Academic literature on the topic 'Inflectional number marking'
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Journal articles on the topic "Inflectional number marking"
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Cetnarowska, Bożena. "Variability in inflectional forms of attributive-appositive composite lexical units in Polish." Word Structure 14, no. 1 (March 2021): 59–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/word.2021.0180.
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This paper examines inflectional markers (signalling number, case and gender) of selected types of NN complexes in Polish, which can be regarded as attributive-appositive (ATAP) lexical units in the cross-linguistic classification of compounds proposed by Scalise & Bisetto (2009) . Polish compounds proper show externalization of inflection and take inflectional markers on their right-hand constituents only. In contrast, Polish juxtapositions are expected to display double inflectional marking (on both their components). However, data from the National Corpus of Polish demonstrate that ATAP juxtapositions containing the lexeme widmo ‘ghost, phantom’ as their right-hand component exhibit variability in their inflectional paradigms. The right-hand (i.e. the modifier) constituent of such juxtapositions either shows number and case agreement with the head noun, or it appears in the default (nom.sg) form. Potential reasons for the instability of inflectional paradigms of such NN juxtapositions are considered.
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Rößler, Eva-Maria. "Inflectional morphology restructuring in ache - discussing grammatical change and language contact in tupí-guaraní subgroup - 1." Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas 10, no. 2 (August 2015): 371–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000200009.
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This paper deals with mechanisms of grammatical change in Ache, focusing on inflection. Ache contains restricted functional morphology when compared to most Tupí-Guaraní languages. Although erosion of inflection is attested in linear historical developments within this genetic context; the degree of inflectional erosion observed in Ache is exceptional. Ache lacks all TG prefixes, consequently, processes linked to person-number agreement, such as person hierarchy effects, are unattested. Ache enclitics for tense-aspect-mood marking (TAM) appear to be more similar to other TG languages. However, given closer examination, also for TAM considerable restructuring is revealed. Besides describing erosion and retention patterns of inflection, it is exemplified how Ache copes with the overall functional restructuring by generating innovative syntactic patterns and novel lexical items. Inspired by subclasses of inflection given in Roberts and Bresnan (2008), it becomes evident that inherent inflection (i.e. TAM) is far more stable in Ache than so-called contextual inflection (i.e. person, case); a characteristic result of contact induced grammar change. Thus, this study of inflectional restructuring contributes strong evidence for the long-standing hypothesis that Ache is a TG contact language (Dietrich, 1990; Rodrigues, 2000; Rößler, 2008).
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BROOKS, PATRICIA J., VERA KEMPE, and ARIEL SIONOV. "The role of learner and input variables in learning inflectional morphology." Applied Psycholinguistics 27, no. 2 (March 6, 2006): 185–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0142716406060243.
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To examine effects of input and learner characteristics on morphology acquisition, 60 adult English speakers learned to inflect masculine and feminine Russian nouns in nominative, dative, and genitive cases. By varying training vocabulary size (i.e., type variability), holding constant the number of learning trials, we tested whether learners required a “critical mass” of vocabulary to generalize case marking patterns to new nouns. Cattell's Culture-Fair IQ Test mediated the effect of type variability on success in generalizing case marking to new vocabulary: only participants with above-median Culture-Fair Test scores showed the predicted critical mass effect of better generalization with larger training vocabulary. These results demonstrate how individual differences in central executive functioning and attention allocation capacity can affect adult second language learning.
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Karatsareas, Petros. "Convergence in word structure." Diachronica 33, no. 1 (April 29, 2016): 31–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.33.1.02kar.
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Cappadocian Greek is reported to display agglutinative inflection in its nominal system, namely, mono-exponential formatives for the marking of case and number, and nom.sg-looking forms as the morphemic units to which inflection applies. Previous scholarship has interpreted these developments as indicating a shift in morphological type from fusion to agglutination, brought about by contact with Turkish. This study takes issue with these conclusions. By casting a wider net over the inflectional system of the language, it shows that, of the two types of agglutinative formations identified, only one evidences a radical departure from the inherited structural properties of Cappadocian noun inflection. The other, on the contrary, represents a typologically more conservative innovation. The study presents evidence that a combination of system-internal and -external motivations triggered the development of both types, it describes the mechanisms through which the innovation was implemented, and discusses the factors that favoured change.
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Chamorro, Pilar, and Fábio Bonfim Duarte. "On the semantic properties of mass and count nouns in Guajajára (Tenetehára)." Linguistic Variation 20, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 366–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lv.00027.cha.
