Journal articles on the topic 'Ingano language'

In the field of near-infrared weak light detection, an InP/InGaAs single-photon avalanche diode (SPAD) is preferred due to the advantages of high sensitivity, low cost and room-temperature operation. To properly simulate and optimize the SPAD’s front-end circuit, a comprehensive and compact behavior model of the InP/InGaAs SPAD is normally required to accurately describe the statistical behavior of the detectors. In this paper, an InP/InGaAs SPAD analytical model is constructed, which not only includes the direct current (DC) and alternating current (AC) behavior simulating the avalanche and quenching processes, but also describes the dark count, after-pulsing and photon detection efficiency. For dark count noise, three important generation mechanisms are considered, including thermal generation, trap-assisted tunneling and band-to-band tunneling. The model described by the Verilog-A hardware description language (HDL) can be directly implemented in the commercial circuit simulator. A gated mode, passive quenching and recharging circuit is used to simulate and verify the developed model. The simulation results are in good agreement with the reported test data, demonstrating the accuracy of the developed InP/InGaAs SPAD model.

Questo lavoro esamina tre casi euripidei nei quali il riferimento ad azioni rituali specifiche (il riconoscimento di un nuovo nato, la celebrazione di un rito funerario, la purificazione di un omicida) funziona come strumento di inganno utilizzato da uno o più personaggi ai danni di un altro. Si tratta di casi in cui il rito assume una precisa funzione drammatica e permette di creare una complicità con l’uditorio, che coinvolge tanto l’autore quanto coloro che, in vari momenti dell’Elettra, dell’Ifigenia tra i Tauri e dell’Elena, si trovano sulla scena.

This study analyzes 76 commemorative speeches by South Korean presidents, focusing on Constitution Day, National Foundation Day, and Hangul Day. Among 28 Constitution Day speeches, key terms include “National Assembly, Republic of Korea,” “democracy, constitution,” and later, “unification, peace, autonomy.” Notable shifts occur, with “country's constitution” and “constitution establishment, constitution, North Korea” gaining prominence, followed by “democratic constitution,” “presidential election,” and “Republic of Korea.” National Foundation Day speeches (23 in total) highlight “Hongik Ingan, people, culture, history, authenticity,” transitioning to “unification, peace, North Korea, nation-building.” Early mentions of “North Korean Communist Group, national people, ethnic history, 60 million people” shift to focus on terms like “people, nation” later on. Hangul Day speeches (25 in total) feature evolving themes, from “scholar, culture, newspaper, national language, China” to emphasis on “King Sejong, cultural fi gure,” and eventually “culture, people, Hangul.” The 16th president's speeches uniquely emphasize “our language,” “King Sejong,” and “compatriots, Japanese colonial era Hangul, our language, Korean language.” The study extracts characteristic keywords using an algorithm, providing insights into presidential discourse on national holidays. However, interpreting their meaning solely based on data poses challenges. This research serves as a foundation, urging further studies for a clearer understanding of trends.

AbstractIn a usage-based framework, variation is part and parcel of our linguistic experiences, and therefore also of our mental representations of language. In this article, we bring attention to variation as a source of information. Instead of discarding variation as mere noise, we examine what it can reveal about the representation and use of linguistic knowledge. By means of metalinguistic judgment data, we demonstrate how to quantify and interpret four types of variation: variation across items, participants, time, and methods. The data concern familiarity ratings assigned by 91 native speakers of Dutch to 79 Dutch prepositional phrases such as in de tuin ‘in the garden’ and rond de ingang ‘around the entrance’. Participants performed the judgment task twice within a period of one to two weeks, using either a 7-point Likert scale or a Magnitude Estimation scale. We explicate the principles according to which the different types of variation can be considered information about mental representation, and we show how they can be used to test hypotheses regarding linguistic representations.

Il saggio esamina il rapporto tra metafora e ottica nel Cannocchiale Aristotelico (1670) di Tesauro Il titolo dell'opera indica già che il trattato di Tesauro sull'»agutezza« si riferisce agli sviluppi contemporanei dell'ottica Tra l'altro, paragona la »messa davanti agli occhi« della metafora al guardare attraverso un telescopio Tuttavia, questa tendenza, che corrisponde alla generale fascinazione del Barocco per il visibile, non è precisamente finalizzata su un'argomentazione empiricamente e razionalmente verificabile (come si potrebbe pensare a causa del riferimento alle scienze naturali) Piuttosto, Tesauro mobilita il visivo in vista del suo potenziale di inganno dei sensi e della mente, che include anche una critica della conoscenza delle scienze naturali Ciò è evidente a) nell'uso di metafore che fanno riferimento a strumenti ottici e b) nell'analisi dei diagrammi tipografici che Tesauro aggiunge alle sue spiegazioni La gestione delle illusioni ottiche viene inoltre messa in discussione per le sue conseguenze su una retorica gesuitica in contrasto con l'eloquenza antica

