folia Linguistica 40, no. 1 (July 26, 2019): 153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flih-2019-0008.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Studying the complex interaction between phonological and morphological developments involved in the extensive reorganisation of nominal inflection in early English, we focus, primarily, on new inflectional endings that emerged by analogy in etymologically suffix-less paradigm forms of r-stems and root nouns. We argue that the analogical changes were essentially reactive to phonological developments, and to a large extent predictable in statistical terms. Investigating correlations in corpus data, we identify the factors that affected the probability that new analogical endings were adopted. The predictors of the directions of analogical change that we show to be robust include the syllable structure of the root, the salience of inherited and analogical inflectional markers, as well as their absolute and relative frequencies.
31
M. Arkadiev, Peter. "Stems in Lithuanian verbal inflection (with remarks on derivation)." Word Structure 5, no. 1 (April 2012): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/word.2012.0017.
Full textAbstract:
This paper deals with the three stems traditionally postulated in the description of Lithuanian verbal inflection, viz. the Present stem, the Past stem and the Infinitive stem. These stems play a major role in the subgrouping of verbs into inflectional classes. The status of each of the stems as ‘morphomic’ or ‘inflectional’ is assessed in the light of data from both inflectional and derivational morphology. It is argued on the basis of intricate prosodic and morphophonological data that the Infinitive stem is indeed necessary for an adequate description of the Lithuanian verbal system, and also that a separate Past Passive Participle stem relevant for deverbal derivation can be postulated.
32
Hill, Eugen. "A case study in grammaticalized inflectional morphology." Diachronica 27, no. 3 (November 1, 2010): 411–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.27.3.02hil.
Full textAbstract:
This paper deals with one of the oldest and most controversial problems in the historical morphology of the Germanic branch of Indo-European: the origin and historical development of the so-called ‘weak preterite’. In Germanic, the weak preterite is the only means of forming the preterite tense of a derived verb. In spite of two hundred years of research into the weak preterite and a large number of hypotheses concerning its origin, it is not even securely established how the inflectional endings of this formation should be reconstructed for the common prehistory of the attested Germanic languages. Traditionally the inflectional endings of the weak preterite are conceived of as reflecting free inflectional forms of the verb “do”, only recently having been grammaticalized as inflectional morphology for derived verbs. But it has never been possible to identify the inflectional forms in question satisfactorily within the paradigm of “do”. This paper reconsiders the evidence of the Germanic daughter languages by taking into account West Germanic irregularities previously neglected or viewed as irrelevant. It is shown that the West Germanic evidence provides a key to understanding the origin and the later developments of the weak preterite inflectional endings.
33
Ullman, Michael T. "The functional neuroanatomy of inflectional morphology." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 22, no. 6 (December 1999): 1041–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x99512223.
Full textAbstract:
Clahsen has presented an impressive range of psycholinguistic data from German regular and irregular inflection to support the view that lexical memory and the combinatorial operations of grammar are subserved by distinct mental mechanisms. Most of the data are convincing and important. I particularly applaud Clahsen's effort to extend this lexical/grammatical dichotomy from mind to brain. Here I discuss some problems with the evidence presented by Clahsen in support of a neural lexical/grammatical dichotomy, and offer some additional evidence to reinforce this neural distinction.
34
BONAMI, OLIVIER, and POLLET SAMVELIAN. "The diversity of inflectional periphrasis in Persian." Journal of Linguistics 51, no. 2 (July 15, 2014): 327–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226714000243.
Full textAbstract:
Modern Persian conjugation makes use of five periphrastic constructions with typologically divergent properties. This makes the Persian conjugation system an ideal testing ground for theories of inflectional periphrasis, since different types of periphrasis can be compared within the frame of a single grammatical system. We present contrasting analyses of the five constructions within the general framework of a lexicalist constraint-based grammatical architecture (Pollard & Sag 1994) embedding an inferential and realizational view of inflectional morphology (Stump 2001). We argue that the perfect periphrase can only be accounted for by assuming that the periphrase literally fills a cell in the inflectional paradigm, and provide a formal account drawing on using valence for exponence. On the other hand, other periphrastic constructions are best handled by using standard tools of either morphology or syntax. The overall conclusion is that not all constructions that qualify as periphrastic inflection from the point of view of typology should receive the same type of analysis in an explicit formal grammar.