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Abstract In this paper we show that Guajajára has grammaticalized the distinction between mass and count nouns, but that the coding of this distinction is different from the systems of coding in classifier languages, number-marking languages, and number-neutral languages (Chierchia 1998a, 1998b, 2010; Wilhelm 2008). As a result, we conclude that Guajajára presents a challenge to the tripartite classification of languages proposed in Chierchia’s work, since Guajajára number marking is non-inflectional and optional when plural is already expressed by other quantificational expressions. Furthermore, in Guajajára notional mass nouns can pluralize and directly combine with numerals without the mediation of container or measure constructions in contexts where conventional and non-conventional container and units of measurement are implied. This last observation suggests that coercion is not a mechanism that operates in this language.
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Smolders, Joshua A. G. "Nominal and verbal number in Bilugu Opo." Studies in African Linguistics 48, no. 1 (July 3, 2019): 133–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v48i1.114929.
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Opo (a.k.a. Opuuo, Tʼapo [lgn]), a Koman language spoken in Ethiopia and South Sudan, has complex and interesting systems of both NOMINAL NUMBER and VERBAL NUMBER. This paper provides a description and analysis of these systems as found in the Bilugu dialect of Ethiopia, using Corbett's (2000) model of number systems as a theoretical framework. In Bilugu Opo, NOMINAL NUMBER marking is divided along the animacy hierarchy into two systems. The TOP SYSTEM, encompassing all human referents, marks singular ~ plural opposition via a variety of morphological strategies (lexical, derivational, and inflectional) and patterns (marked plural, marked singular, and both marked). The SECOND SYSTEM, encompassing all non-human referents, encodes GENERAL NUMBER. In the Opo verb system, VERBAL NUMBER (Corbett 2000) or PLURACTIONALITY (Newman 1990) is attested for just under half of verbs. These verbs can be organized into two groups: a large group which derive a plural stem through morpho-phonemic means (tone modification, vowel gemination, and reduplication) with unpredictable semantics, and a small group which derive a plural stem through lexical means (suppletion and stem alternation) with more predictable semantics.
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Bobyleva, Ekaterina. "Variable plural marking in Jamaican Patwa and Tok Pisin: A linguistic perspective." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 56, no. 1 (March 2011): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100001742.
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AbstractThis article is concerned with plural marking in two English-lexified creoles, Jamaican Patwa and Tok Pisin. In addition to bare plurals, these creoles possess two overt strategies of plural marking—a free-standing morpheme and the suffix -s. The analytic and inflectional plural markers occur according to different linguistic constraints. It appears that the creoles use two conceptually and typologically different number marking systems — that of set noun languages, based on the opposition between singleton and collective sets, and that of singular object noun languages, based on the opposition between singular and plural individuals. This poses problems for the definition of the lexical semantics of the creole nouns if one assumes the existence of cross-linguistic differences. The analysis proposed here is based on the universalist approach to lexical semantics. Under this approach, individuated and collective (set) interpretations of plurals are encoded in the noun phrase structure.
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Güldemann, Tom. "Present progressive vis-à-vis predication focus in Bantu." Studies in Language 27, no. 2 (October 31, 2003): 323–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.27.2.05gul.
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Predication focus — a category where the predicate or a part thereof constitutes (or is part of) the sentence focus — is frequently encoded across the Bantu family by inflectional or morphosyntactic means. This phenomenon is associated with another observation which is rather unexpected at first glance. There often exists a formal parallel between marking devices of predication focus on the one hand and of present progressive on the other. This is valid across Bantu for a number of different morphological or syntactic forms. Some cases even suggest that this “isomorphism” can result from a directional grammaticalization change from predication focus toward progressive. As the formal and historical relation between the two categories cannot be viewed as accidental, an explanation is called for. Although progressivity and focus pertain to different functional domains, their relationship can indeed be motivated. The present proposal elaborates the previous hypothesis by Hyman and Watters (1984) that the progressive is an inherently focused verb category. Thus, the paper throws light in particular on the pragmatic import of progressives beyond their semantic aspect of time marking.
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Al Aghbari, Khalsa, and Me Muhammad Ourang. "Description of Number, Person and Tense Features in the Verbal Morphologies of Jibbāli and Lari." Journal of Arts and Social Sciences [JASS] 8, no. 2 (July 15, 2017): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jass.vol8iss2pp5-12.
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The study describes a few linguistic features in the verbal morphologies of two understudied languages: Jibbāli and Lari. Jibbāli, a Modern South Arabian language spoken in the southern part of the Sultanate of Oman and Lari, an Indo-Iranian language spoken in Iran, are at risk of being endangered due to the facts that (1) they lack a writing system, (2) they are not taught at schools, (3) they are not the official languages in Oman and Iran and, most importantly, (4) there is no effort recorded to preserve these languages. Therefore, the study aims at exposing the linguistic richness of Jibbāli and Lari through describing the tendencies of their verbal morphologies. This may help revitalize a substantial linguistic aspect of these languages. However, since this study is limited in space, it only focuses on certain morphological features which make these languages stand out. The researchers observe a few undocumented linguistic tendencies in Jibbāli and Lari which may attract attention for further studies. For example, Lari, unlike other Iranian languages, lacks an auxiliary on the progressive tense which is largely expressed via morphemes. Jibbāli also exhibits some linguistic tendencies manifested by having a pronoun that refers to the speaker and another (exclusive) person in the conversation. Jibbāli is also characterized by abundant verbs which exhibit internal change along with a few affixes. Where relevant, features from the verbal morphologies of the two languages are delineated with examples collected through fieldworks and personal communication. Findings revealed that Lari is, by and large, a linear language in which affixes dock on bases to express grammatical contrasts while Jibbāli is highly inflectional with verbal affixes (number, person and tense) and morpho-phonological changes. In addition, affixes were found to play a crucial role in marking tenses and mood in Lari while Jibbāli employed a dual system in marking number.