Travelling is a central motive in A Veil of Footsteps (and in Breytenbach’s oeuvre). In this work, travelling is a metaphor for imagination. Breytenbach pleads for continual travelling because “the earth needs to be discovered and remembered again and again”. Breytenbach suggests that discovery and remembering require imagination. In the first part of this article the dependancy of imagination on language (the “footsteps” of the title) is investigated, using Paul Ricoeur’s concept of a “semantic imagination”. In the second part of the article three implications of imagination’s dependancy on language is identified in A Veil of Footsteps. Firstly the close tie between imagination and memory (the book is described as a memoir); secondly the importance of imagination for identity; and thirdly the need for imagination to enable an ethical response for one’s actions, are examined.

Haere mai, Dorothy. Tell us a bit about yourself and what brought you to this Takiwātanga mahi? Ko Hikurangi te maungaKo Waiapu te awaKo Horouta te wakaKo Ngãti Porou te iwiKo Dorothy Taare-Smith tōku ingoaNo Tūranganui a kiwa ahau e noho ana I’m married to Tuhi and we have a blended family of three grown daughters and eight mokopuna. My number five mokopuna is our taonga takiwātanga. My journey began way before my mokopuna wasborn; the takiwātanga journey began for me when I was teaching. The skills and knowledge I acquired came from the tertiary institutes I had studied at, and the PLD I received as a classroom teacher. Both approaches were very Western, and this suited most but not all families. At the time when I was teaching, I had children in my class who were from different ethnic backgrounds, and for some English was not their first language. I was interested in looking at indigenous approaches to autism, approaches that are different from a Western approach. I enrolled in the postgrad Specialist Teaching Programme through Massey University, then I went on to do my Master’s degree, hoping to learn a little bit more about the indigenous approaches to autism in pre-colonial times. I was blessed to have Jill Bevan-Brown as my lecturer when I did my postgrad; she paved the way for what I’m doing in the space today. I was curious to learn about autism, first and foremost, and then later on in my career, I became interested in indigenous autism, particularly Māori autism.

L’articolo prende in esame Vesti bianche (Belye odeždy), il secondo romanzo di Vladimir Dudincev (1918-1998), figura tragica della letteratura sovietica. Dopo Non si vive di solo pane (1957), riscuote un enorme successo ma viene costretto al silenzio a causa dello scandalo politico che ne deriva. Vesti bianche, scritto nel 1966, ma pubblicato solo vent’anni più tardi (1987), è ambientato nel pieno del lysenkoismo, la violenta repressione nei confronti della comunità scientifica che ebbe luogo tra gli anni ’40 e ’50. I suoi protagonisti sono biologi: comprendere la natura, essere in dialogo con il mondo naturale, è la loro prerogativa per ottenere dei risultati. La riflessione scientifica è puntualmente accompagnata da quella filosofica. In una intensa discussione sul rapporto tra l’uomo e la Natura, i protagonisti si schierano su differenti posizioni e sembrano “indossare” figure animali quasi con valore totemico. Le possibili configurazioni della società umana, i rapporti professionali e le esperienze individuali vengono messe in relazione con il comportamento animale. Il carattere associato a questi animali riporta sia al loro comportamento in natura sia alla simbologia ad essi legata nella tradizione popolare russa. La ricerca della verità da parte degli uomini di scienza incontra la necessità di mascheramento, parola chiave della trama. Il mimetismo è vissuto come un inganno necessario, come per mantenere la varietà biologica nel mondo naturale, così per garantire la libertà del pensiero e della ricerca scientifica in un paese paralizzato dal regime.