35
Rößler, Eva-Maria. "Inflectional morphology restructuring in ache - discussing grammatical change and language contact in tupí-guaraní subgroup - 1." Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas 10, no. 2 (August 2015): 371–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000200009.
Full textAbstract:
This paper deals with mechanisms of grammatical change in Ache, focusing on inflection. Ache contains restricted functional morphology when compared to most Tupí-Guaraní languages. Although erosion of inflection is attested in linear historical developments within this genetic context; the degree of inflectional erosion observed in Ache is exceptional. Ache lacks all TG prefixes, consequently, processes linked to person-number agreement, such as person hierarchy effects, are unattested. Ache enclitics for tense-aspect-mood marking (TAM) appear to be more similar to other TG languages. However, given closer examination, also for TAM considerable restructuring is revealed. Besides describing erosion and retention patterns of inflection, it is exemplified how Ache copes with the overall functional restructuring by generating innovative syntactic patterns and novel lexical items. Inspired by subclasses of inflection given in Roberts and Bresnan (2008), it becomes evident that inherent inflection (i.e. TAM) is far more stable in Ache than so-called contextual inflection (i.e. person, case); a characteristic result of contact induced grammar change. Thus, this study of inflectional restructuring contributes strong evidence for the long-standing hypothesis that Ache is a TG contact language (Dietrich, 1990; Rodrigues, 2000; Rößler, 2008).
36
Stump, Gregory T. "Morphosyntactic property sets at the interface of inflectional morphology, syntax and semantics." Morphology and its interfaces 37, no. 2 (December 31, 2014): 290–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.37.2.07stu.
Full textAbstract:
The morphosyntactic property set associated with the syntactic node occupied by a word form is not invariably identical to the property set determining that word form’s inflection, as evidence from Bhojpuri, Turkish, Sanskrit and Hua shows. The difference between syntactic property sets and their corresponding morphological property sets may be represented as a property mapping relating two different kinds of paradigm: a lexeme L’s content paradigm specifies the range of property sets with which L may be associated in syntax ; its form paradigm specifies the (sometimes distinct) property sets that determine L’s inflectional realization. Thus, a language’s inflectional morphology doesn’t merely specify the realization of paradigm cells: it also specifies the sometimes nontrivial linkage of content with form at the interface of syntax and semantics with morphology.
37
Camilleri, Maris. "Island morphology : morphology's interactions in the study of stem patterns." Linguistica 51, no. 1 (December 31, 2011): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.51.1.65-85.
Full textAbstract:
The paper discusses the notion of morphological complexity, with a focus on stem patterns. Stem patterns, creating stem-based inflectional classes, are morphological constructs which come about as a result of observing the patterns rendered by the stem-form alternations (or stem splits (Baerman/Corbett forthcoming)), which one extracts after the formation of word-forms within paradigms. Stem-based inflectional class formation constitutes one aspect in the analysis of non-canonical paradigms, which also include affix-based inflectional classes, syncretism, defectiveness, and overabundance Corbett 2005, 2007, 2009; Baerman, Brown and Corbett 2005; Thornton 2010). While these non-canonical instances are in themselves interesting to observe, it is even more intriguing to be able to see what interactions can arise, which at times do not seem to be the result of something exterior to morphology proper. Through data taken from Maltese verbal paradigms the phenomenon of stem-based inflectional classes will be explored, which will exhibit how internal to the paradigm there exists a complex system in itself, which is based on the distinct organisation of different conflated morphosyntactic features which come about via syncretism. These patterns should illustrate a paradigm-internal morphological phenomenon that is irrelevant to the syntax, where while morphology borders with it, there need not be any interaction at this interface. At the same time, it will also be shown how at times, the border with phonology is blurred, where while the phonology may often try to build bridges that interface with the morphological island, the island's internal forces that drive its autonomy may deem to be more superior than the phonology's strive to impose its interacting requirements, which render some interesting morphophonological mismatches as a result.
38
Enger, Hans-Olav. "Inflectional change, ‘sound laws’ and the autonomy of morphology." Diachronica 30, no. 1 (April 12, 2013): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.30.1.01eng.