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Sankoff, Gillian, and Claudia Mazzie. "Determining Noun Phrases in Tok Pisin." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 6, no. 1 (January 1, 1991): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.6.1.02san.
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It is well known that since neither the inflectional morphemes nor most of the closed-class items of the lexifier language survive in pidgins, grammatical distinctions are not obligatorily marked. We thus find a large number of unmodified nouns and verbs. As pidgins are elaborated, processes of grammaticalization work to regularize the marking of grammatical categories and relations, and to increase redundancy overall. This paper considers the grammaticalization of determiners in Tok Pisin, looking at the extent to which the semantic features of specificity and definiteness are sufficient to explain the distributions we find in texts both from contemporary fluent second-language and creole speakers, and from earlier stages of the language. We suggest that the semantic feature of inalienability, marked in the grammars of many substrate languages, also plays an important role in determining Tok Pisin noun phrases.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Inflectional number marking"
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Hamedani, Ladan. "The Function of Number in Persian." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20167.
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This thesis investigates the function of number marking in Persian, within the framework of principles and parameters (P&P), and its relationship to inflectional and derivational number marking. Following the assumption in Distributed Morphology that inflectional and derivational morphology are not distinct, the distribution and properties of number marking in Persian provide evidence for both inflectional and derivational number marking.
Assuming the two parameters of number marking (Wiltschko, 2007, 2008), number marking as a functional head and number marking as a modifier, I propose that number marking in Persian is mainly inflectional while number functions as a functional head; moreover, I propose that number marking in Persian can be derivational while number functions as a modifier. This explains that number morphology in Persian is not split to either inflectional or derivational. Rather, following Booij’s (1993, 1995) claim that inflectional morphology can be used contextually as well as inherently, I propose that number morphology in Persian is inflectional while number is a functional head; however, it has inherent residues as a modifier.
Considering the functions of inflectional plural morphology in Persian, I argue that the functional category Number Phrase (NumP) is projected in Persian, and number is generated in the head of this functional category. Besides, Persian is a classifier language in which classifiers are in complementary distribution with plural marking. Following Borer’s (2005) discussion of the complementary distribution of plural marking and classifiers in Armenian, I argue that the head of NumP in Persian is either occupied by the plural maker or by full/empty classifiers.
Moreover, I show that the presence of bare singulars/plurals in certain syntactic positions in Persian is related to the projection/non-projection of NumP.
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Fountain, Amy. "Person and Number Marking in Lakota." 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/108861.
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A introductory problem set in morphology using Lakota (Siouan). Set includes a word and pdf version, but no answer key. Note that the word document uses the old SIL Doulos IPA93 font.This collection consists of learning objects developed for use in courses offered by the Department of Linguistics. Learning objects include lectures, presentations, quizzes, activities, and more. Access to this collection is restricted to authorized faculty and instructors. For access to this collection, please contact Dr. Amy Fountain, Department of Linguistics, avf@email.arizona.edu.
Books on the topic "Inflectional number marking"
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Loporcaro, Michele. The typological interest of lesser-known Romance gender systems. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199656547.003.0008.
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The inventory of lesser-known more-than-binary systems gathered for purposes of linguistic reconstruction is now discussed per se, as a valuable complement to our knowledge of linguistic diversity in Europe. The chapter covers topics such as the creation—atypical for Romance—of strictly semantic gender and subgender values; contact-driven change in the gender system (of both Romance and contact languages); and the occurrence in some Romance dialects of unusual conditions on gender agreement (with unexpected sensitivity to inflectional morphology of gender/number agreement rules), of gender agreement on unusual targets (e.g. non-finite verb forms, adverbs, complementizers), and of (highly unusual) syntactically dependent overt gender-marking on nouns. The chapter ends with a gedankenexperiment, showing how the data reviewed thus far would complement the relevant maps of the World Atlas of Language Structures.
Book chapters on the topic "Inflectional number marking"
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Ortmann, Albert. "A Factorial Typology of Number Marking in Noun Phrases: The Tension between Economy and Faithfulness." In Explorations in Nominal Inflection, 229–68. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110197501.229.
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