De toenemende dominantie van het Engels als mondiale wetenschapstaal – in combinatie met de voortschrijdende digitalisering – wordt te snel als vanzelfsprekend beschouwd. Ook de historiografie in de Lage Landen heeft hieronder te lijden. Het dwingt historici in het keurslijf van internationale rankingsystemen, die te weinig oog hebben voor de eigenheid van het Nederlandse taalgebied. Het is de verdienste van Wetenschappelijke tijdingen om naar aanleiding van het 75-jarig bestaan van het tijdschrift een breed debat te hebben georganiseerd, waaraan verschillende toonaangevende publicaties deelnamen. Daarbij lag een belangrijke klemtoon op de maatschappelijke verantwoordelijkheid van de historicus. Het gevaar is ver van denkbeeldig dat geschiedkundig onderzoek in een ivoren toren dreigt te belanden, en niet meer zal worden gepopulariseerd. Historici en historiografen moeten tegen die trend durven ingaan, en naar creatieve uitwegen zoeken om aan de druk van de globalisering te weerstaan. Allianties of het samengaan van tijdschriften zijn daarbij niet uitgesloten, maar een eigen Vlaams rankingsysteem kan eveneens van nut zijn, en respect voor lokale geschiedschrijving kan niet voldoende worden beklemtoond.________Between ‘geschiedenis’ (in Dutch) and ‘history’(in English). Concluding remarks by the moderator.People are too quick in taking the increasing dominance of the English language as the universal academic language for granted – together with the advance of digitisation. Historiography in the Low Countries suffers from this phenomenon as well. It shackles historians to the international ranking systems, which take too little account of the idiosyncrasy of the Dutch language area. The journal Wetenschappelijke tijdingen can take credit for having organised a broad discussion on the subject, in which several leading publications participated at the occasion of its 75th anniversary. A major focus of the discussion was the social responsibility of the historian. There is a real risk that historical research will end up in an ivory tower, and that it will no longer be popularised. Historians and historiographers should dare go against that trend, and search for creative solutions to resist the pressure of globalisation. One solution might be the constitution of alliances between journals, but our own Flemish ranking system might also prove useful. Moreover, respect for local historiography cannot be emphasized enough.