Full textAbstract:
Traditional views of inflectional changes often run as follows: A morphological opposition expressed by affixes is disturbed by sound changes. It is then left to morphology to ‘clean up the mess’; morphology is merely reactive. If, however, morphology can operate “by itself” (Aronoff 1994, Carstairs-McCarthy 1994, 2001, 2010, Maiden 2004, 2005), one would not expect this classical scenario to be the entire truth. The present paper pursues the hypothesis that there are morphological changes that are not merely reactive, but rather have a morphological motivation. This hypothesis is argued on the basis of well-known reduction processes in Scandinavian case and gender. Both are traditionally taken to represent the classical scenario, but in both, morphology ultimately plays a more prominent role. I argue that neither phonological erosion nor language contact can totally explain Scandinavian case loss and gender reduction. This supports an autonomous role for morphology. Resume On interprete souvent les changements flexionnels comme suit: une opposition morphologique exprimee a l’aide d’affixes se voit modifiee en raison de changements phonetiques. La morphologie, etant par nature purement reactive, doit alors “remettre de l’ordre” dans le systeme. Si, par contre, la morphologie peut agir “seule” (Aronoff 1994, Carstairs-McCarthy 1994, 2001, 2010, Maiden 2004, 2005), il n’est pas interdit de penser que ce scenario classique ne recele pas toute la verite. L’hypothese du present article est qu’il existe des changements morphologiques qui ne sont pas purement reactifs, mais qui sont motives plutot par la morphologie. Cette hypothese se fonde sur les processus bien connus de reduction de cas et de genres dans les langues scandinaves. Dans les deux cas, l’interpretation traditionnelle est qu’il s’agit du scenario classique, alors qu’en fait, la morphologie joue un role plus net. A mon avis, ni l’erosion phonologique ni le contact langagier ne suffisent pour expliquer la perte de cas et la reduction de genres dans les langues scandinaves, ce qui corroborerait l’hypothese du role autonome de la morphologie. Zusammenfassung Traditionellen Auffassungen gemas andert sich die Flexionsmorphologie oft wie folgt: Zuerst fallen Affixe phonologischen Anderungen zum Opfer. Diese Anderungen sind an sich nicht morphologisch, sondern phonologisch motiviert, andern aber die Ausdrucksseite der morphologischen Opposition. Danach muss die Morphologie ‚aufraumen‘. Sie ist also nur ‚reaktiv‘. Wenn aber die Morphologie selbstandig arbeiten kann (‘by itself ’, vgl. z.B. Aronoff 1994, Carstairs-McCarthy 2010, Maiden 2005), ware zu erwarten, dass die traditionelle Auffassung nicht in allen Fallen zutrifft. Im vorliegenden Artikel wird die These vertreten, dass es Entwicklungen gibt, die von der Morphologie selbst ausgelost werden. Diese These wird anhand der bekannten Reduktionsprozesse in der skandinavischen Genus- und Kasusmorphologie verteidigt. Diese Prozesse werden oft als Beispiele fur die traditionelle Auffassung herangezogen. Meines Erachtens kann Kasus- und Genusverlust aber weder durch phonologische ‚Erosion‘ noch durch Sprachkontakt ganz erklart werden. Deswegen muss fur die Morphologie eine autonome Rolle angenommen werden.
39
Becker, Angelika, and Tonjes Veenstra. "THE SURVIVAL OF INFLECTIONAL MORPHOLOGY IN FRENCH-RELATED CREOLES." Studies in Second Language Acquisition 25, no. 2 (June 2003): 283–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0272263103000123.
Full textAbstract:
In traditional classifications of languages by inflectional subsystems, both creole languages and the results of untutored SLA (interlanguages) are classified as isolating. We focus on remnants of verbal inflectional morphology in French-related creoles and ask: (a) Can the properties of verbal morphology be attributed to SLA, and (b) what does this imply for creole genesis? We show how acquisition of inflectional morphology occurs in learner varieties of French from a basic variety perspective. We discuss reflexes of French inflectional morphology that survived the creolization process, resulting in a long–short opposition of verb forms: Across creoles, different grammatical properties are marked by this opposition. Finally, we consider the implications for creole genesis theories and propose a three-generational scenario of creolization with multiple agents.