In de historiografie werd het aandeel van het Vlaamse socialisme in de Vlaamse beweging lang miskend. Rond 1970 toonde onderzoek aan hoe het Vlaamse socialisme, ondanks een beperkt aantal volksvertegenwoordigers (drie in 1900 ten opzichte van 23 Waalse en 5 Brusselse) de taalwetten verdedigden. Na een frontale botsing met Waalse partijgenoten werd de taalkwestie in de unitaire Belgische Werkliedenpartij (°1885) in 1909 een vrije kwestie. Intussen vorderde het onderzoek. Dat maakte een nieuwe synthese mogelijk. Het opzet werd breder. In een eerste deel werd de partij doorgelicht als vertrekpunt naar communautaire tegenstellingen: een socialistisch reformisme en attentisme, het besluitvormingsproces, de interactie tussen centraal bestuur/federaties/ parlementsfractie, de ongelijkmatige economische ontwikkeling en de politieke vertaling ervan, het interne taalgebruik. Zoals elders vereenzelvigde de BWP zich steeds meer met het nationale vaderland. Brusselse, Vlaamse en Waalse socialisten vulden dit echter anders in.In een tweede deel staan de communautaire spanningen zelf centraal. Aanvankelijk leek het er op dat Vlamingen en Walen als Belgen taalkundig naar elkaar konden groeien. Dat veronderstelde gelijkheid en wederkerigheid. Het streefdoel werd dan ofwel een veralgemeende tweetaligheid ofwel een officiële eentaligheid van beide taalgebieden. Dat gebeurde niet. Na 1900 ging het Vlaamse socialisme tot de voorhoede van de Vlaamse beweging behoren, terwijl het Waalse socialisme de leiding van de Waalse beweging overnam. Dat was een complex proces. Voor de analyse ervan werd vertrokken van de argumenten die de Gentse leider Anseele in 1911 gebruikte om zijn afwachtend standpunt te verduidelijken: de Vlaamse kwestie als hoofd- of bijzaak, de toegenomen sterkte van de Vlaamse beweging, het beginselprogramma van de partij, het gevaar voor de eenheid van het Vlaamse socialisme én voor de eenheid van het Belgische socialisme.Wat alle partijgenoten bond, was een emotionele en rationele identificatie, gericht op de strijd voor politieke gelijkheid via het afdwingen van algemeen enkelvoudig stemrecht. Maar secundair botsten toenemende regionalismen. Het Vlaamse socialisme verscherpte de taalstrijd als aspect van de klassenstrijd tegen de francofone dominantie, die de emancipatie van de arbeiders bemoeilijkte. De eis tot ‘culturele autonomie’ (Otto Bauer!) vond ingang: zelfbeschikking over een Nederlandstalig onderwijs van laag tot hoog. Het Waalse socialisme duldde steeds minder de negatie van het programma door voortdurend aan de macht blijvende katholieke regeringen sinds 1884. Die steunden op Vlaanderen, terwijl in Wallonië een antiklerikale meerderheid van liberalen en socialisten bestond. De superioriteit van het Frans in België in vraag stellen of de kennis van het Nederlands aan Walen opleggen, werd geïnterpreteerd als een bijkomende discriminatie. Desnoods werd met bestuurlijke scheiding gedreigd. Toch werden in de partij mogelijkheden tot een vergelijk gezocht. België bestond uit twee volken met eigen culturele rechten. Breekpunt bleef hoe men wilde omgaan met ‘taalminderheden’ in beide landsgedeelten en hoe men die wilde definiëren.________‘Frenemies’? Communitarian tensions in the Socialist Party until 1914The contribution of Flemish socialism to the Flemish Movement has long been misunderstood in the historiography. Around 1970, research demonstrated how Flemish socialism, despite a limited number of representatives in parliament (three in 1900, in contrast to 23 from Wallonia and 5 from Brussels) defended the language laws. After a major clash with Walloon fellow party members, the language question became a free question within the Belgian Workers’ Party (*1885). In the meantime, the research kept advancing. This made a new synthesis possible. The framework became broader. In the first wave, the party was studied as a point of departure toward communitarian oppositions: a socialist reformism and ‘wait-andsee’ attitude, the decision-making process, the interaction between the central committee, federations, and the parliamentary group, uneven economic development and the political consequences thereof, internal language use. As elsewhere, the BWP identified more and more with the national fath-erland. Brussels, Flemish and Walloon socialists each understood this very differently.In the second wave, the communitarian tensions themselves take center stage. Originally, it seemed that Flemings and Walloons could grow toward one another linguistically as Belgians. This presupposed equality and reciprocity. The goal of struggle became either a general bilingualism or an official monolingualism for both language regions. That did not happen. After 1900, Flemish socialism belonged to the vanguard of the Flemish Movement, while Walloon socialism took over the leadership of the Walloon Movement. This was a complex process. The analysis of it took as a starting point the arguments that the Ghent leader Anseele used in 1911 in order to clarify his ‘wait-and-see’ point of view: the Flemish question as main or side question, the increasing strength of the Flemish Movement, the party manifesto, the concern for the unity of Flemish social-ism and for the unity of Belgian socialism.What bound all party members together was an emotional and rational identification with each other, built on the struggle for political equality through the demand for single universal suffrage. But growing regionalisms clashed under the surface. Flemish socialism increasingly emphasized the language struggle as an aspect of the class struggle against French-speaking domination, which hindered the emancipation of the workers. The demand for ‘cultural autonomy’ (Otto Bauer!) found purchase: self-determination of a Dutch-language education, from top to bottom. Walloon socialism grew more and more impatient of not being able to realise its program, due to the unbroken chain of Catholic governments in power since 1884. These governments found their support in Flanders, while an anticlerical majority of liberals and social-ists existed in Wallonia. Questioning the superiority of French in Belgium, or imposing the knowledge of Dutch on Walloons, was interpreted as another form of discrimination. If necessary there was the threat of administrative separation. Nevertheless, the party still looked for possibilities for compromise. Belgium consisted of two peoples, each with their own cultural rights. The sensitive point remained how one wanted to handle ‘linguistic minorities’ in both parts of the country, and how one wanted to define them.

Abstract According to the traditional Quechuan classification which has dominated Andean historical linguistics since the 1960s, the Ecuadorian Quechua group (Andean Quichua, Amazonian Quichua, Colombian Ingano, and lower Pastaza Inga in Peru) belongs to the “Quechua II” branch, supposedly including all northern and southern Quechuas, and to the “Quechua IIB” sub-branch, said to also include the Chachapoyas-Lamas Quechua group and the “coastal” Quechua documented by Domingo de Santo Tomás in the mid-16th century. This study evaluates the traditional classification of Ecuadorian Quechua and shows that it does not meet the basic standards of subgrouping based on shared innovations. Special attention is given to the historical status of contrastive complex stops, traditionally claimed to be an Aymara-influenced innovation in Cuzco Quechua, supposedly transferred to Ecuadorian Quechua through “superstrate” influence; instead, it is demonstrated that these sounds have correspondences across the Quechuan family, confirming them as retentions that are uninformative for classification. The study goes on to individually evaluate all proposed criteria for the traditional classification of Ecuadorian Quechua, finding that none hold up as shared innovations, leading to the conclusion that Ecuadorian Quechua is an independent branch of the Quechuan family. Historical records document how this branch originated in Ecuador when Quechua was first introduced by the Incas, then was adopted by the Spanish as a colonial standard, and then became fragmented into four modern languages, all within a period of about 500–600 years.