40
Hofherr, Patricia Cabredo, and Denis Creissels. "Morphology-syntax mismatches in agreement systems: The case of Jóola Fóoñi." Word Structure 15, no. 3 (November 2022): 252–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/word.2022.0210.
Full textAbstract:
The present study examines the agreement system of Jóola Fóoñi (Atlantic, Niger-Congo). In Niger-Congo languages, noun forms divide into subsets according to their agreement patterns. The morphological paradigm of the agreement targets is generally analysed as a reflex of agreement triggered by nominal controllers. For Jóola Fóoñi this view is not correct since (i) the range of subsets of noun forms and the range of values on the agreement targets do not match and (ii) inflection for a subset of class values is associated with its own semantic and syntactic properties, independent of agreement configurations with nouns. In Jóola Fóoñi the classification of noun forms based on their agreement properties and the cells of the inflectional paradigm of adnominal and pronominal agreement targets are related but independent components of the grammar. Of the 15 class-values that structure the inflectional paradigm of adnominals and pronouns involved in the expression of agreement with heads or antecedents, only 13 class-values function as agreement values with nominal controllers; the other 2 class-values only appear on agreement targets. The inflectional paradigm characterising agreeing adnominals and pronouns is heterogeneous in several respects. (i) Of the 15 class-values in the inflectional paradigm, only 12 allow non-contextual uses without a nominal controller, each associated with a particular meaning. (ii) Non-contextual uses of the 5 class-values expressing time, manner and different conceptualizations of space display adverbial syntax, while the other class-values show pronominal syntax. (iii) Of the 5 class-values associated with adverbial syntax, the 3 locative classes differ from the classes associated with time and manner with respect to relativisation. We propose that the forms inflected for class that express place, time or manner in their non-contextual use have become adverbs, and the locative relativisers have been reanalysed as locative relative pronouns.
41
Fitriyeni, Fitriyeni, and Tri Widyastuti. "CRYTICAL ANALYSIS OF MORPHEMES IN WILLIAM SHAKESPEARE POEMS." Akrab Juara : Jurnal Ilmu-ilmu Sosial 7, no. 3 (August 5, 2022): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.58487/akrabjuara.v7i3.1892.
Full textAbstract:
The main thing that must be learned in mastering a language is words. Words are related to morphology because morphology affects spelling, reading comprehension, and vocabulary. In understanding the meaning of vocabulary, language users need to study morphology, especially derivational and inflectional morphemes. This research is designed to identify and explain the process of derivational and inflectional morphemes in the poems. This study used the descriptive qualitative method. The data of this research is the poetries of William Shakespeare entitled All the World’s A Stage and Fidele ((Fear no more the heat o’ the sun). The results showed that there were 61 morphemes consisting of 18 derivational morphemes and 43 inflectional morphemes. The meaning of derivational and inflectional are derivational prefix: un-, derivational suffix: -ly, -er, -ful, -ish, -ness, -ous, -ing, -ed, and –tion; and inflectional suffix: -s, -ed, irregular verb, -‘s, -ing.
42
RAGNARSDÓTTIR, HRAFNHILDUR, HANNE GRAM SIMONSEN, and KIM PLUNKETT. "The acquisition of past tense morphology in Icelandic and Norwegian children: an experimental study." Journal of Child Language 26, no. 3 (October 1999): 577–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000999003918.
Full textAbstract:
Icelandic and Norwegian past tense morphology contain strong patterns of inflection and two weak patterns of inflection. We report the results of an elicitation task that tests Icelandic and Norwegian children's knowledge of the past tense forms of a representative sample of verbs. This cross-sectional study of four-, six- and eight-year-old Icelandic (n=92) and Norwegian (n=96) children systematically manipulates verb characteristics such as type frequency, token frequency and phonological coherence – factors that are generally considered to have an important impact on the acquisition of inflectional morphology in other languages. Our findings confirm that these factors play an important role in the acquisition of Icelandic and Norwegian. In addition, the results indicate that the predominant source of errors in children shifts during the later stages of development from one weak verb class to the other. We conclude that these findings are consistent with the view that exemplar-based learning, whereby patterns of categorization and generalization are driven by similarity to known forms, appropriately characterizes the acquisition of inflectional systems by Icelandic and Norwegian children.
43
Purwanti, Yuli. "An Analysis on the Use of Derivational and Inflectional Morphemes in English Song Lyrics on Maher Zain’s “Forgive Me” Album." Channing: Journal of English Language Education and Literature 5, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.30599/channing.v5i2.758.
Full textAbstract:
The primary thing to be learned in mastery a language is word. Word is dealing with morphology, because morphology influences spelling, reading comprehension, and vocabulary. In the way of understanding the meaning of vocabulary, language users need to learned morphology, especially derivational and inflectional morphemes. This study was designed to identify the derivational and inflectional morphemes and the functions of each derivational and inflectional morphemes are used on Maher Zain’s “forgive me” album. The result of this study are; (1) There were 13 derivational morphemes and 76 inflectional morphemes, and (2) The functions of every morphemes used on Maher Zain’s “forgive me” album, consist of function as adjective, plural, verb, noun, and adverb.
44
Klimovich-Gray, Anastasia, Mirjana Bozic, and William D. Marslen-Wilson. "Domain-specific and Domain-general Processing in Left Perisylvian Cortex: Evidence from Russian." Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience 29, no. 2 (February 2017): 382–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jocn_a_01047.
Full textAbstract:
The processing of words containing inflectional affixes triggers morphophonological parsing and affix-related grammatical information processing. Increased perceptual complexity related to stem-affix parsing is hypothesized to create predominantly domain-general processing demands, whereas grammatical processing primarily implicates domain-specific linguistic demands. Exploiting the properties of Russian morphology and syntax, we designed an fMRI experiment to separate out the neural systems supporting these two demand types, contrasting inflectional complexity, syntactic (phrasal) complexity, and derivational complexity in three comparisons: (a) increase in parsing demands while controlling for grammatical complexity (inflections vs. phrases), (b) increase in grammatical processing demands, and (c) combined demands of morphophonological parsing and grammatical processing (inflections and phrases vs. derivations). Left inferior frontal and bilateral temporal areas are most active when the two demand types are combined, with inflectional and phrasal complexity contrasting strongly with derivational complexity (which generated only bilateral temporal activity). Increased stem-affix parsing demands alone did not produce unique activations, whereas grammatical structure processing activated bilateral superior and middle temporal areas. Selective left frontotemporal language system engagement for short phrases and inflections seems to be driven by simultaneous and interdependent domain-general and domain-specific processing demands.
45
Penke, Martina, Eva Wimmer, Johannes Hennies, Markus Hess, and Monika Rothweiler. "Inflectional morphology in German hearing-impaired children." Logopedics Phoniatrics Vocology 41, no. 1 (September 2014): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/14015439.2014.940382.
Full text
46
Spencer, Andrew, and Mark Aronoff. "Morphology by Itself: Stems and Inflectional Classes." Language 70, no. 4 (December 1994): 811. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416331.
Full text
47
ROGERS, JOHN, ANDREA RÉVÉSZ, and PATRICK REBUSCHAT. "Implicit and explicit knowledge of inflectional morphology." Applied Psycholinguistics 37, no. 4 (July 21, 2015): 781–812. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0142716415000247.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThis study set out to test the degree to which second language inflectional morphology can be acquired as a result of incidental exposure and whether the resulting knowledge is implicit (unconscious) or explicit (conscious) in nature. Participants were exposed to an artificial language system based on Czech morphology under incidental learning conditions. In the testing phase, a grammaticality judgment test was utilized to assess learning. In addition, subjective measures of awareness and retrospective verbal reports were used to measure whether the acquired knowledge was conscious or not. The results of the experiment indicate that participants can rapidly develop knowledge of second language inflectional morphology under incidental learning conditions in the absence of verbalizable rule knowledge.
48
Matthews, Stephen. "Hungarian inflectional morphology By Daniel Mario Abondolo." Language 66, no. 1 (1990): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.1990.0004.
Full text
49
Dressler, Wolfgang U. "On the acquisition of inflectional morphology: introduction." Morphology 22, no. 1 (January 4, 2012): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11525-011-9198-1.
Full text
50
MICELI, G. "Dissociation of inflectional and derivational morphology*1." Brain and Language 35, no. 1 (September 1988): 24–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0093-934x(88)90100-9.
Full text