Research has shown that learner’s parents, family and community play an important role in the development of language skills, while parents require to play a major role in supporting their children in their schoolwork, for their language learning and development. From lower to higher grades of schooling, this parental support is important for learning the language of the home, and this also applies to second language development. With that in mind, this research focuses on investigating what role the parent and the home need to play in providing support and encouragement for a student to study their home language, with isiZulu providing a case study. Apart from this, this research examines why the parent and the home act in the way they do regarding encouraging and supporting their child so they learn and develop adequate language skills in isiZulu. This research utilizes qualitative methods and it operates under the interpretivist paradigm. A case study is presented with data coming from semi-structured interviews with research participants. The study shows some of the various ways in which a parent can play a role in helping their child improve in their isiZulu lessons at school, such as helping them with their homework, providing an opportunity for them to attend or participate in Zulu cultural events and festivals, communicate in isiZulu at home, and many more. While it is emphasized that the role of a parent is vital in the learner’s language learning and development, the study recommends that there should be programs that help equip parents with knowledge and skills that they will apply when helping their children with school work, so they can improve in the language. Isifingqo Izingcwaningo eziningi ziveza ukuthi umzali, ikhaya nomphakathi kuneqhaza elibalulekile ekutheni izingane zithuthuke ekufundeni ulimi, kanti abazali yibona okufanele babambe iqhaza elibalulekile ukuze umfundi athole ukwesekwa emsebenzini wakhe wesikole, njengakho ukufunda nokuthuthuka kwakhe olimini. Lokhu kwesekwa wumzali kubalulekile ekufundweni kolimi lwasekhaya nolwesibili ezinganeni, kusukela kwezisencane kuye kwesezikhulile. Nokho-ke kulolu cwaningo kuzogxilwa ekuphenyeni ukuthi yiliphi iqhaza umzali nekhaya abalibambile ekwesekeleni nasekugqugquzeleni umfundi ukuba athuthuke ekufundeni ulimi lwasekhaya, ngokwalolu cwaningo, okuyisiZulu. Ngaphandle kwalokhu, ucwaningo luphinde lubheke ukuthi kungani umzali nekhaya benza ngendlela abenza ngayo ukwesekela nokugqugquzela umfundi ukuba afunde futhi athuthuke olimini lwesiZulu ngendlela abakwenza ngayo. Kusetshenziswe izindlela zekhwalithethivu ukuqhuba lolu cwaningo kanti lungaphansi kwepharadaymu yomhumusho. Kusetshenziswe izindlela zocwaningo lwesimo, kanti imininingo yocwaningo ikhiqizwe ngezingxoxo ezisakuhleleka nabahlanganyeli bocwaningo. Ucwaningo luveza ukuthi phakathi kokungenziwa wumzali ekubambeni iqhaza ekutheni alekelele ingane ukuba ithuthuke esifundweni sesiZulu esikoleni ukuba ayilekelele ngemisebenzi yesikole, avame ukuyinika ithuba lokuhambela nokuzimbandakanya emicimbini nasemikhosini yamasiko esizwe samaZulu, ukusebenzisa ulimi lwesiZulu ekhaya, nokunye. Ucwaningo luncoma ukuthi kumele kube nezinhlelo ezizolekelela ekuhlomiseni abazali ukuze bazi ukuthi kufanele bazilekelele kanjani izingane zabo ukuze zifunde futhi zithuthuke olimini.

Resumen Entre el 2018 y el 2019 desarrollamos un proyecto de investigación colaborativa en el Valle del Sibundoy (Putumayo) en el que exploramos las posibilidades que ofrece la museología social, como propuesta de museo emergente e incluyente. En este artículo se presenta una reflexión sobre la experiencia de una curaduría colaborativa, a partir de los talleres desarrollados en los cabildos de San Andrés y San Francisco, con base en un corpus de fotografías de misión recopilado en diferentes archivos nacionales e internacionales. Asimismo, se ofrece un análisis sobre esta metodología y sobre su pertinencia para la construcción de investigaciones, de tipo participativo, en sociología e historia.